Separation of Powers in the European Union
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CONSTITUTION of MICHIGAN of 1963 ARTICLE V EXECUTIVE BRANCH § 1 Executive Power
STATE CONSTITUTION (EXCERPT) CONSTITUTION OF MICHIGAN OF 1963 ARTICLE V EXECUTIVE BRANCH § 1 Executive power. Sec. 1. Except to the extent limited or abrogated by article V, section 2, or article IV, section 6, the executive power is vested in the governor. History: Const. 1963, Art. V, § 1, Eff. Jan. 1, 1964;Am. Init., approved Nov. 6, 2018, Eff. Dec. 22, 2018. Compiler's note: The constitutional amendment set out above was submitted to, and approved by, the electors as Proposal 18-2 at the November 6, 2018 general election. This amendment to the Constitution of Michigan of 1963 became effective December 22, 2018. Former constitution: See Const. 1908, Art. VI, § 2. § 2 Principal departments. Sec. 2. All executive and administrative offices, agencies and instrumentalities of the executive branch of state government and their respective functions, powers and duties, except for the office of governor and lieutenant governor, and the governing bodies of institutions of higher education provided for in this constitution, shall be allocated by law among and within not more than 20 principal departments. They shall be grouped as far as practicable according to major purposes. Organization of executive branch; assignment of functions; submission to legislature. Subsequent to the initial allocation, the governor may make changes in the organization of the executive branch or in the assignment of functions among its units which he considers necessary for efficient administration. Where these changes require the force of law, they shall be set forth in executive orders and submitted to the legislature. Thereafter the legislature shall have 60 calendar days of a regular session, or a full regular session if of shorter duration, to disapprove each executive order. -
The Cjeu Syllabus
Academic Year 2017-2018 European Legal Studies Department Professor: Judge Allan Rosas Assistant: Alexandros Liatsos THE CJEU AND THE ECHR POST OPINION 2/13 SYLLABUS Table of contents 1. Course Outline 2. Draft Revised Agreement on the Accession of the European Union to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, Council of Europe document 47+1 (2013) 008 rev 2 (10 June 2013) (See PowerPoint presentation) 3. Opinion 2/13 of the European Court of Justice of 18 December 2014 on the compatibility of the draft accession agreement with the Treaties, EU:C:2014:2454 Further Reading “The CJEU and the ECHR post Opinion 2/13” Judge Allan Rosas, European Court of Justice 16 and 17 February 2018 College of Europe, Bruges Course Outline 1. How It All Began • Case C-29/69 Stauder, EU:C:1969:57. Fundamental rights are among the general principles of Community law whose observance the Court ensures. • Inspiration is provided by the constitutional traditions common to the Member States (Case C-11/70 Internationale Handelsgesellschaft, EU:C:1970:114, and guidelines are provided by international treaties on which the Member States have collaborated or of which they are signatories (Case C-4/73 Nold, EU:C:1974:51). 2. Rapprochement between Luxembourg and Strasbourg • No reference to ECHR in case-law: 1969 - 1974. • Case C-36/75 Rutili, EU:C:1975:137: France had become a Contracting Party to the ECHR. • ECHR has "special significance" (since the 1980s), but that does not exclude occasional reference to other human rights instruments. -
Presidential Executive Orders: the Bureaucracy, Congress, and the Courts
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2017 Presidential Executive Orders: The Bureaucracy, Congress, and the Courts Michael Edward Thunberg Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Thunberg, Michael Edward, "Presidential Executive Orders: The Bureaucracy, Congress, and the Courts" (2017). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 6808. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/6808 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Presidential Executive Orders: The Bureaucracy, Congress, and the Courts Michael Edward Thunberg Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Jeff Worsham, Ph.D., Co-Chair John Kilwein, Ph.D., Co-Chair Matthew Jacobsmeier, Ph.D. Dave Hauser, Ph.D. Patrick Hickey, Ph.D. Warren Eller, Ph.D. Department of Political Science Morgantown, West Virginia 2017 Keywords: President, executive order, unilateral power, institutions, bureaucratic controls, U.S. -
Unit 5 (B) Executive
