Atlantic Institute of Criminology

KENTVILLE POLICE SERVICE: STRUCTURE AND ORGANIZATION

by

Lynda Clairmont

and

Anthony Thomson

Occasional Paper Series INTRODUCTION1

Policing may be one of the most frequently studied occupations in North America. This attention derives from a number of sources, not the least of which is the inherent ambiguity of policing in a liberal democratic state. Most studies, however, have concentrated on the experience of police departments in large urban settings (Ericson, 1982). Rural policing in Canada has been the object of some analysis since most provincial policing is done by the federal force, the R.C.M.P. One of the least studied police populations is the small town. In Nova Scotia, the majority of police departments are small organizations. Of the 26 municipal police departments in the province in 1987, 18 were small departments having fewer than 15 officers. These departments, however, account for only 18.4% of police officers. Of the 723 officers in Nova Scotia in 1987, 263 (36.4%) were in Halifax, 142 (19.6%) in Dartmouth and 67 (9.3%) in Sydney (Nova Scotia Police Commission, April 1987).2 This report is essentially a description of the structure and operation of policing in a small town. The findings are derived from the ethnographic phase of a study of policing styles and community linkages in the Annapolis Valley, Nova Scotia. The concept of policing styles is a way to classify departments and differentiate between contrasting elements in different policing environments. For example, Brown (1981, p. 223) defined operational policing style as, how a patrol man will go about working the street and how he adapts to the contradictory requirements of behaving as a professional performing an uncertain task and as a bureaucrat subject to the stringent but uncertain discipline of the police bureaucracy.

Muir’s typology (1977) focused on the belief and attitude systems of individual police officers as a determinant of policing style. Realistically Muir did not assume that police officers would adhere flawlessly to any particular model. The basic statement of organizational police style was developed by Wilson (1970) who distinguished between three policing styles. The “watch-style” of policing, which is highly discretionary and discriminatory and oriented towards order maintenance, occurs in inner cities controlled by machine politics. Legalistic policing, which is professional, obtrusive and emphasizes enforcement as a dominant quality, is

1 The authors would like to acknowledge Chief Del Crowell and members of the Kentville Police Service for their cooperation and the Donner Canadian Foundation for research funding. 2 Similarly, Victor Sims (1988) claims that 90% of police departments in the United States have fewer than ten officers.

2 characteristic of newer cities administered by professional city managers. Finally, service-style policing typically occurs in homogeneous communities. Departments take all calls for police intervention seriously and are more proactive in the sense of developing a positive community-police relationship. This style is characterized by informality and leniency. These models are seldom, if ever, encountered in such ideal forms (Muir, 1977; Wilson, 1970). Nor is it always the case that one model predominates in the various types (rural, small town, urban) of police organizations, or indeed, in a single department. However, Wilson’s typology utilizes a number of dichotomies which help describe, for a specific case, the style of policing. Departments, for example, may permit wide discretionary powers or circumscribe the work of officers by bureaucratic regulations and paper forms. Police officers, as “street-level” bureaucrats, exercise discretion as they are relatively unsupervised, yet are “structured by the work situations and the organizational and client-based demands faced by these officials in their day-to-day work” (Phyne, 1988, p. 1). Alternatively police departments can emphasize strict enforcement of regulations or advocate leniency and informal resolution of disputes (Lipsky, 1980; Wilson, 1970). With greater discretion may come the possibility of discriminatory policing. It has been argued that to some extent, in Nova Scotia as elsewhere, there has been a three-tier system of justice: a preferential system for the powerful, an obtrusive one for minority groups and another for the majority of the citizenry. As the Royal Commission on Public Policing in Nova Scotia (1989) concluded: “Even where stereotypes encourage positive images (about honesty, hard work, intelligence, and the like), problems may emerge” (p. 119). To a significant degree, a particular policing style is influenced by a host of external factors, such as the relationship between political authorities and the police department. The size of the department is also an important variable and is, in part, a function of the size of the policed population (which is, in turn, related to the organization of police services, for example, the extent to which a form of regionalization has developed). Within the population, socio-demographic factors such as occupational and ethnic structures, shape policing style. The style of policing has also been found to vary according to the type of municipal contract, whether policing is done by an independent municipal police department or through contract with a provincial or federal force such as the R.C.M.P. However, all the above factors taken together do not minimize the impact, on policing style, of a myriad of internal considerations such as the personality and management skills of the chief administrator, the degree and character of unionization, the level of professionalism of the officers, the peculiarities of the department history and the make-up of the department. Given these varied determinants, whether small town policing represents a distinct and identifiable model is by no means certain. Small town policing emphasizes

3 the order-maintenance police function rather than crime-fighting. Beyond that, to use Wilson’s typology, the traditional image of small town policing would suggest that it is more closely aligned towards the service model in which police “intervene frequently but not formally” and “there is a high level of apparent agreement among citizens on the need for and definition of public order but in which there is no administrative demand for a legalistic style” (Wilson, 1970, p. 200). This style incorporates “informal, non-arrest sanctions”. Murphy (1986) has depicted traditional policing in small towns as being distinguishable by a number of characteristics. He argues that definition of the “police function” in small towns included a number of services which, in urban areas, have been separated from police work. With respect to the contemporary police roles, town policing was “established as a general order maintenance operation”. Officers were “recruited on the basis of physical size and local citizenship” and were basically untrained. The law was enforced informally whenever possible and informal dispute settlement short of arrest” was routine. “*P+olice departments were small, simple organizations, with minimal bureaucracy and little operational autonomy”. The police office was in close proximity to the town hall (frequently in the basement). A police chief reported directly to the Council or Mayor “and was almost totally dependent on them for all operational expenses”. Consequently, police forces “could not develop the organizational autonomy necessary to support a more independent model of operation”. In contrast to many urban police forces, then, small town police departments had low levels of technology and training. The towns were “isolated from outside urban influences” and police service was personalized (Murphy, 1986, p.p. 111- 114). Predictably, Murphy’s research measured the extent to which municipal police departments in small towns had departed from this traditional image. Over the last fifteen years small town policing has experienced significant changes labeled “modernization”, or “professionalization”. In the process, some of the disparities between policing in small and larger towns and cities have eroded. To an extent, this “professionalization” has resulted from the application of elements of bigger city policing into smaller departments. However, the direction of change has been two-way. During the same period, larger police departments implemented a number of programs to modify their style of policing. Team policing models, store-front operations, increased foot patrol, enhanced police-community relations and new crime prevention programmes have modified the image and practice of urban policing. The most ambitious of these changes has been community-based policing, a style which embraces many of these modifications. For example, a tendency towards emphasizing general police skills rather than specialization can potentially represent a very different style of policing (Clairmont, 1988). This appears to reverse the direction of influence. Chiefs of small towns are quick to comment that, in their view, community-based policing is the application of a small-

4 town model to larger, urban settings. The evaluation of community-based policing in an urban setting is, to a degree, separate from the study which is reported in this brief monograph and is more complicated than reference to a small town model may imply. With respect to small town policing, the “professionalization” or “modernization” model is more appropriate. This can be represented by comparing the functioning of policing in a town with the recent history of the department. Dramatic changes have occurred over the last two decades. In addition, the model of the traditional characteristics of small town policing outlined above is useful as a comparison point for describing these changes, in much the same way as Murphy (1986) used this model as an analytical device in his earlier study. Ultimately, we are faced with the reality of social change and social mobility in small towns and the impact of this change on policing style. The intention of this report is to describe the style and functioning of policing in a small town. While the report is specific to one town, some of the discussion is more general to policing in the larger area included in the research project. The context indicates whether the description is specific to a single department or is characteristic of the Annapolis Valley area. Kentville: A Snapshot3 Kentville is located in the Eastern end of Kings County in the Annapolis Valley. As a social geographical area, the Valley extends from the town of Windsor (population 3,665) in the East to the town of Digby (population 2,525) in the West. With 5,208 residents in 1986, Kentville is the largest town in the area. Between 1981 and 1986, Kentville had a modest population increase of 4.7% which was lower than Kings County (7.1%) but slightly higher than the provincial average (3.0%). Some of this town and county growth can be attributed to the establishment of the Michelin Tire Corporation plant in Waterville. Although Kings County is primarily an agricultural county (with apples being the single most important crop), it has the third highest population density in the province, at 24.4 persons per square kilometre.(1) The population is not evenly distributed. There are more urbanized areas in the western end of the county (Kingston- Greenwood) as well as in the eastern part, including Kentville, which has about double its "town" population when the surrounding "urban area" (9,910) is included. Economically, Kentville was a railroad town servicing a rich agricultural area. Important industries developed to store, process and ship the apple crop. In the 1970's Kentville expanded its industrial base, attracting several businesses to its industrial park in the West end of town. While food processing continues to be a major employer in the town (in plants such as that operated by Cobi Foods), this has been supplemented by other industries, such as the Formex Fabric Plant and the Efamol Research Institute.

3

5 Traditionally, Kentville was the service centre for the county, housing department stores for low and middle income customers, grocery chains, as well as numerous taverns. Commercial enterprises have largely moved to the neighbouring village of New Minas, which increasingly resembles a suburban strip development. Recent commercial developments in the town suggest that businesses are attempting to cultivate a substantial part of the middle class market, with a series of speciality stores and boutiques. Kentville is the Shiretown of Kings County and, correspondingly, is the site of a large service industry which includes municipal government offices, a technical college as well as the County Law Courts. The federal Kentville Agriculture Centre is an important employer in the town, as is the local hospital. The new Valley Regional Hospital (under construction 1989 - 1990) will also contribute significantly to the economic viability of the town. Kentville, in short, has undergone considerable economic change in the last quarter century. While many of the suburban commercial developments have occurred outside the town, the service industries have grown and there has been some modest industrial expansion. In terms of policing, then, there is still a down-town core of commercial properties and an outer industrial park, both of which are targets for criminal activity. To the extent they are known, numerous factors contribute to a high or low crime rate for a given community. Minority group status, geographic and social mobility, age and gender distribution, the unemployment rate, and family income, have all been linked with differential crime rates. A review of the 1986 Census suggests that demographic factors are unlikely to contribute to a higher rate of crime in Kentville. Kentville is relatively typical of most small towns in Nova Scotia with respect to the population distribution, namely an aging and quite homogeneous population. In so far as there are any demographic differences relative to the province or the county, they favour a tendency toward a slightly lower crime rate. While crimes can be committed by any age group, generally speaking, a youthful population would have a greater tendency to be involved in criminal activity (and certainly more in activity defined as relevant for policing, such as order maintenance). In Kentville, the proportion of people between the ages of 15 and 34 (33.0%) is slightly lower than in either Kings County or Nova Scotia as a whole (34.7%). The greatest difference is in the older population, usually the least criminogenic. In Nova Scotia, 11.9% are aged 65 or over, substantially the same as in Kings County. In Kentville, however, 17% of the population are in this category (Census of Canada, 1986). The third demographic factor is gender: women tend to commit fewer crimes than men. Fifty-three percent of the residents of Kentville are female, a pattern almost completely accounted for by the relatively large number of older residents, almost two thirds of whom (63,8%) are women. Like the county as a whole, there are relatively few

