Muslim Councilors in Newham and Hackney

Religions 2013, 4, 502–528; doi:10.3390/rel4040502 OPEN ACCESS religions ISSN 2077-1444 www.mdpi.com/journal/religions Article Minority Political Representation: Muslim Councilors in Newham and Hackney Eren Tatari 1 and Ahmet Yükleyen 2,* 1 Department of Political Science, Rollins College, 1000 Holt Avenue, Winter Park, FL 32789, USA; E-Mail: [email protected] 2 Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Croft Institute for International Studies, University of Mississippi, P.O. Box 1848 University, MS 38677-1848, USA * Author to whom correspondence should be addressed; E-Mail: [email protected]; Tel.: +1-662-915-5733; Fax: +1-662-915-5372. Received: 24 June 2013; in revised form: 21 October 2013 / Accepted: 23 October 2013 / Published: 28 October 2013 Abstract: Scholars have long been intrigued by the role of minority elected officials in representing the interests of their communities. There is an on-going debate on whether distinctive minority agendas exist and whether the existence of minority representatives (descriptive representation) is a necessary condition to secure the representation of minority interests (substantive representation). This article analyzes original interview data to examine these issues through a case study of Muslim city councilors and the dynamics of local government in the Newham and Hackney Borough Councils of London. It finds that the exceptionally high ethnic diversity of Newham with no dominant ethnic group, the lack of racial or religious divides among neighborhoods, and low racial tensions shapes the political culture of the Council, as well as the Muslim councilors, and yields high responsiveness for all minorities. It also finds that non-Muslim councilors play a significant role in the substantive representation of minority interests, including Muslim interests. In contrast, the case study of the Hackney Council reveals that beyond high party fragmentation, ethnicity and religiosity of the Muslim councilors vary widely and hinder effective representation. In addition, their political incorporation is low, and the leadership positions they hold seem to have symbolic rather than substantive impact. The political behavior and representative styles of Muslim councilors reveal a balancing perspective, whereby they advocate for group interests with a more moderate tone. These factors account for the low government responsiveness to Muslim interests in Hackney. Religions 2013, 4 503 Keywords: minority representation; Muslims in the UK; local political representation 1. Introduction Scholars have long been intrigued by the role of minority elected officials in representing the interests of their communities. There is an on-going debate on whether distinctive minority agendas exist and whether the existence of minority representatives (descriptive representation) is a necessary condition to secure the representation of minority interests (substantive representation). Descriptive representation refers to how much and in what ways the representatives resemble the represented; whereas substantive representation involves actions of the representatives on behalf of the represented, which is assessed through policy outcomes. This article analyzes original interview data based on fifty-one interviews conducted in London between June 2006 and August 2009 to examine these issues through a case study of Muslim city councilors and the dynamics of local government in the Newham Borough Council. It finds that the exceptionally high ethnic diversity of the borough with no dominant ethnic group, the lack of racial or religious divides among neighborhoods, and low racial tensions shapes the political culture of the Council, as well as the Muslim councilors, and yields high responsiveness for all minorities. It also finds that non-Muslim councilors play a significant role in the substantive representation of minority interests, including Muslim interests. 2. The London Borough of Newham The London Borough of Newham was established in 1965 and is the most ethnically diverse local authority in England and Wales, with no particular ethnic group dominating [1]. Newham has the highest youth population and the second highest percentage of Muslims in Britain (24.3%), after Tower Hamlets. Based on 2006 Office for National Statistics estimates, over 39% of the population is White, 38% is Asian (12.2% Indian, 10% Bengali, and 8.9% Pakistani), 20% is black (6.5% Caribbean and 12.4% African), and 1.6% is Chinese [2]. Newham is also known for its poverty. Although there has been some regeneration and investment, particularly new housing, in the borough over the last two decades, based on the 2006 Index of Multiple Deprivation scores, it is still the eleventh most deprived local authority in England and Wales and