Marsilio Ficino on Reminiscentia and the Transmigration of Souls
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AUGUSTINE, Sermones Ad Fratres in Eremo
PS.-AUGUSTINE, Sermones ad fratres in eremo (Sermons to the Brothers in the Desert); BONAVENTURE, Soliloquium de quatuor mentalibus exercitiis (Soliloquium on the Four Spiritual Exercises); [ANONYMOUS], Pianti e le lamentatione della nostra dona (The Tears and Lamentations of Our Lady), in Italian; PS.-BERNARD of CLAIRVAUX, De contemplatione (On Contemplation); [ANONYMOUS], De religio (On Religion) In Latin and Italian, decorated manuscript on parchment Italy (Northern?), c. 1400-1430 i (paper) + 163+ i (paper) folios on parchment (very fine), lacking leaves at the end (collation i-xiii10 xiv10 [-10, probably cancelled blank] xv-xvi10 xvii4 [original structure uncertain, but lacking leaves at the end]), some leaf and quire signatures remain very bottom outer corner with a letter designating the quire and an Arabic numeral the leaf, horizontal catchwords center lower margin, usually flourished, ruled lightly in ink with single full-length vertical bounding lines (written space 90 x 72-71 mm.), copied in twenty-seven long lines in a very regular southern Gothic bookhand by several scribes, majuscules within the text touched with pale yellow, red rubrics, two- to four-line alternately red and blue initials with pen flourishes in the opposite color, in excellent condition apart from a few folios with very slight powdering of the ink. Bound in eighteenth-century parchment over pasteboard, smooth spine lettered in ink “Sermones/ S. Augustini/ Episc. delin/gua dolosa,” with “C” (a shelfmark), below, in excellent condition. Dimensions 144 x 106 mm. This small-format miscellany contains texts to nourish the religious life, both practically and spiritually. The Sermons to the Brothers in the Desert (attributed to Augustine, but composed many centuries after his death), and the Soliloquy by St. -
Plotinus and Augustine
The Influence of Plotinus on the Writings of St. Augustine Josiah Meyer History of Ancient & Medieval Philosophy, PH 502 March 8, 2017 1 Introduction If Plato and Aristotle are the most important thinkers of the ancient world, St. Augustine could be a close runner up in brilliance and importance. Far less known, however, is the vital role of Plotinus. Serving as a link between Augustine and Plato, Plotinus was to have a lasting influence on Augustine, and through him on the Christian Church, especially in the West. This paper will bring illumination to the often overlooked intellectual contribution of Plotinus to the thoughts of Augustine. To that end, it will provide an overview of Plotinus’ thought, paying special attention to his use and modification of Plato and Aristotle. It will then turn its attention to Augustine’s appropriation of Plotinus, and the lasting mark he made on the shape of Augustinian theology. Section One: Plotinus Bibliography Plotinus was a native of Lycopolis (or Lycon) in Egypt.1 At the age of 28 he became interested in philosophy and moved to Alexandria to study. After expressing dissatisfaction in several teachers, he finally found Ammonius Saccas (175 AD - 240 AD), declaring, τοῦτον ἐζήτουν, “This is the man I was looking for!” and became his pupil for eleven years.2 This Ammonius Saccas is identified (probably wrongly) by Eusebius as a lapsed Christian. Eusebius 1 Frederick Copleston notes that Eunapis identifies his birthplace as Lycon, while Suidas identifies it as Lycopolis, leaving the exact location a mystery. Frederick Copleston, S.J., A History of Philosophy, vol. -
Iamblichus and Julian''s ''Third Demiurge'': a Proposition
Iamblichus and Julian”s ”Third Demiurge”: A Proposition Adrien Lecerf To cite this version: Adrien Lecerf. Iamblichus and Julian”s ”Third Demiurge”: A Proposition . Eugene Afonasin; John M. Dillon; John F. Finamore. Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism, 13, BRILL, p. 177-201, 2012, Ancient Mediterranean and Medieval Texts and Contexts. Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition, 10.1163/9789004230118_012. hal-02931399 HAL Id: hal-02931399 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02931399 Submitted on 6 Sep 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Iamblichus and Julian‟s “Third Demiurge”: A Proposition Adrien Lecerf Ecole Normale Supérieure, Paris, France [email protected] ABSTRACT. In the Emperor Julian's Oration To the Mother of the Gods, a philosophical interpretation of the myth of Cybele and Attis, reference is made to an enigmatic "third Demiurge". Contrary to a common opinion identifying him to the visible Helios (the Sun), or to tempting identifications to Amelius' and Theodorus of Asine's three Demiurges, I suggest that a better idea would be to compare Julian's text to Proclus' system of Demiurges (as exposed and explained in a Jan Opsomer article, "La démiurgie des jeunes dieux selon Proclus", Les Etudes Classiques, 71, 2003, pp. -
Pythagorean Music in Boethius's Consolation of Philosophy
