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Rafael Rojas Jean Meyer David Miklos Luis Barrón Adolfo Castañón DIRECTOR DE LA DIVISIÓN Comité Editorial Charles Hale + DE HISTORIA Yuri Afanasiev Universidad de Iowa Rafael Rojas Universidad de Humanidades, Matsuo Kazuyuki DIRECTOR FUNDADOR Moscú Universidad de Sofía, Tokio Jean Meyer Carlos Altamirano Alan Knight Editor de la revista Prisma Universidad de Oxford JEFE DE REDACCIÓN (Argentina) Seymour Lipset + David Miklos Pierre Chaunu + Universidad George Mason CONSEJO DE REDACCIÓN Institut de France Olivier Mongin Luis Barrón Jorge Domínguez Editor de Esprit, París Adolfo Castañón Universidad de Harvard Daniel Roche Clara García Ayluardo Enrique Florescano Collège de France Luis Medina CONACULTA Stuart Schwartz Antonio Saborit Josep Fontana Universidad de Yale Mauricio Tenorio Universidad de Barcelona Rafael Segovia Manuel Moreno El Colegio de México DISEÑO Y FORMACIÓN Fraginals + David Thelen Natalia Rojas Nieto Universidad de La Habana Universidad de Indiana CORRECCIÓN Luis González + John Womack Jr. César Albarrán Torres El Colegio de Michoacán Universidad de Harvard .ISTOR es una publica ción trimestral de la División de Historia del Cen tro de In ves tiga ción y Do cenc ia Econó mi cas (CIDE). .El objetivo de ISTOR es ofrecer un acercamiento original a los aconteci mien­­tos y a los gran­­­ des de bates de la historia y la actua lidad internacio nal. .Las opiniones expresadas en esta re vista son responsabilidad de sus au to res. La reproduc­ ción de los tra bajos necesita previa autoriza ción. .Los manuscritos deben en viar se a la Di visión de Historia del CIDE. Su presen tación debe seguir los atri butos que pueden observarse en este número. .Todos los artículos son dictaminados. .Dirija su correspondencia electrónica a: [email protected] .Puede consultar ISTOR en internet: www.istor.cide.edu .Editor responsable: Jean Meyer. Centro de Inves tiga ción .ISSN: 1665­1715 y Docencia Eco nó mi­­­cas, .Impresión: IMDI A.C., Carretera México­ Suiza 23 Bis, Toluca 3655 (km 16.5), Colonia Portales, Lomas de Santa Fe, C.P. 03300, México, D.F. 01210, México, D.F. .Suscripciones: .Certificado de licitud Tel.: 57 27 98 00 de título: 11541 ext. 6091 y contenido: 8104. e­mail suscripciones: .Reserva del título [email protected] otorgada por el Indautor: e­mail redacción: El gran maestro, Hector Hyppolite (1894-1948). 04­2000­071211550100­102 [email protected] Colección del Musée d´Art Haïtien du Collège Saint-Pierre. ISTOR, año XII, número 46, otoño de 2011 ISTOR, palabra del griego antiguo y más exactamente del jónico. Nombre de agente, istor, “el que sabe”, el experto, el testigo, de donde proviene el verbo istoreo, “tratar de saber, informarse”, y la palabra istoria, búsqueda, averi gua ción, “historia”. Así, nos colocamos bajo la invocación del primer istor: Heródoto de Halicarnaso. dOSSIER 003 Johanna von Grafenstein. Haití en el siglo XIX: desde la Revolución de esclavos hasta la ocupación norteamericana (1791­1915) 033 Haroldo Dilla Alfonso. Los retozos de Eros y Tanatos: notas para la historia de la frontera dominico­haitiana 063 Dolores Hernández Guerrero. Realidades comunes: soldados polacos en la Revolución haitiana (1802­1804) e irlandeses en la guerra de México con los Estados Unidos (1846­1848) 083 Rafael Rojas. La revolución silenciada 95 Apéndice: una bibliografía sobre Haití TEXTOS RECOBRADOS 105 Isidoro de Antillón. Disertación sobre el origen de la esclavitud de los negros 117 Victor Hugo. Bug­Jargal NOTAS Y DIÁLOGOS 137 Roger Fry y D.S. Mirsky. Conversación en el monasterio 145 Francisco J. Santamaría. Un sabio visita a otro, con noticias de una voz censurada COINCIDENCIAS Y DIVERGENCIAS 151 Joseph Hodara. El creciente divorcio de Israel con la diáspora 161 CAJÓN DE SASTRE RESEÑAS 168 Luis Barrón. El inicio de nuestro desastre 170 Mauricio Tenorio Trillo. Mircea Eliade y su Portugal 174 Roberto Breña. La paradójica Clío 180 Sergio Francisco Rosas Salas. Memoria presente de la vieja España 187 Luis Medina. La República en riesgo 194 IN MEMORIAM Haití en el siglo XIX: desde la Revolución de esclavos hasta la ocupación norteamericana (1791­1915) Johanna von Grafenstein as trágicas consecuencias del terremoto del 12 de enero de 2010 –300 mil L muertos y un millón y medio de personas damnificadas en el oeste y sur de Haití, especialmente en los barrios ubicados en terrenos bajos de su capital, Puerto Príncipe, así como en partes extensas de las ciudades sure­ ñas de Grand y Petit Goâve, Léogane, Miragôane, Jacmel y otras, con la destrucción de viviendas, infraestructura, edificios públicos, hospitales, es­ cuelas y universidades– han atraído de nuevo las miradas del mundo sobre este país caribeño, miradas muchas veces cargadas de incomprensión o pa­ ternalismo condescendiente. También han dado un renovado impulso a la búsqueda de explicaciones de la fragilidad del país, puesta de manifiesto ante la catástrofe y sus desmesuradas secuelas. En la cobertura mediática de los meses posteriores al terremoto volvió a surgir con insistencia una pregunta: ¿por qué es Haití