6 members of visible minority groups in Kentville. Language is also not a divisive issue as 96.4% of the residents of Kentville (compared with 93.2% in the province) are unilingual English. The corresponding figures for those who have declared themselves unilingual French are 3.5% and 1.2% in Nova Scotia and Kentville, respectively. With respect to language and ethnicity, then, there is considerable homogeneity in the town. Differences are also slight with respect to family characteristics. For example, comparing Nova Scotia and Kentville, the proportion of single-parent families is almost identical (13%), while the proportion of divorced persons is similar (2.5% in the province and 3.1% in Kentville). One other difference emerges from an examination of the Census Profile. Higher rates of home ownership are associated with greater community stability while higher rates of rented property may be associated with a more transient and economically less stable population. In Nova Scotia, 72% of residential dwellings are owned by the resident while 28% of residences are rented. This pattern is almost exactly reproduced in Kings County. In Kentville, however, the proportion of owned to rented property is lower, 60% - 40%. The majority of these rented dwellings are located in low-rise apartment buildings. By themselves, these figures are not necessarily indicative of any corresponding social characteristic, such as low or high crime rate. In Kentville a more appropriate set of figures would include the "urban area" surrounding the town, which is located in a relatively densely populated part of the county. On any given day, the "policed population" is substantially larger than the number of town residents. As Chief Crowell noted; The problem that exists with Kentville is the classification of being the hub of the Annapolis Valley. We are bordered by many village communities and smaller towns, which because of our make-up, indicates that we service these areas. Our community contains some two hundred and seventy (270) businesses. In a recent poll conducted by the force it was learned that the businesses employ some thirty five hundred persons. Of this, sixty percent (60%) of these persons do not reside within the town. Our responsibility, however, is to police this percentage while they are working within the town. (Crowell, 1989, p. 12) Seventy-one percent of persons charged "with offenses in the Town of Kentville" were non-residents (Ibid). Commercial and industrial businesses in the town are targets of criminal activity from outside as well as within the town.

7 The Kentville Police Department: Historical Sketch

From the appointment of Kentville's first Police Chief, Robert Barry (1887) until late in Rupert Davis' term as Chief (1894 - 1931) the Kentville Police Department was a one-man operation. In 1926, with the hiring of Constable John Brown, the department expanded to a two-person unit. Brown served as a constable for 5 years and upon Davis's retirement became Chief. He was to hold that position for thirty five years. In contrast to the increased specialization of police work today, the early police officer or "guardian" in Kentville was responsible for a sweeping range of assignments that far exceeded his accountability for law enforcement. The "guardian" was charged with enforcing "the every day laws of common decency" (The Acadian, May, 1883). Supplementary assignments included janitorial tasks, serving as Health Inspector and Animal Control Officer and monitoring various town services, such as water and street cleaning (McGahan, 1988). These tasks were often tedious: "The duties of a policeman in a small town are numerous and not always of a more agreeable nature, and it is not to be expected that any man could give unbounded satisfaction" (The Acadian, July 22, 1898). The relatively quiet town of Kentville was, in the early part of the century, characterized as "a raucous and disorderly community" (McGahan, 1988, p. 88) disparagingly referred to as "The Devil's Half Acre". With 14 drinking establishments located within the town boundaries it is not difficult to understand the implications for "rowdyism", vandalism and liquor related offenses. As McGahan (1988) indicated, "the vast majority of offenses involved crimes against property; crimes against the person were much less common" (p. 89). In 1966 Archibald Strong became Kentville's Chief of Police and the former Chief, Brown, was retained on a part-time basis to service and repair the town's parking meters (The Kentville Advertiser, December 7, 1966). At this time the Chairman of the Police and License Committee, H. L. Woodman, indicated that no formal advertising was done for the position of Chief of Police, but that a number of applicants from across Canada were interviewed (The Kentville Advertiser, November 24, 1966). The Committee chose Archibald Strong, Chief of Police in Berwick, to replace Brown. A native of the nearby community of Canning, Strong had served in the Second World War. Upon his discharge, he became a police officer in Halifax. In 1953 he went to Clark's Harbour as Chief, then to Liverpool as Deputy Chief and became Chief in Berwick in 1958. The rationale for hiring Strong was that "he had attended a number of police schools" and "Berwick's very low crime rate was due to a large extent to police vigilance" (The Kentville Advertiser, September 22, 1966). Effective October 1, 1966 Constable A.W. Graves was appointed Deputy Chief and one year later succeeded

8 Strong as Chief of Police in Kentville. By 1969 the Kentville force had six full-time members. On March 22, 1978, after thirteen years service, ten as Chief, "Lefty" Graves was fired by Town Council. The decision of Council, based on a recommendation from the Kentville Police Board, was unanimous. Council assured those present at a town meeting that the decision was reached "only after deep soul-searching by the Board and Council". The only explanation for the dismissal was furnished in a statement prepared by Councillor Gordon Lowe, which stated the board had "concluded that Chief Graves was not capable of discharging the duties of Chief in an efficient manner" (Ibid). To "soften the blow", and because of his "dedication" to the Town, Council offered Graves an alternate position with the town. Grave's lawyer, Walter Newton, refused on his client's behalf (The Chronicle Herald, March 24, 1978). Newton advised the Town that the case would be appealed to the Supreme Court if necessary. Indeed, the case was eventually heard by the Nova Scotia Supreme Court and was decided in favour of Graves.(2) The court ruled unanimously that Graves was a Town employee and under the Labour Standards Code, the Town could not dismiss him without "just cause". The court ruled against the clause in the Police Act which declared that the Chief served "at the pleasure of Council" (The Chronicle Herald, January 4, 1979). The stability of the Kentville force up until this time was dependent on the relationship between the Chief and the Town Council. In some cases, for example with Strong, the Chief's tenure was brief. While Graves was Chief for ten years, he did not outlast conflict with municipal authorities. Following the Supreme Court decision on the Graves case, the Chief's position became more secure, although this did not invariably result in stability. Another Chief would be removed from office, but only as the culmination of a controversial public inquiry. Prior to the resolution of "Graves versus the Town of Kentville", Allan McRae had been appointed Chief of the Kentville Police Department (1978 - 1984).(3) By 1981 the Kentville Police Department had evolved into a 12-person force. An Animal Control Officer, a by-law enforcement officer and school crossing guards also fell under the auspices of the police department. With a population of 5,056 the per capita ratio of police to public was one police officer per 421 persons (Kentville Police Department Annual Report, 1981). This police/population ratio has altered modestly.(4) At the same time, of 618 civilian offenses reported, 3% were violent crimes and 83% were liquor and property offenses (Ellis 1987, p. 119). The pattern of offenses in Kentville remained the same as it had under Chiefs Brown and Graves. Ellis (1987) discusses the "dark side" of policing in Kentville and other Canadian communities. Certainly this "dark side" was evident during Chief McRae's term in office (1978 - 1984). The culmination of the "dark side" of the Kentville Police Department was the Nova Scotia Police Commission's (N.S.P.C. Inquiry into approximately 30 complaints against the Kentville Police Department. The Inquiry was conducted

9 between July, 1983 and February, 1984. Most of the complaints dealt with ineffective management, "racist remarks, assaults and entrapment" (Ellis 1987, p. 120). The N.S.P.C. found that the department suffered several shortcomings, not the least of which was poor leadership. A Commission-appointed doctor, J. Rafferty, described McRae as "a complex personality" and somewhat of a chameleon with non- functional communication skills. The Commission found that McRae was, knowledgeable in the law and duties of police officers, very strongly opinionated, very defensive when criticized, disloyal to his superiors, prone to blame his juniors for departmental problems and some of his shortcomings, with a tendency to strive to dominate any meeting he attends, who has difficulty in controlling his emotions, who is reluctant to discipline his officers, and, who has difficulty in realizing that he cannot manufacture the truth. (N.S.P.C Report of the Inquiry into the Kentville Police Department, 1984, p. 40) The Commission found the Chief unfit for the job and in addition recommended the dismissal or demotion of other department personnel. However, the Commission noted: "There is a nucleus of policemen in the Town of Kentville to make up one of the better municipal police forces in the Province of Nova Scotia" (Ibid., p. 174). The N.S.P.C. also called for a closer, more cooperative working relationship between the local Police Commission, Town Council, the Chief of Police and the Police Department as a whole. According to the N.S.P.C., The team that makes up the Kentville Police Department -- the Board, the Chief of Police, and the members of the force -- must work together to ensure that ultimately the policing services in Kentville are provided by a loyal, dedicated group of police officers. (Ibid., p. 178) In the final analysis the Commission stated "forceful measures need to be taken to make improvements" (Ibid). Clearly under Chief McRae the police force was aloof from the community, certainly not the stereotypical, service-oriented, small town policing style referred to earlier. In the aftermath of the Kentville Inquiry a new Chief, Robert Innes, was hired. Innes's mandate was to "turn the department around" and repair its damaged credibility. At the conclusion of his first year Innes optimistically reported: "The force is generally operating quite efficiently and effectively. Morale, after sinking to an expected low, appears to be on the upswing and will hopefully keep going in that direction" (Annual Report, 1985, p. 12). During his term (1985 - 1988) Innes worked vigorously to revamp the department. He began by upgrading equipment and training, instituting formal, equitable discipline and formalizing the department's commitment to proactive policing. Innes appointed a Community Relations Officer in 1985 who in turn set in motion a series of community relations programs including Block Parents,

10 Neighbourhood Watch, Operation Identification, property tagging, Seniors Taking Extra Precautions and bicycle safety rodeos. The Kentville Police Boys Club which was established at this time was actively supported by several department members. Chief Innes was also the driving force behind the development of a co-operative crime prevention unit consolidating the six municipal departments in the Valley. In 1985 Chief Innes stated: "All of the aforementioned programs are quite taxing in man hours on the force but I believe the benefits received are almost immeasurable" (Annual Report, 1985, p. 3). His purpose was two-fold, encompassing both crime prevention and improved public relations. His motives were clearly demonstrated in the following excerpt: "They [community relations programs] hopefully have some effect on drug abuse and criminal activity within the community and certainly create better liaison with the citizens and their police force" (Ibid.). Unfortunately, Chief Innes died prior to the actualization of many of his objectives. By this time the department's credibility had been significantly enhanced. Del Crowell was appointed as Kentville's next Chief of Police in November 1988. He further modernized the department and explicitly adopted the perspective of community- based policing for Kentville. Specifically, he modified administrative and operational procedures, reorganized the filing and statistical systems, created new policy, evaluated equipment, manpower and training, completed a Rules & Regulations guide, furthered the completion of an on-site gym facility and formulated a Five-Year Plan for the department's growth. Chief Crowell modified the department's basic organization and rank structure, through promotion routines and a modest redeployment of manpower. The result was a modern police force emphasizing crime control and order maintenance within a community-based policing model.

Style of Policing

In the past decade the function(s) of police departments across Canada have broadened to include problems and issues beyond the traditional law enforcement role. In a department not exclusively focused on traditional enforcement activity, especially police in small towns, the police are less likely to work in isolation from both the community and other segments of the criminal justice system. Moreover, police-role functions have modified in terms of both substance and priority. Criminologists and researchers have put forward a number of paradigms to define and/or rationalize small town police functions in terms of order-maintenance, service, "information giving" and law enforcement (Vanagunas, 1977; Shearing, 1974; Wilson, 1968).