32 RAMIFY 8.1 (2019) “How Pythagoras Cured by Music”: Pythagorean Music in Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy KIMBERLY D. HEIL Interpretive schemata for reading Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy are plentiful. Some of the more popular of those schema read the work along the divided line from Plato’s Republic, taking as programmatic the passage from Book Five in which Boethius discusses the ways in which man comes to know through sensation first, then imagination, then reason, and finally understanding.1 Others read the work as Mneppian Satire because of its prosimetron format. Some scholars study character development in the KIMBERLY D. HEIL is a PhD candidate in Philosophy at the Institute of Philosophic Studies at the University of Dallas; she received a BA in Philosophy from the University of Nebraska at Kearney and an MA in Philosophy from the University of South Florida. She is currently a Wojtyła Graduate Teaching Fellow at the University of Dallas, where she teaches core curriculum philosophy classes. She is writing a dissertation on the relationship between philosophy and Christianity in Augustine of Hippo’s De Beata Vita. The title of this piece is taken from a section subtitle in the work The Life of Pythagoras by the second-century Neopythagorean Iamblichus. 1 See, for instance, McMahon, Understanding the Medieval Meditative Ascent, 215. He references two other similar but competing interpretations using the same methodology. “How Pythagoras Cured by Music” : HEIL 33 work as it echoes Platonic-style dialogues. Still others approach the work as composed of several books, each representing a distinct school of philosophy.2 Furthermore, seeing it as an eclectic mixture of propositions from various schools of philosophy re-purposed and molded to suit Boethius’s own needs, regardless of the literary form and patterns, is commonly agreed upon in the secondary literature. -
The Theological and Pastoral Influences of St. Bonaventure's Critical Retrieval of Joachim of Fiore on Joseph Ratzinger/Benedict XVI
Providence College DigitalCommons@Providence Theology Graduate Theses Theology Spring 2013 Loving in the Present: The Theological and Pastoral Influences of St. Bonaventure's Critical Retrieval of Joachim of Fiore on Joseph Ratzinger/Benedict XVI William L. Patenaude Providence College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.providence.edu/theology_graduate_theses Part of the Religion Commons Patenaude, William L., "Loving in the Present: The Theological and Pastoral Influences of St. Bonaventure's Critical Retrieval of Joachim of Fiore on Joseph Ratzinger/Benedict XVI" (2013). Theology Graduate Theses. 1. https://digitalcommons.providence.edu/theology_graduate_theses/1 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theology at DigitalCommons@Providence. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theology Graduate Theses by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Providence. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Graduate Thesis Submission Loving in the Present: The Theological and Pastoral Influences of St. Bonaventure’s Critical Retrieval of Joachim of Fiore on Joseph Ratzinger/Benedict XVI. Submitted by: William L. Patenaude Providence College April 24, 2011 Loving in the Present William Patenaude Introduction The influences of St. Bonaventure on Joseph Ratzinger/Benedict XVI1 have been noted in studies by Fr. Aidan Nichols O.P., Tracey Rowland, Fr. Maximilian Heinrich Heim, and others.2 A dedicated overview of Bonaventurian thought within the writings of the current Holy Father, however, is necessary to more fully appreciate the roots of Ratzinger/Benedict XVI’s theology and its imprint on (and implications for) Catholic theology, anthropology, and pastoral practices. The present work intends to demonstrate that Joseph Ratzinger’s 1957 thesis on St. -
A Correspondent of Iamblichus TD Barnes
A Correspondent of Iamblichus Barnes, T D Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Jan 1, 1978; 19, 1; ProQuest pg. 99 A Correspondent of Iamblichus T. D. Barnes HE CORRESPONDENCE of the emperor Julian, as transmitted in T various manuscripts, includes six letters addressed to the philosopher Iamblichus (Epp. 181, 183-187 Bidez-Cumont).l Since Iamblichus died before Julian was born, it is impossible that the emperor could ever have written to the philosopher. On the other hand, the letters do not read like the productions of a deliberate forger, nor do they simulate an emperor's authorship. On internal criteria, one would naturally interpret them as letters from an absent pupil to his former teacher. Accordingly, Franz Cumont argued that these six letters, together with another two (Epp. 180, 182) and possibly another ten (Epp. 188-197), are genuine letters, which were mistakenly attributed to the emperor Julian because their real author was Julianus of Caesarea, otherwise known as a sophist active in Athens in the early fourth century.2 Joseph Bidez subsequently amplified Cumont's arguments into a study of Iamblichus and his circle which remains, after more than fifty years, the standard account of the philosopher's life. 3 The central thesis of Cumont and Bidez seems as secure as the nature of the case admits, but their deductions from it need some important modifications. First, as Bidez and Cumont later realised, a sophist from Caesarea in Cappadocia (Suda I 435) cannot be supposed to have written these letters,4 for one of the letters to Iamblichus states that writer and recipient share the same fatherland (Ep. -