Parliamentary Democracy in India UNIT 5 (B) EXECUTIVE INTRODUCTION A basic feature that characterizes the Parliamentary model is the presence of dual executives. The President of India is the constitutional head of the state whereas the Prime Minister (PM) and his/her Cabinet are the real executive. The PM and Council of Ministers are chosen from the majority party in the Parliament and are responsible to it for their policies and actions. They remain in office, as long as, they enjoy the confidence of the latter. At the head of the central executive is the President of India. Article 53 of the Constitution formally vests in the President the executive powers of the Union, which are exercised by him/her either directly or through officers subordinate to him/her, in accordance with the Constitution. In practice, he/she is aided and advised by the Cabinet which is headed by the PM. Therefore, the executive at the centre consists of the President, the PM, and Cabinet. In this Unit, we will discuss about political executive at the central level in detail. To begin with, is a discussion on President of India. PRESIDENT The President is a Constitutional head of the State in the sense that he/she represents the nation. All actions of the Government are carried out in his name but he is not the ultimate deciding, directing, or determining factor. Article 52 of the Indian Constitution states ‘there shall be a President of India,’ and, as per Article 53(1) in him/her shall be vested the executive powers of the Union, which are exercised by him/her either directly or through officers subordinate to him in accordance with the Constitution.’ In practice he/she is aided and advised by the Council of Ministers headed by the PM. -
Is the EU a Human Rights Organisation? Allan Rosas
CENTRE FOR THE LAW OF EU EXTERNAL RELATIONS Founded in 2008, the Centre for the Law of and prosperity and is carried out along the fol- EU External Relations (CLEER) is the fi rst au- lowing transversal topics: thoritative research interface between academia • the reception of international norms in the EU and practice in the fi eld of the Union’s external legal order; relations. CLEER serves as a leading forum for • the projection of EU norms and impact on the debate on the role of the EU in the world, but its development of international law; most distinguishing feature lies in its in-house re- • coherence in EU foreign and security policies; search capacity, complemented by an extensive • consistency and effectiveness of EU external network of partner institutes throughout Europe. policies. Goals CLEER’s research focuses primarily on four • To carry out state-of-the-art research leading cross-cutting issues: Is the EU a Human Rights Organisation? to offer solutions to the challenges facing the • the fi ght against illegal immigration and crime; EU in the world today. • the protection and promotion of economic and • To achieve high standards of academic excel- fi nancial interests; lence and maintain unqualifi ed independence. • the protection of the environment, climate and • To provide a forum for discussion among all energy; Allan Rosas stakeholders in the EU external policy process. • the ability to provide military security. • To build a collaborative network of researchers and practitioners across the whole of Europe. Network • To disseminate our fi ndings and views through CLEER carries out its research via the T.M.C. -
Executive Power: the Last Thirty Years
EXECUTIVE POWER: THE LAST THIRTY YEARS GLENN SULMASY* 1. INTRODUCTION The last thirty years have witnessed a continued growth in executive power -with virtually no check by the legislative branch. Regardless of which political party controls the Congress, the institution of the executive continues to grow and increase in power- particularly in the foreign affairs arena. While to many, the end of the Bush administration signaled the end of a perceived "power grab" by the executive branch, nothing could be further from the truth. This short Article will assert that since the founding of this journal thirty years ago, the United States has witnessed several changes that have inevitably led to this rapid expansion of executive power. Section 2 will discuss the Founders' intention that the executive be supreme in the arena of foreign affairs. Section 3 will explore executive power in the twenty-first century, particularly since 9/11 when the vast increases in technology and the ability to inflict massive harm in an instant (often by non-state actors) has necessitated a more aggressive, centralized decisionmaking process within the power of the executive. Additionally, the bureaucratic inefficiencies of the Congress have crippled its ability to actually "check" the executive, for fear of being perceived as "soft on terror" or "weak on defense." With these considerations, this Article recommends that President Barack Obama continue to protect his executive prerogatives as the best means of promoting national security in the twenty-first century. Unfortunately, the real danger is not necessarily the understandable growth in executive power - it is that foreign affairs and wartime decisionmaking is going unchecked by the Congress and is increasingly in the hands of the federal courts and * Glenn Sulmasy is on the law faculty of the United States Coast Guard Academy. -
The EU and International Dispute Settlement