11 A definitive model of police function is difficult to ascertain in as much as the role of police in Canadian society is imprecise. In a discussion of the role of police Blake (1987) notes; We have role definitions for police by police. Some definitions go further and become tenets, generally accepted and acted upon by most police, while others are merely policy, leaving the individual policeman to interpret for himself exactly what he should be doing. In addition, there are role definitions of the police formulated by the public and the public's expectations, which may be quite different from those defined by the police. (Blake, 1987, p. 77) Wilson's 1968 typology of policing styles (watchman, legalistic and service) has been persistently utilized by scholars. At one end of the scale the `watchman' style of policing is characterised by the maintenance of the status quo with limited law enforcement objectives. At the other end of the continuum is the legalistic style which emphasizes law enforcement. The service style of policing is in essence a compromise style accentuating service to the community. Clearly, the Kentville department employs a service-oriented style of policing. Shortly after the Kentville Inquiry and the dismissal of the then-Chief McRae the style of policing in Kentville became increasingly service-oriented. Annual department reports prior to this time reflect an order-maintenance and enforcement emphasis. With the hiring of Chief Innes, and the current Chief, the department embarked on a more proactive, community-based policing style. In both his 1986 and 1987 Annual Reports Chief Innes noted: "We again expended a considerable number of man hours in 1986 on community service work " (Annual Report, 1986, p. 2). Chief Crowell wrote: "During the year the members of the force have been involved in several community projects such as Block Parents, bicycle safety, drug lectures and general crime prevention topics" (Annual Report, 1988, p. 4). In his 1989 Annual Report Crowell added: All reports indicate to date that there is a greater community involvement in policing by the residents of the Town of Kentville. Community participation has become a necessary ingredient for modern-day policing to be effective and I thank the residents of the Town of Kentville for their cooperation and support throughout the year. (Annual Report, 1989, p. 1) According to Chief Crowell, the priority of the Kentville police department is community-based policing. Manning (1989) defines community based policing in terms of a four-level model, namely ideological, programmatic, pragmatic and organizational. Community-based policing (C.B.P.) as an ideological system is consistent with the traditional small town policing model. Manning asserts that "communities in previous times were more unitary, the police were a more legitimate and accepted part of communities" (1989, p. 396). How much of this ideology is based on wishful thinking, a return to simpler times, or a utopian rationalization as Manning notes, is unclear.

12 On a second level C.B.P. embraces a programmatic facet which serves to bridge the gulf between ideology and reality in the sense that it furnishes the vehicles that "restore police "closeness" to the community" (Ibid.). Analogous procedures are evident in Kentville, for example, the accent on foot patrol. The force is involved in many areas in the community; with youth, seniors, schools and various other organizations. Members of the department have indicated that an insufficient budget allocation is the main impediment to the further enhancement of such programs. In a pragmatic sense C.B.P. endeavours are, in part, responses to community discontent and expectations traceable to events which generated the Kentville Inquiry (1983 - 1984) and its aftermath. Lastly, C.B.P. means the development of organizational structures to facilitate specific community programs. In Kentville the manifestation of C.B.P. in terms of an organizational structure has been the development of a community relations coordinator to systematize various crime prevention programs and departmental activity. Clearly in Kentville the adoption of a community-based policing model is reflected in the language and dialogue of the department, especially as it relates to the Police Commission and Town Council. Further, the department is quite comfortable with this style of policing and views its implementation as advancement. Policing in Kentville accentuates a "proactive" strategy, "maximizing observations of and interventions in the community" (Sims, 1988, p. 98). Necessarily, proactive policing must incorporate a reactive component; nevertheless, proactive policing exceeds the response-orientation of a reactive style. One manifestation of the proactive bent of the Kentville force is the emphasis of foot patrol and germane, self- generated duties in the central, downtown core of the town. According to Sims (1988), U.S. studies indicate that there is little correlation between foot patrol and decreased crime; however, foot patrol was preferred by citizens and local business people. In Kentville foot patrol is a indication of the department's commitment to highly visible, service-oriented policing and is well received by local business and political interests. The policy of the Kentville Police Department is to offer a service-oriented, community-based, proactive policing style, characterized by visibility, interaction with the public (through patrol and crime prevention initiatives) and an interpretation of the police responsibility as a part of the community. Research indicates that, in Kentville as in other Canadian and American police departments, a definition of C.B.P. is obfuscated by the numerous interpretations, the broad ideological basis and the variant number of programs defined as "community-based". In Kentville the Department's C.B.P. style is "embedded in current political sentiments" and reflects public expectations, concerns and priorities. Without doubt, however, the public relations aspect of community-based policing is a crucial component of the model.

13 Structure and Organization

Budget Analysis of Kentville Police Department's budget indicates that it is/was comparable to those of other Nova Scotia municipal police departments of similar size. In 1985 Kentville Police Department, with an officer complement of eleven members (including the Chief), had a budget of $447,144. In the same year North Sydney Police Department, with 11 men, had a budget of $505,000 and Bridgewater Police Department, with 14 members, had an annual budget of $567,155. Calculations made by the Nova Scotia Police Commission (see Table 2-1) for the period 1985 - 1986 indicated that the cost of policing in Kentville, dollars per officer, was $46,603 averaged over 1985 and 1986 which placed Kentville Police Department in the middle (twelfth) of the Province's 26 municipal police departments in cost per officer; New Waterford Police Department (13 officers) had a cost per officer of $46,251, in Stellarton (11 officers) the cost was $47,204 and $45,909 in North Sydney (14 officers). Table 2-2 represents the Kentville Police Department's operational budget for 1984 - 1989. There has been a steady increase in the cost of police services (37% over 6 years). In 1984 the actual cost of police services was $389,397. The budget grew modestly over the years though in 1986 the cost of police services dropped approximately $40,000, basically due to the significant decrease ($33,601) in constable salaries as a result of high turnover. Since 1986 the cost of police service has been steadily rising in predictable increments, reaching $532,171 in 1989.

Table 1 Municipal Police Department Budgets, 1985 - 1986; Cost Per Officer

DEPARTMENT Budget 1985 Budget 1986 Officers $/Officer Amherst 816,622 826,735 19 43512 Annapolis Royal 129,514 121,854 3 40618 Bedford 708,842 770,943 15 51396 Berwick 210,400 216,333 6 36056 Bridgewater 555,986 567,155 14 40511 Dartmouh 6,329,722 6,962,400 142 49031 Dominion 254,085 271,256 5 54251 Glace Bay 1,592,057 1,764,005 37 47676 Halifax 13,509,905 14,085,507 263 53557

14 Hantsport 106,745 116,519 3 38840 Kentville 649,320 559,241 12 46603 Louisburg 98,000 100,000 3 33333 Lunenburg 236,444 271,185 7 38741 Mahone Bay 96,185 98,019 3 32673 Middleton 213,000 222,000 6 37000 New Glasgow 941,591 1,047,639 22 47620 New Waterford 674,652 647,520 14 46251 North Sydney 483,000 505,000 11 45909 Springhill 412,581 427,712 9 47524 Stellarton 409,522 424,838 9 47204 Sydney Mines 436,193 470,836 13 36218 Sydney 2,837,216 3,006,200 67 44869 Trenton 351,402 387,659 7 55380 Truro 1,027,942 1,123,925 25 44957 Westville 299,865 300,216 6 50036 Wolfville 297,000 294,000 6 49000

Source: Nova Scotia Police Commission, 1988 ------Perusal of the proposed and actual budgets for the Kentville Police Department indicate that in recent years the force has been but minimally over-budget, except in 1985 ($25,444 over proposed budget). For example, in 1989 the cost of police service was $3,971 over the proposed budget. In 1988, however, the actual budget for police services was $475,065 while the projected budget called for total expenditures of $483,100. Due to Chief Innes's illness and subsequent death some funds allocated for training and crime prevention programs were not utilized in 1988.

Table 2 Kentville Police Department Annual Budget, 1984 - 1989

1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 Administrative 39,936 53,733 58,476 65,422 61,967 68,430 Salaries Office Exp. 2,012 1,259 1,146 3,341 2,402 3,915 Telephone 5,330 5,434 5,216 4,618 4,821 6,540

15 Other (Admin.) 4,563 6,873 2,948 4,731 6,450 9,815 NCO Salaries 30,689 37,677 56,957 59,826 68,635 53,469 Cst. Salaries 242,757 257,292 223,691 223,840 258,769 313,194 Manpower 24,829 470 837 579 (Other) Protection 19,361 10,224 6,477 5,816 6,635 7,110 (Other) Crime Prevent. 180 126 1,689 372 910 1,848 Training 1,649 1,494 2,722 1,891 2,155 3,336 Operation/Maint. 3,909 3,901 3,893 10,825 17,500 15,038 Statn. Operation/Maint. 18,706 20,397 16,744 19,298 16,414 15,574 Vehicl. Answering 4,285 4,500 9,450 12,181 8,513 9,891 Service Other Costs 16,019 19,405 13,857 20,009 28,905 21,117 Police Board 0 2,305 Actual Budget 389,397 447,144 403,736 433,007 475,065 532,171 Projected Budget 389,000 421,700 417,800 442,600 483,100 528,200 Over/Under -397 -25,444 14,064 9,593 8,035 -3,971 Budget Source: Town of Kentville Budget, Protective Services, 1984-1989

------Size

Kentville's staff establishment has increased modestly since the late 1970's (see Table 2.3). In 1977 four additional constables were hired bringing the number of police personnel in the department to ten, one Chief and nine constables. By 1988 the department's staff had increased to twelve members. In 1989 the department increased to fourteen, which included eleven constables (one female), two corporals(5) and a Chief. The attrition rate in the department was high, especially during the 1984 - 1987 period. This phenomenon was largely the result of the Kentville Inquiry. Five of officers currently employed by Kentville Police Department worked there in 1981, one newly hired second class constable. Nine of the members presently working in Kentville were hired after 1981.

16 Table 2-3 Kentville Police Department, Staff Establishment 1887 - 1990

YEAR Chief Sgts. Cpls Csts G.I.S. C.P.O. Total Other 1887 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1926 1 0 0 1 0 0 2 0 1967 1 0 0 4 0 0 5 0 1969 1 0 0 5 0 0 6 1 1977 1 0 0 9 0 0 10 5 1978 1 0 2 7 0 0 10 7 1979 1 1 1 7 0 0 10 5 1980 1 1 1 9 0 0 12 6 1981 1 1 1 9 0 0 12 6 1982 1 1 1 9 0 0 12 6 1983 1 1 1 9 0 0 12 6 1984 1 0 1 9 0 0 11 6 1985 1 0 2 8 0 0 11 4 1986 1 0 2 9 1 0 13 4 1987 1 0 2 9 1 0 13 4 1988 1 0 2 10 1 1 14 4 1989 1 0 2 10 1 1 14 5 1990 1 0 5 7 1 1 14 5 * The term "other" refers to by-law officers, crossing guards, animal control officers,auxiliary constables and clerical staff. The department had two auxiliary police officers in 1987. There has not been a by-law officer since 1984. Since 1977 there have been 3 crossing guards each year. In 1989 a part-time clerical position was added, prior to that there had only been one clerical position.