Preliminary Note on the Structure of the City of God
Preliminary Note on the Structure of the City of god There are a few preliminary observations ~~ oue should make about the structure of the O'\CJ City of God. The final twelve books deal in the main with the history of time and eternity as given in the Bible, which is of Jewish provenance. Of the first ten books the second five deal mainly with Creek philosophy, more particularly Platonism, and especially with the Neoplatonists Plotinus and Por phyry-with lengthy consideration of the views of the latter. The first five books deal in the main with the polytheism of Rome, with special reference to Varro. Here are the three great centers of the work: the Bible, Greece, and Rome. Augustine himself draws attention to this most explicitly in one of the most dramatic sections of the work (XIX. 22): 31 Book XIX. 22 "Who is this God of yours, and ho\v da we know that the ROlnans were obliged to adore Hin1 with sacri fices to the exclusion of other gods?" One must be blind indeed to be asking at this late date who our God is! He is the God whose Prophets foretold things we see realized under our very eyes. He is the God ~~ho gave the reply to Abraham: ~~In thy seed shaH all the nations of the earth be blessed" (Gen. 22. 18) ... this promise has been made good in Christ, born in the flesh of Abraham's seed-a fulfillment which those who have ren1ained op posed to Christ's name know so weH, though they like it so little. -
Iamblichus' Exegesis of Parmenides'
IAMBLICHUS’ EXEGESIS OF PARMENIDES’ HYPOTHESES AND HIS DOCTRINE OF DIVINE HENADS Svetlana Mesyats 1. Henads and the Problem of the Transcendent First Principle The question about the First Principle is one of the central problems of Neoplatonism as well as that of every monistic system of philosophy, that considers the world as a creation of a single divine Cause. The problem here is the following: the absolutely transcendent and self-su cient Principle does not need to cause anything outside itself, because to be transcendent means to be entirely independent from all the rest. But a principle, which is entirely independent from its own efects, cannot be a cause, since causality presupposes some relationship between the causative principle and its efects. Consequently we are faced with a dilemma: either to de ne some principle as a cause, so that it depends by nature on its own efects and is no longer transcendent; or to de ne it as transcendent, so that it cannot be a cause. In the history of Platonic philosophy there were many eforts to solve this dilemma. In one of his treatises Plotinus described the One as a “productive power of all things” (δύναµις τῶν πάντων)1 and so to some extent introduced into the Absolute all the plurality of its efects, at least in the mode of potency, power. Plotinus’ pupil Porphyry abandoned the idea of the transcendent Principle and identi ed the supreme One with Being.2 Iamblichus after him proposed the theory of “two” Ones, rst of which he thought to be completely inefable and inexpressible, whereas the second one he understood as a cause in the true sense of the word in so far as it 1 Plotinus, Enneads III, 8, 10, 1. -
Pico, Plato, and Albert the Great: the Testimony and Evaluation of Agostino Nifo EDWARD P
Pico, Plato, and Albert the Great: The Testimony and Evaluation of Agostino Nifo EDWARD P. MAHONEY Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (1463-1494) is without doubt one of the most intriguing figures of the Italian Renaissance. It is thus no surprise that he has attracted the attention of many modern scholars. By reason of the varied interests that are reflected in his writings, contrasting interpretations of Pico have been proposed.1 Our purpose here is not to present a new and different picture of Pico but, rather, to offer a contribution to one fruitful area of research pursued by some recent historians of philosophy, namely, Pico's debt to, and 1. For general presentations of Pico's life and thought, see the classic study of Eugenio Garin, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola: Vita e dottirina (Florence: F. Le Monnier, 1937); Garin's magisterial Storia della filosofia italiana, 2d ed. (Turin: G. Einaudi 1966), 1:458-495. Among more recent general accounts are Pierre-Marie Cordier, Jean Pic de la Mirandole (Paris: Debresse, 1958); Engelbert Monnerjahn, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1960); Paul Oskar Kristeller, Eight Philosophers of the Italian Renaissance (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1964), pp. 54-71; Giovanni di Napoli, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola e laproblemaύca dottrinale del suo tempo (Rome: Desclee, 1965); Charles Trinkaus, In Our Image and Likeness (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), 2:505-526; and Henri de Lubac, Pic de la Mirandole: Etudes et discussions (Paris: Aubier Montaigne, 1974). 165 166 EDWARD P. MAHONEY use of, medieval philosophy in his overall philosophical enterprise.2 Of particular concern will be the influence of Albert the Great on Pico, which can be established by a connection that has apparently not been noticed by Pico's historians. -
Platonic Mysticism