© 2017, Allan Rosas • This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC-BY) 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/, which permits unrestricted use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited • DOI: https://doi.org/10.14324/111.444.ewlj.2017.03. The EU and international dispute settlement Allan Rosas* This article focuses on recent developments with regard to the mechanisms for international dispute settlement which the EU has accepted or in some instances promoted, or which in any case are of direct relevance for the EU. As a preliminary question, the case law of the European Court of Justice concerning the compatibility of inter- national dispute settlement mechanisms will be analysed. The article then provides an overview of such mechanisms included in multilat- eral and bilateral agreements concluded by the EU, with a particular emphasis on recent bilateral trade and cooperation agreements. The last parts of the article look at specific institutional problems such as the question of the representation of the EU before international dispute settlement mechanisms, and the special challenges posed by investment disputes and, in this context, investor-to-state dispute settlement (ISDS), including ISDS mechanisms in bilateral investment agreements concluded between the EU Member States. 1. Introduction As an economic and political union of states, based largely on a ‘federative’ model, the EU has entered into a number of international agreements and other commitments, including membership in several * Dr Jur, Dr Jur hc, Dr PolSc hc; Judge at the European Court of Justice (since 2002); Senior Fellow of the University of Turku; Fellow of the Robert Schuman Institute for European Affairs, University of Luxembourg; Visiting Professor, College of Europe and University of Helsinki. -
54 the EU As an External Human Rights Actor
54 The EU as an External Human Rights Actor Sybilla Fries and Allan Rosas* The EU and human rights: general considerations European integration started off during the 1950s as an economic project, centred around the three Communities, the Coal and Steel Community (1952), the European Economic Community – EEC (1957) and the European Atomic Energy Community – Euratom (1957). In the external relations of these Communities, the focus was on international trade and commerce, which became a matter of exclusive Community competence, replacing gradually the former competence of the Member States to con- clude trade agreements.1 With the European Single Act (1987), the establishment of the European Union (EU) and the European Community (EC, replacing the EEC) in 1992 and subsequent modi- fications to the EU and EC treaties,2 the European integration agenda has broadened considerably and today covers in one form or another practically all areas of human activity, including a common defence policy. The external relations of the EU3 have un- * Sybilla Fries is First Secretary/Legal Officer of the WTO Section of the Permanent Delega- tion of the European Commission to the International Organisations in Geneva; Allan Rosas is Judge of the European Court of Justice. Disclaimer: This chapter was written in December 2006 and does not reflect the changes that have taken place thereafter. 1 See in particular Opinion 1/75 delivered by the European Court of Justice on an Understand- ing on a Local Cost Standard, ECR 1355 (1975). On EC external competence in general, see e.g. P. Eckhout, External Relations of the European Union: Legal and Constitutional Foundations (Oxford University Press, 2004). -
Human Rights and the European Union: Who Decides - Possible Conflicts Between the European Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights Elizabeth F
Penn State International Law Review Volume 19 Article 4 Number 2 Dickinson Journal of International Law 1-1-2001 Human Rights and the European Union: Who Decides - Possible Conflicts between the European Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights Elizabeth F. Defeis Follow this and additional works at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/psilr Recommended Citation Defeis, Elizabeth F. (2001) "Human Rights and the European Union: Who Decides - Possible Conflicts between the European Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights," Penn State International Law Review: Vol. 19: No. 2, Article 4. Available at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/psilr/vol19/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Penn State Law eLibrary. It has been accepted for inclusion in Penn State International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Penn State Law eLibrary. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Human Rights and the European Union: Who Decides? Possible Conflicts Between the European Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights Elizabeth F. Defeis* I. Introduction The Treaty of Amsterdam, which came into force in 1999, affects both the substantive content of human rights and the mechanisms available to protect human rights in the European Union. The human rights policy of the European Union is two- fold. It affects all community actions and national action and legislation that implement community law. It also affects the external relations of the European Union by addressing human rights concerns in its dealings with nations who are not members of the European Union.' * Professor of Law, Seton Hall University School of Law. -
Annex 18 Article 2B, NYS Executive