Rank Structure

For almost one hundred years (1887 - 1978) the Kentville Police Department functioned with a Chief and constables and no intermediary or supervisory positions.(6) It was not until 1978 that NCO positions were established and two constables were promoted to the rank of corporal. In 1979 one of the corporals was promoted to sergeant. After the Kentville Inquiry (1984) the sergeant's position was vacated and has remained so. Excepting the Chief, no senior administrative or supervisory post

17 existed.(7) The administrative management team is presently (November 1990) comprised of a Chief and 5 corporals. The department is designed to operate on a four- platoon mode, with each platoon consisting of one corporal and two constables.(8) The fifth, and most senior, corporal is the Operational Supervisor and second-in-command. Unlike larger police departments the specialization of manpower in Kentville has been restricted because of the number of personnel. Up until 1985 there were no specialized units, technical or otherwise, within the department. In 1983, during Chief McRae's term in office, one of the constables was sent to the Canadian Police College in Ottawa to take the Identification Methods and Techniques Course. McRae hoped to develop an identification unit thus requiring less R.C.M.P. assistance; however, the department was unable to finance the unit. The constables in Kentville, and indeed any police department, form the backbone of the staff establishment. Up until 1986 all of the constables in Kentville were deployed as uniform personnel. This was largely a product of the reality of the limitations imposed by size and budget and the department's opportunity to utilize the services of the local R.C.M.P. detachment for specialized police service. In 1985 Chief Innes noted: "The one area [where] our police force is noticeably weak is in the criminal investigation field" (Annual Report, p. 12). Consequently, he established a one-man, plainclothes General Investigative Section (G.I.S.) on a trial basis. The only other specialized division of labour in the Kentville Police Department is that of a designated, part-time Crime Prevention Officer (C.P.O.). The position was first established in 1988 and was operational for only six months. Due to Chief Innes's death and a subsequent manpower shortage the position was terminated. At its inception the crime prevention position was incorporated with the G.I.S. unit - one man performed both roles. Chief Crowell appointed a uniform constable (recently promoted to corporal) to act as the Crime Prevention Coordinator. The constables presently employed by the Kentville Police Department are generally well-trained and young. Three of the constable have urban policing experience: Edmonton City Police, Calgary City Police and the Newfoundland Constabulary. Two members served with the R.C.M.P. (urban/rural detachments). These officers bring a multitude of experiences, for example, one officer had worked in both drug and break and enter task forces. Most of these officers are from the region and applied to Kentville Police Department taking substantial pay decreases, to live in the area. The remaining constables were trained at the Atlantic Police Academy. Most have worked, at least briefly, in other police departments prior to joining the Kentville force. Supplementing police personnel, the department has one full-time secretary. Other clerical workers have been hired on a temporary or part-time basis. Prior to 1982 an animal control officer was employed by the town. In 1982 the animal control officer's responsibilities were merged with those of the by-law enforcement officer. In 1985 this

18 position was also terminated. Since the early 1970's school crossing guards have fallen under the auspices of the police department.

The Uniform Constable

As outlined in section F.2 of the Rules and Regulations of the Kentville Police Force: “Immediately after reporting for work, each constable going on duty shall proceed to his assignment, beat or district and note any conditions there on requiring police attention. Failure to discover, report and take appropriate action in any of such cases within a reasonable time and after arriving at his beat or his district, shall be regarded as neglect of duty” (1989, p. 6). The constables are also expected, under the provisions of this document, to report on time, be "clean and fit for duty", familiarize themselves with their work area, be alert and report anything of "an unusual nature or likely to need police attention". The constables are "generalists" in terms of their scope of duty. They often conduct investigations, at least at the preliminary level. The first officer on the scene of an incident or available when a call comes into the department may even follow- through with or be assigned the investigation. Initial assignment of calls is informal; when a call comes in, the secretary or dispatcher directs the call to an available officer. However, investigations can be assigned by the Chief or the Operational Supervisor. The "generalist" nature of the constable's role has been modified recently by the implementation of the plain-clothes, investigative position and now emphasizes the patrol function while limiting the investigative function. The uniform constables do investigate files to their conclusion unless an investigation cannot be completed (during their shift or schedule cycle) in which case it is reassigned to the G.I.S. constable. Reasons for the file reassignment include; file length, time, complexity, and continuity. The 12-hour shift schedule is not always conducive to investigative follow-through or continuity. For example, a constable may begin the preliminary investigation of a complaint at the end of his or her last night shift. Further investigative work may be required prior to their return in four days. Kentville's uniform police officers work twelve hour shifts; two day shifts (7 am - 7 pm), two night shifts (7 pm - 7 am), followed by four days off. Until mid-1989 two officers were scheduled per shift. With the implementation of a platoon structure (1989) shift size was increased to three. Due to the 12-hour shifts the constables sometimes work 48 hours per week. To compensate for these extra hours, constables receive what is known as "M" time (miscellaneous time). This "floating day", as it is also known, is necessary as their Collective Agreement is based on a 40-hour week. The constables are entitled to an "M" day every six weeks scheduled at the Chief's discretion, usually during the quiet day shifts. The constables do not receive any shift differential (monetary compensation for hours scheduled after 7 pm).

19 Twelve-hour shifts were first implemented in Kentville on a trial basis by Chief McRae in December 1978 making Kentville the second police department in the province to explore their effectiveness. In October 1979, after six months, McRae opted to revert to the traditional 8-hour shift: 8 am - 4 pm (day shift), 4 pm - 12 am (night shift), and 12 am - 8 am ("back-shift"). Chief McRae felt that the 8-hour shift facilitated superior scheduling flexibility. According to one officer the 12-hour shift was a contentious issue in contract negotiations from 1979 to 1984. Generally most constables prefer the 12-hour shift. Eight hour shifts mean less time off and less time between shifts. For example, one officer recalled a "short change- over" in which he worked the day shift, 8 am - 4 pm, and then came back to work the "back-shift" (12 am - 8 am). When working the 8-hour shift schedule the constables rarely got more than 3 days off in a row. Members describe the 8-hour shift schedule as "physically draining" exacerbated by the fact "you were in your uniform all the time" and "you couldn't plan anything". In accordance with informal departmental policy each of the constables (and newly-appointed corporals) are involved in community relations work, albeit some only minimally. While such activities as station tours, school talks and talks to Scouts and Guides are conducted by all members, there are some constables who do more than others largely because they have more interest in crime prevention and community relations. Many of the constables have specific projects. For example, several of the members are involved with the police-sponsored Youth Club. Other members are active in sport-related activities in the community, such as hockey, basketball and baseball. Few members of the Kentville force are not involved in some community-related activity. Visibility, a key aspect of policing in Kentville, has been and continues to be an important facet of the obligation of the uniform officers who are required to spend time "on the block". "The block" is the downtown, commercial centre of the town. As the major shopping and business area of the town, high police visibility in this area is viewed as essential to deterring crime and maintaining public order. Time on the block consists largely of walking a beat, "seeing and being seen". Typically when two officers work together one will patrol in the police car and the other will walk the beat. There is also a preventative component to "walking the block". For example, the officers frequently deal with the loitering problem which generates numerous complaints from businesses and shoppers in Kentville. Certain "trouble spots", such as the taverns and the pool hall can be effectively monitored through routine foot patrol. Generally the beat is uneventful detail. Much of the officer's time is spent walking and talking to people which serves as an effective public relations vehicle. Observations of beat work revealed that the officers on the beat also tend to serve as information conduits, fielding questions from the public. The General Investigative Services (G.I.S.)

20 In 1987 Chief Innes posted a notice for applications for a plainclothes, G.I.S. constable position. Innes saw a need for such a position due to "the restrictions (on investigative work) of the twelve hour shift system" (Annual Report, p. 12). In his view: "Due to the shift schedules that the patrol constables work, and in attempting to keep overtime to a minimum, we frequently lose the necessary momentum and continuity needed to successfully conduct criminal investigations" (Ibid.). Chief Innes initially implemented the G.I.S position on a trial basis. Provision for this position was written into the existing contract. Article 7, section 5 of the Collective Agreement states: The town may from time to time appoint an employee to act as an investigator. The normal hours of work for such investigator shall be eight (8) hours per day - forty (40) hours per week Monday to Friday (primarily day shift) with Saturday and Sunday off. Shift schedules are to be determined by the Chief of Police. In special circumstances the investigator may be required to work in uniform as assigned by the Chief of Police. (Collective Agreement, p. 4 Since 1987 five officers have served as the G.I.S. constable. In the summer of 1988 the position was temporarily vacated as a result of Chief Innes's death. In January of 1989 Chief Crowell reinstated the position because he felt statistical crime data justified its reintroduction. In the most recent Collective Agreement the G.I.S. position was ensconced. The current G.I.S. constable is directly assigned all major investigations. This includes offenses such as major frauds, sexual assaults, sudden death, fatalities and child abuse (see Table 2-4). Major investigations are time consuming, requiring extensive interviews and out-of-town travel. Town Council and the Police Commission prefer to have their uniform police personnel remain in the town. In cases of murder or attempted murder the Kentville G.I.S. member would work with the R.C.M.P. "As a general policy, the police department having jurisdiction in the area where an offence was committed is responsible for the investigation" (Apostle and Stenning, 1989, p. 3). However, in cases of murder or attempted murder the R.C.M.P. conduct the investigation.

21 Table 2-4 General Investigative Section, Case Load; January - June, 1990

NUMBER J F M A M Jun an. eb. arch pril ay e Total # Open Files 2 3 29 1 2 29 4 1 6 9 New Files 1 1 9 6 1 13 1 3 4 Total # Concluded Files 2 1 7 2 1 11 3 2 0 1 Files received/Concl'd 1 6 1 2 7 1 0 Cases Concluded by Charge 1 2 5 1 3 10 4 1 Total # Charges Laid 2 2 8 1 4 30 7 4 TYPE Fraud 0 0 0 0 1 1 Arson 0 0 1 0 0 0 Damage 4 0 0 0 0 0 Mischief 4 2 0 0 1 0 Theft Over 0 0 1 0 0 2 Theft Under 6 4 1 0 1 3 Theft From/of M.V. 2 0 0 2 0 0 Uttering Threats 1 0 2 1 0 0 NSF Cheques 3 1 0 1 6 1 Sex 1 2 1 1 1 0 B7E and B, E&T 1 3 3 1 3 5 Misc. 2 2 0 0 1 2 ______Source: Kentville Police Department, Monthly Report, Plainclothes Section January - June, 1990.