the third in London [2]. This high diversity coupled with high levels of deprivation leads to some racial tension. Councilor Abdulkarim Sheikh, one of the longest serving Muslim councilors in Newham, confirmed that there are incidents of hate crime in Newham, like being called Bin Laden because of a long beard or being insulted on the bus for wearing a headscarf. Yet, he also contended that the police and the Muslim community have good relations and argued that the relatively low levels of racial tension can be attributed to the make-up of the population, where no ethnic group dominates. Since whites and all other ethnic minority groups are less than 30% of the overall population of the borough, they are all minorities. Unlike most other London boroughs, Newham’s neighborhoods are not segregated along religious or ethnic lines. Additionally, the council has implemented certain policies, which contributed to the social cohesion of the borough. For instance, Newham schools are closed for Eid, as well as other religious holidays, and the council flies the flag of every country on its national day. Religions 2013, 4 504 The number of Islamic schools has increased from one to four in the last decade, and the borough has the second highest number of mosques (37) after Tower Hamlets. Twelve percent of grant money allocated to volunteer groups by the Newham Council is distributed among predominantly Muslim groups, despite the fact that 24.3% of the borough’s population is Muslim. Although Muslim immigration started in the late nineteenth century, the numbers were miniscule until the post-World War II period. In the 1911 census, there were only 143 Asians recorded in East Ham and seventeen in West Ham [3], and by the 1921 census, there were 1,000 Indians in Canning Town alone [4]. As the British government and large companies began to recruit workers from Commonwealth countries, Newham began to develop a significant Muslim population in the 1960s and 1970s. Initially, the majority of immigration from India and Pakistan comprised of single workingmen, who subsequently brought over their wives and children in the 1970s and 1980s. They worked as seamen; ship builders at the docks; construction workers in the sugar refineries, flourmills and leather factories; and at the Dagenham Ford factory. Today, 53% of the 60,000 Muslims living in Newham are foreign-born. Eighty percent of Newham’s Muslim population is of South Asian origin: with 19,000 Pakistanis, 20,000 Bengalis, and 7,000 Gujarati Indians. The remaining minority includes 6,000 African Muslims (mostly Somalis, Nigerians, and Tanzanians), more than 1,000 white British Muslims, and 2,000 other white Muslims (mainly from Eastern Europe and Turkey). A majority of the mosques are Hanafi Sunnis of Barelvi and Deobandi schools.1 In addition, there are a few Wahhabi-influenced mosques, a Shia mosque, and an Ahmadi organization. There are two umbrella organizations active in the Muslim community. Newham Muslim Alliance represents the thirty affiliated mosques in Newham in consultation with the Council, whereas Newham Muslim Citizen’s Association is an apolitical association appealing to secular Muslims. Overall, Newham and its Muslim community can be characterized by diversity, deprivation, and strong community involvement. After the 2000 Race Relations Amendment Act, public authorities were required to fulfill steps to identify and address racial discrimination, promote racial equality, and publish yearly Racial Equality Schemes. Newham Council’s 2002 Racial Equality Scheme sets out the aims of eliminating racial discrimination, promoting equality of opportunity, and encouraging good racial relations between people of different racial groups. It also requires ethnic monitoring and sponsors research to evaluate the impact of council policies on racial equality and diversity. Furthermore, Newham Community Strategy, published in 2003 by the Local Strategic Partnership, sets the priorities for spending the Neighbourhood Renewal Fund awarded by the central government into these categories: health and wellbeing, crime and antisocial behavior, environment and housing, employment, community, and social regeneration of young people. The second target is to build an active and inclusive community, such that “everyone in the borough should have the same chances in life, whatever their background and Newham should be a place where people live harmoniously and respect each other.” It outlines three main strategies to achieve these goals: promoting equalities, the Supporting People me to help 1 These are the two major Sunni orthodox schools influential to sub-continental India and Muslim immigrants from this region. Deobandi promotes strict following of the Prophet’s tradition. They also

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