hoy tan pobre cuando en el siglo XVIII era consi­ derada la colonia de plantación más rica del mundo? Esta pregunta encierra una falacia que en este ensayo se tratará de poner de manifiesto. En él se argumentará que el camino recorrido por la isla antillana no fue él de un país inmensamente rico hacia la pobreza absoluta o, como se ha querido ver, que la historia de esta nación caribeña no fue más que la de un “Estado fallido” desde sus inicios. El texto se concentrará en el proceso histórico de Haití a lo largo del si­­­ g lo XIX. Podemos fechar el inicio este largo siglo XIX en 1791, año del estalli­ do de la gran revolución de esclavos en el norte de la colonia francesa de Saint­Domingue que –junto con guerras civiles, invasiones extranjeras y la guerra de independencia propiamente dicha de los años 1802 a 1803– de­ sembocó en la constitución del segundo estado independiente de América. 3 DOSSIER El siglo bajo estudio se extiende a la segunda década de la siguiente centu­ ria, cuando la ocupación estadounidense de la república de Haití interrum­ pió la búsqueda de un camino de desarrollo nacional propio en los términos de un estado moderno. El artículo intenta dialogar con interpretaciones que encuentran las cau­ sas del “atraso”, “despotismo” y “fracaso” haitiano en su historia desde la independencia o incluso antes. En mi opinión el Haití de este largo siglo XIX (1791­1915) es más que un supuesto periodo obscuro en el que enraizaron los atributos negativos que parecen hoy inherentes al país caribeño, como algunos autores han querido demostrar. Difiero de las interpretaciones se­ gún las cuales Haití ha recorrido un camino inexorablemente encauzado a la tiranía y violencia, atraso y pobreza, desde sus años como colonia hasta la actualidad. Robert Fatton sostiene esta tesis, apoyándose en el concepto de “habitus como estructura estructurante” de Pierre Bourdieu.1 Según Fatton, el habitus autoritario y depredador que ha estado presente en todas las etapas de la historia haitiana proviene del despotismo de la sociedad esclavista francesa. El autor citado atribuye el fracaso de la constitución de un “Estado integral” a la incapacidad de la clase gobernante de establecer una gobernanza hegemónica, es decir, de poder prescindir de la fuerza bru­ ta para gobernar de manera efectiva. Esta ausencia de un estado integral es la causa del subdesarrollo y de la pobreza aguda, sostiene Fatton. La inse­ guridad de las posiciones políticas de la clase gobernante llevó a que ésta no invierta en proyectos a largo plazo ni construya estructuras instituciona­ les efectivas porque sus intereses están atrapados en lo inmediato. Esta ausencia de un estado integral, Fatton la encuentra ya en el despotismo represivo del colonialismo, en la violencia de la lucha por la independencia y en todo el desarrollo político de los siglos XIX y XX. Sauveur Pierre Étienne, en L’énigme haïtienne–Échec de l’État moderne en Haïti, sostiene que desde el inicio de la creación del Estado independiente en 1804 no había más que una ilusión de soberanía interna y externa sin legitimación en el exterior; las instituciones estatales eran ficticias, al igual que el monopolio estatal de violencia y de coerción fiscal. La falta de con­ senso, el marasmo económico, las crisis financieras, la alternancia de los 1 Robert Fatton Jr., The Roots of Haitian Despotism. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2007. 4 DOSSIER gobiernos vía golpes de Estado y asesinatos, la corrupción generalizada, todos estos factores “contribuyeron a la instalación de un régimen político muy poco favorable a la sobrevivencia del Estado haitiano y aun menos a la emergencia de un Estado moderno”.2 A diferencia de los autores mencionados, en este trabajo se tratará de mostrar que, en las primeras décadas poscoloniales, Haití era considerado en el exterior como un Estado fuerte y con suficientes recursos como para ga­ rantizar su independencia e incluso para apoyar a proyectos de emancipa­ ción en el exterior, como los de Nueva España, Venezuela y Nueva Granada; incluso en la segunda mitad del siglo varios gobiernos haitianos apoyaban a diferentes facciones en lucha en la vecina República Dominicana, en la que se enfrentaban adherentes a proyectos de protectorados externos y de­ fensores de una república independiente. La misma Francia, Gran Breta­ ña, Alemania y Estados Unidos veían en Haití un socio comercial atractivo, una isla que contaba con recursos naturales y producciones agrícolas útiles para sus respectivas economías nacionales y que antes de 1844 constituía el único mercado abierto en la región para los productos manufacturados de diversa procedencia.3 Se argumentará, además, que en el interior del país, a pesar de la existencia de fuertes desigualdades sociales, pudo surgir y afian­ zarse un campesinado relativamente próspero, en comparación con muchos países latinoamericanos durante el siglo en cuestión.4 En cuanto al desarrollo político, Haití no se diferenciaba mayormente de muchas de sus contrapartes de América Latina.
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