An exception is made for murder and attempted murder in some areas. Municipal police departments in Bedford, Bridgewater, Dartmouth, Halifax, Sydney

22 and Truro are empowered to carry out their own murder and attempted murder investigations (Ibid). Departmental procedure in Kentville requires that, except in "major crime" cases a uniform member initiate the preliminary investigation and complete the Offence Occurrence Report. The uniform officer continues the follow-up investigation until it is concluded, unless it is deemed to be too time consuming or his/her shift schedule interferes. Investigations of a "non-pressing" nature may be carried over the 4 day-off period. The operational supervisor is directly responsible for the administration and supervision of the G.I.S. officer. He monitors the files on a daily basis and records them in the NCO's Offence Report Book. Part of his task is to determine which files should be investigated by the G.I.S. constable. The operational supervisor and the G.I.S. constable meet bi-monthly to discuss the disposition of each investigation. As Table 2-4 indicates, the most common offenses investigated are thefts, break & enters, damage to property, fraud, assaults and mischief complaints. The case load of the investigative officer varies but can be substantial. The G.I.S. officer estimated that he handled 75% - 90% of all the investigative work done in the department. Table 2-4 indicates that for the first six months of 1990 the G.I.S. investigator's case load ranged from a low of 16 cases to a high of 31. Between six and fourteen new files, per month, were passed to the investigator during this period. On average fourteen files were concluded each month. Of the files concluded per month approximately 50% were concluded by charge. In the six month period 85 charges were laid. Departmental crime statistics indicate that Criminal Code Offenses have increased significantly, for example, a 34% between 1987 - 1988 (Crowell, 1989, p. 10). The investigative work load would appear to justify the deployment of another constable in the investigative sphere, or an expansion of the investigative roles of the "constable-generalists". The G.I.S. constable estimated that 50% of his time was spent on paperwork; up- dating and preparing files, court documents and briefs; 30% of his work involved conducting interviews and taking statements from victims, criminals, informants and witnesses; the remaining time is spent tracking people and information over the phone, crime scene analysis and information exchange with the R.C.M.P. and local municipal police departments. Relations between the local R.C.M.P. detachment and Kentville's investigator were described as much improved over past years. Typically contact between the R.C.M.P. and K.P.D. involves information exchange, case discussion/familiarization, and informal interaction. Formal meetings between the R.C.M.P. and K.P.D. occur sporadically. The G.I.S. constable normally attends the monthly Criminal Intelligence Service (C.I.S. - N.S.) Metro and Area Meeting held in Halifax (municipal and R.C.M. police). Valley Criminal Intelligence Meetings are held less regularly.

23 The G.I.S. officer interacts with local municipal departments less frequently than with the R.C.M.P. Formal contact with Middleton, Hantsport and Annapolis Police Departments was described as "minimal". The proximity of Berwick and Wolfville Police Departments accounts, in part, for increased interaction there. Only Middleton Police Department has a corresponding plainclothes, G.I.S. section. Limited contact between the municipal departments is also a product of restricted movement outside town limits.

The Crime Prevention Officer (C.P.O.)

Chief Innes formalized the department's proactive commitment, when in January 1988 he designated the investigative officer to act as the community relations coordinator. The position was dormant from June 1988 - January 1989 due to Chief Innes's death and a temporary shortage of manpower. In January 1989 Chief Crowell assigned the C.P.O. position to a uniform constable, the former community coordinator, on a part-time basis.(9) The C.P.O. reports directly to either the Operational Supervisor or the Chief, however, only the Chief can allocate funds for proactive undertakings. While not exempt from regular duties, the C.P.O. has informal flexibility to facilitate the organization of crime prevention programs and events. At present the C.P.O. normally takes time as opposed to money for overtime worked. The C.P.O. believes the position to be extremely valuable and would like to see it achieve permanent status. Accordingly, he maintains that the town has to see that the program is succeeding without incurring tremendous costs. If this strategy proves effective the position might become permanent. Departmental attitudes toward proactive policing are relatively positive and management is supportive. Despite the fact that a few of the officers are not enthusiastic or comfortable with community relations endeavours, none are vehemently opposed. The C.P.O. reported few serious problems in calling for volunteers to discharge proactive obligations. Nevertheless, up to this point crime prevention in the department has been largely based on the efforts of one officer.(10) Community demand for crime prevention talks or programs are directed to the C.P.O. who, in turn, is responsible for fulfilling the proactive commitment, either personally or through assignment. Due to time and monetary constraints many of the crime prevention programs are per request. In many instances the C.P.O. meets the obligation himself because he enjoys the work. If he is not scheduled to work, the C.P.O. will assign it to an on-duty uniform member. He deals personally with all proactive duties that require time-consuming arrangements. For example, in the Summer of 1989 he coordinated the department's commitment to the Special Olympics held in Kentville. A more recent, successful, crime

24 prevention project was "RAP Up Crime": students from local schools were encouraged to present a RAP music tape, the theme of which was crime prevention and the community. Kentville's crime prevention budgets indicate that in the past five years the department has underspent proposed monies. As Table 2-2 (above) demonstrates, the contrast between budget estimates and actual spending are fairly significant. In the years 1984 to 1988, excluding 1987, budget calculations for crime prevention totalled $6,900. Actual monies spent totalled $2,905. Explanations for this discrepancy are not indicated in either the budget or Annual Reports, however, Chief Innes's death in 1988 was responsible for the program delay in 1988. Fiscal recommendations, as reflected in yearly proposed budgets for crime prevention programs, do not clearly follow any pattern, such as a steady increase. Monies allocated for crime prevention "see-saw", as opposed to increasing or decreasing incrementally. For example, in 1984 $1400 was allocated, in 1985 $500, in 1986 $1800, in 1987 $800 and in 1988 $2400. There is some evidence, however, to suggest that crime prevention is increasingly becoming a departmental priority. As part of the its proactive commitment the department is involved with Hantsport, Wolfville, Berwick, Middleton and Annapolis Royal police departments in the Annapolis Valley Crime Prevention Unit established in 1987. The Valley Chiefs felt that they were not "pulling their weight" proactively in the area especially when compared with R.C.M.P. efforts. Combining their resources was supposed to minimize their individual deficiencies, such as small size and limited budgets. Community support for this project was considerable; a local business donated $10,000 for the purchase of a crime prevention van; the Nova Scotia Police Commission sent four department representatives to a three week training program at the Ontario Police College; the Nova Scotia Department of the Solicitor General contributed $2,500 to outfit the van with video equipment and flip charts; the Lions Club donated $200 to an operational fund. While each of the departments have used the van, initial expectations have not been realized. Large-scale, cooperative proactive programs have not emerged. Apparently finances, time, and lack of interest have been the main impediments to the further development of the undertaking.

The Corporals

As set out in the Rules and Regulations of the Kentville Police Force, the corporals are charged with the responsibility to "maintain good order, efficiency and the discipline of each member under him" (1989, p. 5). The NCOs are instructed to be "considerate and forbearing" in their treatment of the constables. The necessity of the corporals to be familiar with the day-to-day operations of the department is a priority. The document specifies that the operational supervisor shall replace the Chief in his

25 absence. The administrative aspect of their duty is open-ended: "The senior NCO shall provide such reports, estimates and statistics as the Chief may specify" (Ibid.). Shortly after his appointment Chief Crowell reformulated the corporal's previous job descriptions and prepared a new division of responsibility and a new strategy for the deployment of the corporal's man hours. According to Chief Crowell the latest design represents a redistribution of responsibilities as opposed to a radical transformation of the corporal role. At this time the specifically designated responsibilities of the corporals included: personnel assessments, shift schedules, crime prevention programming, monitoring criminal investigations, maintenance of drug seizures, Breathalyser & Alerts up-keep, maintenance of criminal identification procedures (photography and finger printing), property room control, supervision of the C.P.I.C. system, police vehicles and "the complete processing of applications and issuing of taxi licenses & Firearm Acquisition Certificates" (Department Order, September 5, 1988). Following the promotion of three new corporals in 1990 (bringing the number to five) K.P.D. Standing Order 90 - 07 (June 7, 1990) further modified the division of NCO responsibility. The four junior corporals, in addition to their "regular NCO duties" as defined in the Kentville Police Force Rules and Regulations, are responsible for checking vehicles and officer equipment, recording occurrences, specific internal investigations, personnel assessments of the constables on their shift, foot patrol through the local beverage rooms, and limited disciplinary action. Additionally, each corporal was given specific assignments: crime prevention, police vehicle maintenance, breathalyser and exhibit locker, C.P.I.C. or file maintenance. One corporal is assigned to each of the four platoons and all junior corporals work 12 - hour shifts. The fifth, and most senior corporal, is formally designated as the "Operational Supervisor" (Standing Order 90 - 07). In addition to the responsibilities shared with the other corporals, this officer handles the personnel assessments of the other corporals, maintains and adjusts the shift schedule, monitors and diary-dates all criminal investigations in the department, compiles month-end reports to the Chief of Police, maintains records for seized drugs and a record system for property control, and processes Firearm Acquisition Certificates. He works from Monday to Friday, 8:30 a.m. - 4:30 p.m.

The Chief

Kentville's Chief of police is charged with the "good government" and "the general administration, direction and discipline of the force" and is "subject to the authority of the Board" (Kentville Police Department, Rules and Regulations, 1989, p. 3). His duties include departmental organization, manpower, position classification, hiring and the budget. The Chief is first-in-charge ("one I.C.") of the department. When asked

26 to discuss his job description Chief Crowell said his responsibility is "the administration and maintenance of an effective and efficient policing unit in and for the town of Kentville". As "one I.C." of the force he is involved in all aspects of policing in the town. This requires that he does "a little bit of everything". His key role and the most demanding is the administration of the department. This involves financial management, annual reports, statistics, sundry reports, and "the political component". The Chief implements department policy, however, is accountable to the governing body of policing, the Kentville Board of Police Commissioners. He attends regular quarterly, emergency and special meetings of the Commission. At these gatherings he serves as "a resource person" answering questions and addressing particular concerns. The Chief oversees the operational side of the department but delegates some responsibility to the operational supervisor. He monitors and systematically evaluates the force. Operationally he deals with "everything from haircuts to disciplinary action". The corporals are directly responsible for the discipline of the constables, however, the Chief must be made aware of any problems and determine whether proposed disciplinary action is appropriate. The Chief dispenses all reprimands, even minor verbal censures. The Chief is responsible for the discipline of the corporals. The annual departmental reports indicate that, since the Kentville Inquiry (1983 - 1984), little disciplinary action has been necessary. In 1985 Chief Innes did not report any disciplinary problems. In 1986 Innes issued 3 written warnings: "These reprimands were accepted by the concerned officers without appeal and have had the desired effect" (Annual Report, p. 4). Chief Innes also supported a charge against an officer under the Police Act which was later dismissed. In 1987 there was only one minor disciplinary problem which required a verbal reprimand. In 1988, two verbal reprimands were dispensed. In 1989 there were five complaints lodged against members of the Kentville Police Department. Three of the complaints were investigated internally and two by outside agencies (Middleton Police Department and the Civilian Police Review Board). Four of the complaints were unfounded and one was settled informally.(11) Chief Crowell is active in policing at both the provincial and national levels. Currently he is a member of the Association of Valley Chiefs of Police. Monthly meetings facilitate the formulation and implementation of policy based on regional needs and objectives. Crowell served as Vice President of the Nova Scotia Chiefs of Police Association and has since been elected President. The Executive meets four times per year and the entire membership meets twice annually. He is also involved with the Atlantic and Canadian Associations of Chiefs of Police. Chief Crowell sits on the Advisory Board for the Atlantic Police Academy which meets five times a year. This organization meets to "discuss and implement policy changes for regular and in-service training at the Academy". As a member of the

27 Minister's Task force on Municipal Police Training he "studies and makes recommendations to the provincial government regarding initial and on-going training of municipal police departments to ensure minimum training levels". Chief Crowell has also served on N.S.P.C. boards dealing with disciplinary hearings and promotion (as per request).