CHAPTER ONE Platonic Mysticism n the introduction, we began with the etymology of the word I“mysticism,” which derives from mystes (μύστης), an initiate into the ancient Mysteries. Literally, it refers to “one who remains silent,” or to “that which is concealed,” referring one’s direct inner experi- ence of transcendence that cannot be fully expressed discursively, only alluded to. Of course, it is not clear what the Mysteries revealed; the Mystery revelations, as Walter Burkert suggested, may have been to a significant degree cosmological and magical.1 But it is clear that there is a related Platonic tradition that, while it begins with Plato’s dialogues, is most clearly expressed in Plotinus and is conveyed in condensed form into Christianity by Dionysius the Areopagite. Here, we will introduce the Platonic nature of mysticism. That we focus on this current of mysticism originating with Plato and Platonism and feeding into Christianity should not be understood as suggesting that there is no mysticism in other tradi- tions. Rather, by focusing on Christian mysticism, we will see much more clearly what is meant by the term “mysticism,” and because we are concentrating on a particular tradition, we will be able to recog- nize whether and to what extent similar currents are to be found in other religious traditions. At the same time, to understand Christian mysticism, we must begin with Platonism, because the Platonic tra- dition provides the metaphysical context for understanding its latest expression in Christian mysticism. Plato himself is, of course, a sophisticated author of fiction who puts nearly all of what he wrote into the form of literary dialogues 9 © 2017 Arthur Versluis 10 / Platonic Mysticism between various characters. -
Early Medieval Ethics G
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Religious Studies Faculty Publications Religious Studies 1992 Early Medieval Ethics G. Scott aD vis University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/religiousstudies-faculty- publications Part of the Christianity Commons, Ethics in Religion Commons, History of Christianity Commons, and the History of Religion Commons Recommended Citation Davis, G. Scott. "Early Medieval Ethics." In A History of Western Ethics, edited by Lawrence C. Becker and Charlotte B. Becker, 45-53. New York: Garland Press, 1992. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Religious Studies at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Religious Studies Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Copyright © 1992 from A History of Western Ethics by Lawrence C. Becker and Charlotte B. Becker. Reproduced by permission of Taylor and Francis, LLC, a division of Informa plc. Early Medieval Ethics 5 Scott Davis "Medieval" and its cognates arose as terms of opprobrium, used by the Italian humanists to characterize more a style than an age. I Ience it is difficult at bestto distinguish late antiquity from the early middle ages. It is equallydifficultto determine the properscope of 'ethics,' the philosophical schools of late antiquity having become purveyors of ways of life in the broadest sense, not dearly to be distinguished from the more intellectually oriented versions of their religious rivals. This chapter will begin with the emergence of philosophically informed reflection on the nature of life, its ends and responsibilities in the writings of the Latin Fathers and dose with the twelfth century, prior to the systematic reintroduction and study of the Aristotelian corpus. -
Analysis of Justice in St. Augustine's Political Philosophy and Nigerian
International Journal of Education and Human Developments, Vol. 6 No 2; July 2020 ISSN 2415-1270 (Online), ISSN 2415-1424 (Print) Published by Center for Global Research Development Analysis of Justice in St. Augustine’s Political Philosophy and Nigerian Political System ONUCHE, Joseph PhD. Department of Philosophy Kogi State University Anyigba, Kogi State Nigeria Abstract St Augustine of Hippo (354-430CE) is the most influential Christian philosopher in western Christianity after Paul the Apostle. This paper analyses justice in Augustine‟s political philosophy as contained in His „City of God‟. It will be argued that, we could learn from his answers to bad politicking which resulted in destruction of State. His answers on various theological and philosophical issues have continued to be relevant in modern theological and philosophical debate. A lot can still be learnt from him even in the area of Church‟s response to bad governance. Augustine‟s argument is that Kingdoms (Countries, nations) without justice are robberies, as Kings (Governors) of such are robbers. This supposition is illustrated with three historical allusions namely: the encounter of Alexander the Great with a Pirate, the establishment of Roman Empire by Romulus, and the establishment of Assyrian Empire by Ninus. Contextually, Nigeria as it is today falls into this category of robberies as the British colonial masters forced this unequal union for their personal, self-seeking and self-interest, to satisfy their libido dominandi. An analysis of what Augustine meant by justice will be carried out. Philosophically, Augustine evaluated justice from Neo-Platonic background and theologically from Pauline concept of justice.