NYS Executive Law Article 2-B § 20. Natural and man-made disasters; policy; definitions 1. It shall be the policy of the state that: a. local government and emergency service organizations continue their essential role as the first line of defense in times of disaster, and that the state provide appropriate supportive services to the extent necessary; b. local chief executives take an active and personal role in the development and implementation of disaster preparedness programs and be vested with authority and responsibility in order to insure the success of such programs; c. state and local natural disaster and emergency response functions be coordinated using recognized practices in incident management in order to bring the fullest protection and benefit to the people; d. state resources be organized and prepared for immediate effective response to disasters which are beyond the capability of local governments and emergency service organizations; and e. state and local plans, organizational arrangements, and response capability required to execute the provisions of this article shall at all times be the most effective that current circumstances and existing resources allow. 2. As used in this article the following terms shall have the following meanings: a. "disaster" means occurrence or imminent threat of wide spread or severe damage, injury, or loss of life or property resulting from any natural or man-made causes, including, but not limited to, fire, flood, earthquake, hurricane, tornado, high water, landslide, mudslide, wind, storm, wave action, volcanic activity, epidemic, air contamination, terrorism, cyber event, blight, drought, infestation, explosion, radiological accident, nuclear, chemical, biological, or bacteriological release, water contamination, bridge failure or bridge collapse. -
European Union Law Working Papers
Stanford – Vienna Transatlantic Technology Law Forum A joint initiative of Stanford Law School and the University of Vienna School of Law European Union Law Working Papers No. 1 Style or Substance? An Analysis of the Major Reforms to CFSP by the Treaty of Lisbon Michael J. Austin 2011 European Union Law Working Papers edited by Siegfried Fina and Roland Vogl About the European Union Law Working Papers The European Union Law Working Paper Series presents research on the law and policy of the European Union. The objective of the European Union Law Working Paper Series is to share “work in progress”. The authors of the papers are solely responsible for the content of their contributions. The working papers can be found at http://ttlf.stanford.edu. The European Union Law Working Paper Series is a joint initiative of Stanford Law School, Stanford University’s Europe Center at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, and the University of Vienna School of Law’s LLM Program in European and International Business Law. If you should have any questions regarding the European Union Law Working Paper Series, please contact Professor Dr. Siegfried Fina, Jean Monnet Professor of European Union Law, or Dr. Roland Vogl, Executive Director of the Stanford Program in Law, Science and Technology, at the Stanford-Vienna Transatlantic Technology Law Forum http://ttlf.stanford.edu Stanford Law School University of Vienna School of Law Crown Quadrangle Department of Business Law 559 Nathan Abbott Way Schottenbastei 10-16 Stanford, CA 94305-8610 1010 Vienna, Austria About the Author Michael Austin graduated from Stanford Law School in June 2011. -
Forms and Patterns of Judicial Dialogue
The European Court of Justice in Context: Forms and Patterns of Judicial Dialogue Allan Rosas I. Introduction While the feudal system was monist, the nation state system was dualist and characterised by the dichotomies of international law versus national law, public law versus private law, and law versus non-law. Post-industrialised or ‘post-modern’ society implies a more pluralist system, involving globalisation, regionalisation as well as localisation. We are facing a patchwork of authorities instead of just one national government and one legislature.1 The international and the internal are increasingly intertwined. Especially in EU-law, the distinction between public and private law seems less relevant. The phenomenon of soft law dilutes the barrier between law and non-law. This plurality of international, European, national and sub-national norms and norm- givers seems to be accompanied by an increased focus on universal and European values and principles. They tie together, as it were, the various bits and pieces and give some stability and predictability to an otherwise somewhat chaotic world constantly on the move. The values and principles are articulated and interpreted mainly by a sort of “aristocracy of wise men and women”.2 It is, or at least should be, an open group, in fact more of a loose forum, consisting of political, administrative and economic elites, judges, ombudsmen and other monitoring bodies, academic circles and the vanguard of non-governmental and interest organisations. Whether we like it or not, courts and judges play an important -and probably increasing- role in this process. At the international level, speaking of the ‘proliferation’ of 1 A.