Clerical Staff

There is one permanent, full-time secretary at the department. She is at the very core of the department and is central to its operation dealing extensively with all members of the force, other police departments, communications staff, the courts, criminal justice officials and with the public both on the phone and in person. Having been employed at the police department for several years she has developed a significant working relationship with the aforementioned groups. The department has hired other clerical workers on temporary part-time and full-time basis. The full-time secretary's job description is far-reaching. Her responsibilities exceed those typically associated with secretarial work and include answering the phones, dealing with public complaints, departmental paperwork and filing, correspondence, mail, records, C.P.I.C., answering the police radio and dispatching the members. Observation of departmental operations indicate that the police members depend on her, especially regarding files, records and C.P.I.C.

The Police Association of Nova Scotia (P.A.N.S.)

In June of 1972 the Kentville Police Department became a member of the Nova Scotia Police Association (P.A.N.S.). Both the NCOs and the constables are members, however, the Chief is not. Prior to 1972 the members did not have contracts and were hired and fired at "the pleasure of Council", although as of 1969 all police officers in Nova Scotia had certain rights under the Trade Union Act of Nova Scotia. According to one union member, police in the province (and in Kentville) "have been plowing new ground ever since [unionization in 1972]". Objectives have largely been directed at attaining improved working conditions, better training, increased professionalism and improved benefits and salaries. Kentville Police Department is Local 107 of P.A.N.S. The Local is organized within the department in terms of an executive comprised of a President, Vice President and a Secretary. All of these positions are for a one-year term and voted upon by the local's membership, although a candidate may serve consecutive terms. The President of the Local is responsible for the immediate needs of union members in terms of receiving all benefits that the contract guarantees. It is his/her duty to be cognizant of the contract and all encompassed therein as the President acts as an

28 information conduit for the members. In addition the President mediates disputes, solves problems, deals with union administration and organizes and chairs all union meetings. During contract negotiations the President leads the bargaining committee and represents the Local. The Vice President assists the President with all union business, negotiates on the bargaining team and is acting president in his absence. The Secretary takes meeting minutes, participates on the bargaining team and deals with all financial matters. Participation in the union appears to be meaningful in Kentville and there have been few problems within the department since the Inquiry. The union's relationship with management was described as informal and cooperative. Local 107 developed a governing constitution for the Local. The constitution is a set of guidelines detailing the operation of the union in Kentville, defining objectives, responsibilities and the allocation of funds. The most recent contract negotiations began in June of 1990. Union members report that preliminary strategy has already been prepared. Issues of concern to the union include salary increases, improved benefits and a pay-scale arrangement.

The Police Commission

In Nova Scotia, policing is a joint venture between the municipal and provincial levels of government, with the municipal governments having the financial onus for providing police service while the province is responsible for advancing the broader legal and policy directives. Section 19 of the Police Act (1988) provides for the establishment of a Board of Police Commissioners in all municipalities in Nova Scotia which appoint and maintain a municipal police force. Subsequent sections of the Act provide for the composition, size, role, and powers of these Boards. In Kentville, prior to 1977, the department was responsible to a Committee of Council, the Police and License Committee. A Board of Police Commissioners was established in Kentville (1977) under the provisions of the Police Act and Chapter 35 of the Town of Kentville By-Laws(12). In keeping with parameters established by the Police Act (Section 19(2)) the Board of Police Commissioners in Kentville consists of three elected members of Council, a citizen-appointee, and a representative of the provincial Attorney General. Regular meetings of the Police Commission are held monthly and public meetings are held quarterly (Section 19(8)). The Chief of Police is expected to attend all meetings and acts as the Board's resource person. The "powers and duties" of the Board are specified in the Police Act. Section 20(2) states, Notwithstanding the right of a municipality to direct its own police operations, the function of any Board shall primarily relate to the administrative direction, organization and policy required to maintain an efficient and adequate police force but

29 shall not exercise any jurisdiction relating to complaints, discipline or personnel conduct except in respect of the chief officer of the municipal police force. (Police Act, 1988) The Board is primarily a policy-making body responsible for the "direction" of the police department. Critics are quick to note any "uniform role for such boards" is difficult to determine as the sections of the Police Act specific to this discussion are nebulous. For example, Section 20 of the Police Act in essence allows each municipality to "tailor the role of its board to suit its own preferences, granting it, in effect as much or as little authority with respect to its police force as it chooses" (Apostle and Stenning, 1988, p. 80). In recent years there has been an attempt to depoliticize policing in Nova Scotia through the specification of the role of police boards and the substantive demarcation of their authority. This culminated with the Marshall Commission recommendation regarding the political independence of police forces. The Marshall Commission's "Recommendation 54", championed by the province, advocated a "hands-off approach": We recommend that the Police Act be amended to make it clear that it is unlawful for anyone other than a police officer of the same force to issue any order, direction or instruction to any member of a police force relative to his/her duties as a member of the force, except when communicating a decision of the force's lawful governing authority, and that a governing authority shall only issue such order, direction or instruction to the Chief or someone who is acting in his or her stead. (Hickman, et.al., 1989, p. 54) At present the relationship between the Kentville Police Department and the Board of Police Commissioners appears to adhere to the professional, non-interference style promulgated by the Marshall Commission and the amended version of the provincial Police Act. Although in Kentville, as in other municipalities, Council retains considerable influence over the Board largely in relation to their ultimate control over the police budget. This control is, however, less restrictive. For example, in 1977 expenditures over $200.00 had to be authorized by Council but now the Board is charged only with assuring that expenditures are within specific guidelines. In the past, perhaps due to the overlap between Council and the Board and a broadly defined police role, political considerations had significant impact on the police department. In 1978 a controversial legal exchange between then-Chief Graves and Council (regarding the Council's decision to fire Graves as he was deemed to be "incapable") resulted in a Supreme Court decision in favour of Graves based on the clause in the Labour Standards Act employer which states that an employer must show "just cause" for the dismissal of any employee with 10 years service. Similarly, political interference in policing was conspicuous during the McRae years and the subsequent public inquiry (1983 - 1984). The Nova Scotia Police Commission strongly urged "forceful measures" be taken to enhance the working relationship between the police

30 department and the Board. With the hiring of Chiefs Innes and Crowell and the appointment of new police commissioners, a marked change in the working relationship between the Board and the Police Department ensued. It is not surprising that this change occurred simultaneously with an increased professionalization of police service in the town. Finally, it is possible to review briefly the members of the Board/Police Committee for the years 1967 - 1989. The Police Committee/Board is an important aspect of the town and this is reflected by the frequent appointment of the Mayor to the committee. Mayor Ripley (1968 - 1974) retained his seat on the Police and License Committee when he became Mayor. Mayor Wendall Phinney (1974 - 1988) was not initially a member, but joined the Board of Police Commissioners in 1985, at the culmination of the Nova Scotia Police Commission Inquiry and retained a seat until he retired. Presently, Mayor Doreen Taylor is a member of the Board, the Chairman of which is Robert Wilson. During the period 1967 - 1989, thirty-one different citizens sat on the Police Committee/Board (see Table 2.5).

TABLE 2. 5 Listing of Members of Kentville Police Committee/Board of Police Commissioners, 1967 - 1989 (By Year)

Police License Committee 1967 - Smith, Shepherd, Ripley 1968 - Smith, Williamson, Ripley 1969 - 1970 Smith, Ripley, Williamson, Hamilton 1971 - 1972 Hamilton, Ripley, Woodman, Redfearn 1973 - Hamilton, Ripley, Woodman, Lockhart 1974 - Hamilton, White, Morrison 1975 - 1976 Waterbury, Lowe, White Board of Police Commissioners 1977 - Waterbury, Lowe, White, (Prov.Gov't) 1978 - Lowe, Chisholm, Pope, Bauckman, Macdonald 1979 - Lowe, Chisholm, Pope, Macdonald 1980 - Lowe, Marshall, Pope, Kenney 1981 - White, Marshall, Thorburn, Burrell, Kenney 1982 - Marshall, Thorburn, White, Burrell, Kenney 1983 - 1984 Marshall, Rafferty, Ross, Pearl, Hartling 1985 - 1987 Marshall, Phinney, Ross, Campbell, Pearl 1988 - Marshall, Phinney, Ross, Comeau, Pearl 1989 - Wilson, Taylor, Doull, Ross, Pearl

31 2. Listing of Members of the Police Committee/Board of Police Commissioners, 1967 - 1989 (By Members) Bauckman,R. 1978 (1) Burrell,C. 1981-1982 (2) Campbell,B. 1985-1987 (3) Chisholm,W. 1978-1979 (2) Comeau,G. 1988 (1) Doull,E. 1989 (1) Hamilton,D. 1969 - 1974 (6) Hartling,C. 1982-1983 (2) Kenney,P. 1980-1982 (3) Lockhart,J. 1973 (1) Lowe,C. 1975-1980 (6) Macdonald,R. 1978-1979 (2) Marshall,J. 1980-1988 (9) Morrison,J. 1974 (1) Pearl,H. 1983-1989 (7) Pope,R. 1978-1980 (3) Rafferty,J. 1983-1984 (2) Redfearn,J. 1971-1972 (2) Ripley,F. 1967-1973 (7) Ross,M. 1983-1989 (7) Shepherd,S. 1967 (1) Smith,D. 1967-1970 (4) Taylor,D. 1989 (1) Thorburn,B. 1981-1982 (2) Waterbury,D. 1975-1977 (3) White,C. 1974-1977 (4) White,L. 1981-1982 (2) Williamson,A. 1968-1970 (3) Wilson,R. 1989 (1) Woodman,H. 1971-1973 (3) N = 31 Average Number Years Served = 3.1 Maximum Number Years Served = 9 ______Source: Town of Kentville Records, 1967 - 1989

The average time spent was three years. J.R. Marshall spent nine years on the Board, the longest time served during this period.

Communications

Valley Communications and Kentville Telephone Answering Service (Valley Communications) was established in 1959 and is presently located on Cornwallis Street, housed in the same building as the police department. The communications service was initially utilized by the department in 1971 on a recommendation from Town Council. The department is under contract with the service to provide emergency dispatching and telephone service. Valley Communications also dispatches for Berwick and Hantsport police departments(13). All staff members, of which there are seven, are security cleared and trained on the Canadian Police Information Centre (C.P.I.C.).(14) The Valley Communications dispatch service provides twenty-four hour service, seven days a week. They afford callers direct access to police officers and frequently field inquiries from the public. Bank and business security alarms register in their office so they are able to quickly dispatch officers to alarm calls.

32 Table 2.0, the Town of Kentville Budget for Police Services, indicates the effective cost of this communications service (includes the cost rental of equipment and the operation and maintenance of equipment). As one might expect, budget accounts chronicle a steady increase in the cost of the service in the last five years; a 64% increase from 1984 to 1989.

SECTION II

Police Productivity

Police productivity is "any activity that uses resources of one kind to produce a result of another" (Huper, 1978) or "the relationship between the resources used and the results produced" (Lunney, 1978, p. 5). Two generally recognized indicators, effectiveness and efficiency, combine to produce productivity. Simply stated, effectiveness is doing the right thing and efficiency is doing it well. Measuring police productivity is important with regard to police budget and the development of rational, competent management strategies (Lunney, 1978). The difficulties in the measurement of police productivity and performance are numerous and traditional indicators (crime statistics, case load, ticket production) have proved inadequate.(15) In small town police departments, especially those engaged in a "service- oriented" style of policing, productivity measurement becomes even more obtuse, exacerbated by policing style and inadequate recording and reporting systems. A legalistic style of policing combined with sophisticated reporting/recording procedures would be easier to evaluate. Chief Lunney concluded that with the problems implicit in measuring police productivity the "bottom-line" is public satisfaction with police service although "measurement is nebulous" (Ibid, p. 10). Assessment of public perception of and satisfaction with police service is one way to measure police effectiveness. The public survey is one method of analyzing public perceptions and attitudes toward policing. For example, a recent public survey in Kentville indicated that the public was very positive regarding the quality and style of policing in the town (D. Clairmont & Murphy, 1990). On the other hand, the linkage between public perception of police service and the reality of police service are unclear. The following discussion of Kentville's crime statistics and calls for service can, therefore, be interpreted as the level of demand for service as opposed to actual measures of police productivity and performance.

33 Criminal Code Offenses

Criminal statistics consist of those acts which contravene Federal or Provincial statutes and are reported to or discovered by the police and confirmed to have occurred (Hagan, 1985, p. 94). These statistics are useful as a guide to the amount of criminal behaviour, but have some important limitations. For example, undetected criminal behaviour is not reported, such as many white collar crimes and spousal and child abuse. Reporting behaviour is dependent on circumstances and thus may vary significantly. Some crimes are under-reported because of the stigma associated with victimization, such as sexual assault and spousal abuse. In other instances, crimes may be under-reported because of the victim's belief that the police cannot do anything about them (for example, minor theft). Programmes which increase police visibility and interaction with the public may be associated with increased reporting of known and suspected violations. Public campaigns and publicity aimed at specific criminal activity may also result in a greater tendency to report offenses. What appears as an increase in criminal behaviour may be an artifact of differential reporting behaviour. Police discretion allows some latitude for police officers to decide whether to intervene in a situation, and whether to do so in a formal way. The wishes of the victim, the seriousness and type of the offense, and the characteristics of the offender and the victim often determine how and whether an offense is followed through normal police channels (Silverman and Teevan, 1986, p.p. 74-75). Another element in the construction of criminal statistics is the recording procedure of the police department. Some departments might operate with a less formal model of policing in which certain actions are dealt with informally rather than processed through a system of files, diary dates and charges. In contrast a more legalistic style of policing may lead to the official recording of all known transgressions. Different towns or the same town over different periods, may record significantly different levels of criminal activity even in cases where actual offenses were similar. Changes in departmental procedures (for example, those associated with a new chief, political interference or public demand) can alter the recording and charging policies of the department and be reflected in variations in the number of offenses. If a change in the number of offenses is reported for a town over a period of time, it is not immediately apparent whether this represents a change in actual criminal behaviour or, rather, reflects changes in recording or administrative practises. In the case of Kentville, the amount of recorded criminal behaviour has increased substantially over the decade. However, as the upcoming analysis illustrates, a portion of this increase may be accounted for by alterations in departmental policy brought about by the change in police chiefs in 1985, when Chief McRae was replaced by Chief Innes.

34 Total offenses in the Town of Kentville have increased between 1980 - 1989 by 88.6%, from 562 in 1980 to 1060 in 1989 (see Table 2-6).(16) Part of this increase can be accounted for by the inclusion of municipal By-Law offenses in 1985 when these duties were re-initiated (as a police officer's duty) by Chief Innes. Prior to 1985 a By-Law Enforcement Officer handled these duties. Exclusive of municipal By-Laws, total offenses increased 62.6% (from 562 to 914) during the decade. This increase in total offenses was not reflective of two non-Criminal Code offense types; there were 23 drug offenses in 1980. Drug offenses peaked at 39 in 1982 and then declined, dropping to 10 in 1989. Most of the drug charges were/are for possession of cannabis. Among provincial statutes, there has also been a decline in the number of liquor offenses: from 238 in 1980 (peaking at 340 in 1981), then dropping to 173 in 1989. The decline in these two types of offenses means that Criminal Code offenses increased more than the "total offense" category, from 289 in 1980 to 731 in 1989 (a Table 2-6 Total Actual Offenses, Kentville Police Department, 1980 - 1989

OFFENSE 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 980 98 982 983 984 985 986 987 988 989 Viollent 5 5 1 1 1 4 5 5 5 7 Crime 1 8 1 7 2 2 1 6 Property 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 3 3 Crime 93 99 68 31 97 55 46 64 01 61 Other C.C. 9 6 6 6 5 1 2 1 2 2 1 4 7 1 68 05 48 15 94 TOTAL C. 2 2 2 2 2 4 5 4 5 7 89 68 46 55 59 70 03 64 67 31 Federal Stat. 3 3 3 1 5 8 1 1 9 1 5 2 9 5 5 2 0 Provincial 2 3 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 1 Stat. 38 40 81 38 91 45 34 62 14 73 SUB-TOTAL 5 6 5 5 4 7 7 6 7 9 62 40 66 08 55 23 52 38 90 14 Municip. By- 0 0 0 0 0 5 5 1 7 1 5 8 01 4 46 TOTAL 5 6 5 5 4 7 8 7 8 1

35 62 40 66 08 55 78 10 39 64 060 ______Source: Statistics Canada, Centre for Justice Statistics, Year End Crime Reports, 1980 - 1989 ------153% increase). All three major Criminal Code categories (Property, Violence and "Other") increased during the decade; property crimes by 87% (193 in 1980, 361 in 1989); crimes of violence by 1,420% (from 5 to 76); "Other Code Offenses" from 91 to 294 (223%). An examination of the first subsection of Table 2-7 indicates that the increase in violent crime was primarily the result of changes in the assault pattern, especially with regard to Level 1 and sexual assaults. Looking at the data in Table 2-7, it is evident that there was a dramatic change in the pattern of assaults between 1984 and 1985. In part this represented a change in the definition of offenses. In 1983, the Criminal Code was revised and assaults were divided into 3 categories (Level 1, common assault; Level 2, assault with a weapon/causing bodily harm: and Level 3, aggravated assault). These did not correspond exactly with the previous recording of assaults ("Other", Bodily Harm, Wounding). Similarly, sexual offenses were re-defined to parallel the 3 levels of general assaults, and the categories of "Rape" and "Indecent Assault" were removed from the Code. With the exception of one case of aggravated sexual assault in 1986 (the year in which sexual assault peaked), all of these sexual offenses in Kentville were Level 1 (see Table 2-8). Among general assaults, the greatest increase occurred among Level Table 2-7 Actual Offenses, Kentville Police Department, 1980 - 1989

OFFENSE 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 980 98 982 983 98 98 986 98 98 989 Sexual Assaults 0 0 0 1 1 2 1 4 0 6 4 Assaults, 1,2,3 3 3 8 1 1 4 3 4 5 6 3 0 4 7 4 0 7 Assaults Police 2 2 3 0 0 0 0 3 0 2 Total Assaults 5 5 1 1 1 4 5 5 5 7 1 5 1 6 1 1 0 5 Robbery 0 0 0 3 0 1 1 1 1 1 Violent Crime 5 5 1 1 1 4 5 5 5 7 1 8 1 7 2 2 1 6

36

Break & Enter 3 4 5 3 3 4 3 3 5 3 9 7 5 9 4 2 0 6 6 5 Theft MVA 6 1 1 6 6 9 6 1 8 1 2 1 2 3 Theft 1 1 8 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 17 12 8 60 13 44 39 42 53 84 Poss. Stln. Gds. 4 1 6 6 2 4 4 1 4 8 1 Frauds 2 2 8 2 2 5 6 7 8 1 7 7 0 3 6 7 3 0 21 Property Crime 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 3 3 93 99 68 31 97 55 46 64 01 61

Offens. Weapn. 3 1 0 0 0 3 1 3 4 1 Disturb Peace 1 3 7 7 9 2 3 2 6 6 5 6 8 6 3 6 Damage 6 5 4 4 3 7 9 6 7 1 6 3 6 3 0 7 8 5 7 21 Listed Code 3 4 5 1 9 6 1 1 1 2 0 1 1 4 6 "Other" Code 4 3 9 6 3 5 5 4 5 8 6 7 3 7 0 Other Crimes 9 6 6 6 5 1 2 1 2 2 1 4 7 6 1 68 05 48 15 94

Total 2 2 2 3 2 4 5 4 5 7 89 68 46 15 59 70 03 64 67 31

* Includes one count of Unlawfully Causing Bodily Harm ______Source: Statistics Canada, Centre for Justice Statistics, Year End Crime Reports, 1980 - 1989 ------One assaults. Between 1980 and 1982, no assaults were listed other than those which caused bodily harm. When the coding definitions changed in 1983, some Level 1

37 assaults were listed, although they amounted to less than half of those which caused bodily harm. The main change in the assault pattern occurred between 1984 and 1985, with considerable variance over the last half of the decade. Assaults with a weapon or causing harm doubled in number, and then remained relatively stable for the next five- year period while the number of Level 1 assaults multiplied. The data in Table 2-7 indicates an increase in violent crimes in Kentville. Two recent developments may, in part, explain this phenomenon. In the past police Table 2-8 Assaults Kentville Police Department, 1980 - 1989

OFFENSE 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 980 981 982 983 984 985 986 987 988 989 Sex Assault 1 1 2 1 4 0 6 3 Sex Asslt - 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Agg. Sex 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Assault Other Assaults 0 0 0 Assault Level 1 3 3 2 1 2 3 4 0 7 3 7 5 Bodily harm 3 3 8 Assault Level 2 1 7 2 2 2 1 2 0 2 0 0 3 1 Wounding 0 0 0 Assault Level 3 0 0 2 0 1 0 1 TOTAL 3 3 8 1 1 4 5 4 5 7 4 1 6 1 8 0 3 ______Source: Statistics Canada, Centre for Justice Statistics, Year End Crime Reports, 1980 - 1989 ------officers did not normally lay charges in Assault Level 1 cases, only those assaults deemed more serious or causing bodily harm. Another possible cause of the statistical increase may be the result of a change in policy regarding spousal abuse cases which were handled less formally in the past. The political directive to lay more charges,

38 irrespective of the wishes of the victim, will have as one effect the greater possibility that such calls for service will be recorded as assaults. If we turn our attention to an examination of property offenses (see Table 2-7) three major offense classifications remained relatively constant during the past decade: theft of motor vehicles, possession of stolen goods and break and enter. The total increase in property offenses is accounted for by an increase in the number of thefts (57% - 117 to 184) and frauds (348% - 27 to 121) during the decade.(17) Theft of bicycles, shoplifting, and theft from motor vehicles have fluctuated from year to year, but have not increased substantially over the decade. The "Other Theft" section (a residual category which excludes only the three specific offenses just listed) has doubled in the last ten years. While there might be a greater tendency to report thefts to a police department which has received positive publicity and has emphasized a proactive policing model, much of this increase is likely to be actual. Break and enter offenses are divided into three sub-divisions: breaks into businesses, residences and other establishments. There has been a yearly variation in total offenses, but no major change (refer to Table 2-9). Table 2-9 Break And Enter Offenses, Kentville Police Department, 1980 - 1989

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 980 981 982 983 984 985 986 987 988 989 BUSINESS Actual 2 3 4 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 7 3 3 7 8 8 9 0 8 5 Cleared by 7 8 1 1 8 0 5 9 4 3 Charge 9 3 Cleared Other 1 0 0 1 0 4 0 3 4 9 RESIDENCE Actual 1 1 1 1 1 1 7 1 2 1 0 3 0 2 5 8 3 4 5 Cleared by 0 2 5 5 3 5 0 2 1 4 Charge 2 Cleared Other 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 5 7 9 OTHER Actual 2 1 2 0 1 6 4 3 1 5

39 4 Cleared by 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 4 1 Charge Cleared Other 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 3 TOTAL 3 4 5 3 3 4 3 3 5 3 9 7 5 9 4 2 0 6 6 5

Actual B&E % Total % Act Cleared/Chge 1980-84 1985-89 1980-84 1985-89 Business B7E 69 45 37 23 Residential B&E 28 39 25 30 Other B&E 3 16 33 25 Total B&E 100 100 34 26 ______Source: Statistics Canada, Centre for Justice Statistics, Year End Crime Reports, 1980 - 1989 ------This statistical stability, however, masks some changes. For example, breaks into businesses tended to decline (from 27 in 1980, to 15 in 1989), while residential break and enters have increased, peaking at 24 in 1988. Breaks into other establishments have also increased, peaking at 14 in 1988. If we use five year intervals, (1980-1984 and 1985-1989), the change in the pattern of break and enter offenses becomes apparent. Proportionately, businesses have declined as a target both absolutely (148 down to 90), and as a proportion of all break and enters (69% to 45%). In turn breaks into residences have increased (60, 28% of the total 1980-1984; 77, 39% of the total 1985-1989), as have breaks into other properties, such as schools and churches. From 1980 to 1984 there were 6 breaks into these latter establishments. Between 1985 - 1989 this had increased to 32, 16% of the total. The third major category of Code offenses summarised in Table 2-7 consists of those other than property or violent crimes and include the most frequent categories - damage to property, and disturbing the peace. Much vandalism is listed as damage or more generally as "mischief". As Table 2-7 indicates, damage offenses have nearly doubled, from 66 in 1980, to 121 in 1989. As with property crimes of a minor nature, there is a tendency to report such crimes to a responsive police department which emphasises public relations. This point aside, it is likely that much of the increase reflects the greater actual frequency of vandalism over the decade. "Disturbing the Peace" offenses have increased considerably, from 15 to 66 incidents, a 340% increase. Unlike most other Code offenses this is a "public order"

40 offense. The increase counters, to a degree, the decline in Liquor Act violations (from 238 to 173 during the past decade), which reflected the shift from traditional, small town policing, emphasizing provincial statutes, to the contemporary model with greater emphasis on crime-fighting. It is unlikely, however, that this increase in disturbance offenses represents any real increase in the number of disturbances. Equally important is the possibility of an increased propensity to record "disturbance" calls and to respond to them officially rather than informally. While tavern brawls might have made it into the annual reports of an earlier policing age, other types of disturbances were more likely to be dealt with unofficially. The increase in disturbance offenses arises from the adoption of the legalistic model as much as the continued importance of order maintenance, which has traditionally been part of small town policing. During the last decade, there were no offenses listed under the prostitution or gaming and betting categories. Offensive weapons charges were also stable and few in number. Statistics Canada delineates several other criminal offenses for detailed report in their "Offense Statistics Series" including arson, bail violations, counterfeiting, escaping custody, indecent acts, kidnapping, public morals, obstructing a peace officer, unlawfully at large and trespass. In Table 2-7 these offenses appear as "Listed Criminal Code Offenses" and they have experienced an increase from 3 to 24 over the last decade. While this appears to be a large increase, absolute numbers remain relatively small for ten separate offenses. Much of the increase in the "other" category can be found in a residual classification: "Other Criminal Code Offense", which increased from 4 in 1980 to 80 in 1989. Data illustrated in Table 2-10 indicate that a substantial change in this category occurred between 1984 and 1985, with the number of offenses rising from 3 to 56. This strongly suggests the adoption of a more professional police reporting Table 2-10 Total Offenses, Kentville Police Department 1980 - 1984 and 1985 - 1989

1980- 1985-1989 Incr 1984 ease OFFENSE Total Avg T Avg % # . Yr. otal # . Yr. Break & Enter 214 43 19 40 -7 9 Theft MVA 41 8 48 10 17 Theft 590 118 76 152 29 2

41 Poss Stln Gds 38 8 21 4 -44 Frauds 105 21 39 79 278 7 PROPERTY CRIME 988 198 14 285 44 27 Offensive Weapon 4 1 12 2 200 Dist. the Peace 41 8 21 44 434 9 Damage 172 34 43 88 155 8 Listed Other C.Code 31 6 68 14 119 Other Crim. Code 25 5 29 59 107 3 2 Robbery 3 1 4 1 33 Sexual Assault 2 4 26 5 130 0 Assault 1,2,3 37 7 27 54 632 1 VIOLENT CRIME 50 10 27 56 456 8 TOTAL CRIM CODE 1351 270 25 507 88 37 Drugs 114 23 53 11 -54 Liquor Act 1288 258 10 206 -20 28 SUB-TOTAL 2765 553 36 724 31 19 Municip By Laws 0 0 43 87 4 TOTAL OFFENSES 2765 553 40 811 47 53 ______Source: Statistics Canada, Centre for Justice Statistics, Year End Crime Reports, 1980 - 1989 ------

42 and statistical style, part of the professionalization of small town policing which has occurred unevenly throughout Nova Scotia in the eighties. No conclusions regarding actual increases can be derived from the data, although the sharp demarcation in 1985, which followed the replacement of Chief McRae by Chief Innes, may be indicative of a change in departmental policy with respect to crime classification and handling. Charges laid during different police regimes - that of Chief McRae in the early eighties and that initiated by Chief Innes in 1985 - is apparent through an examination of offenses broken down for the 1980 - 1984 and 1985 - 1989 periods. As Table 2-10 reveals, between the two periods property crimes increased 44% with the majority of this change arising from the increases in reported fraud cases. The "Other Offenses" category increased substantially, more than ten times between the two periods.(18) The increase in "Violent Crimes", assaults and sexual assaults, were particularly dramatic between the two periods, again lending weight to the importance of differential reporting and recording styles in determining rates of criminal offenses. Continuing to compare the two five-year intervals, the increase in clearance rates is significant for many offense categories. Beginning with property offenses, while frauds, for example, have greatly increased in number, the total clearance rates remained almost constant between the two time periods, with just under 75% of all offenses cleared (Table 2-11). The same point can be made with respect to theft of motor vehicles. For break and enter, and theft categories the total clearance rate has increased (from 36% to 50% and from 27% to 45% respectively). Generally speaking, however, this change in the total clearance rate is not reflected in total charges. Excepting theft of motor vehicles, which remained constant, the proportion of all property offenses (see Table 2-9 above) which were cleared by charge, declined in 1985 - 1989 time period. For example, break and enter offenses, cleared by charge declined from 34% of all actual offenses to 26%; theft offenses cleared by charge declined from 21% to 13%; frauds also declined from 66% to 45%. The general increase in the total clearance rate is primarily the result of the greater proportion of offenses which are "cleared other". With the exception of motor vehicle thefts, the ratio of offenses which are cleared other than by charge substantially increased in the 1985 - 1989 period. It is likely that this change results, in part, from new police procedures regarding offenses which are "cleared". Similarly, while the clearance rate for damage to property offenses doubled between the two five-year periods (from 31% to 60%), the rate of offenses which led to charges declined from 24% to 17%. The exceptions to this general finding that total clearance rate increased involved the listed and the residual "Other Criminal Code Offenses". Among violent crimes, the most significant figure concerns assault (combining levels 1,2,3). The clearance rate increased from 62% to 77%, while the proportion of

43 charges laid declined from 59% to 36%. This change may be reflective of a change in reporting and recording procedures, indicated by the large increase in assault offenses which were "cleared other". It is possible that many of these assaults would not have appeared in the earlier statistical record. Table 2-11 Clearance Rates, Kentville Police Department, 1980-1984 and 1985-1989

1 1 1 1 980- 984 985- 989 OFFENSE C O T C O T harg th otl harg th otl # % # % # % # % # % # % Break & 7 3 5 2 7 3 5 2 4 2 1 5 Enter 2 3 7 5 2 6 8 4 00 0 Theft MVA 1 3 1 3 3 7 1 3 1 3 3 7 5 7 6 9 1 6 8 8 6 3 4 1 Theft 1 2 3 6 1 2 9 1 2 3 3 4 23 1 6 59 7 5 3 47 2 42 5 Poss Stln 3 1 0 0 3 1 1 8 1 5 1 8 Gds 8 00 8 00 7 1 8 6 Frauds 6 6 9 9 7 7 1 4 1 2 2 7 9 6 8 5 78 5 11 8 89 3 . Offens 3 7 1 2 4 1 1 8 1 8 1 9 Weap 5 5 00 0 3 1 1 Dist Peace 3 9 3 7 4 9 3 1 1 7 2 9 7 0 0 7 3 5 67 6 00 1 Damage 4 2 1 7 5 3 7 1 1 4 2 6 1 4 2 3 1 3 7 91 4 64 1 Listed C 2 8 2 6 2 9 3 5 3 4 3 5 Code 6 4 8 0 5 1 8 5 Other Cr 2 8 3 1 2 9 3 1 1 4 1 6 Code 0 0 2 3 2 7 3 42 9 79 2

Robbery 2 6 0 0 2 6 2 5 0 0 2 5 7 7 0 0

44 Sexual 2 1 0 0 2 1 1 3 7 2 1 6 Assault 00 00 0 9 7 7 6 Assault 2 5 1 3 2 6 1 3 1 4 2 7 1,2,3 2 9 3 2 07 6 12 1 19 7

______Source: Statistics Canada, Centre for Justice Statistics, Year End Reports, 1980 - 1989 ------Calls For Service In Kentville, as in other police departments, tasks not necessarily reflected in crime statistics account for a considerable amount of the member's time and thus have implications for productivity measurement. A call for service is essentially a request for police service from an individual or a group. In Kentville, it is departmental policy to respond, when possible, to all complaints from the public. Clearly, many of the these calls do not require police response in a "crime-fighting" capacity. In fact, some calls for service can be dealt with over the phone. In many instances the departmental secretary, who answers the telephone, exercises some degree of discretion regarding how the complaint is dealt with. Among the types of complaints which the secretary or dispatcher might "head off" are those of a clearly civil nature or requests for information. If it is possible for the police to respond to "a call for service" they make an effort to do so. This includes requests for funeral and bank escorts, lost animals, and similar activities. In Kentville, the citizens advance and the police accept a wide mandate for police service. The Kentville Police Department's style of policing emphasises public service and extensive police-public contact (Tables 2.12 captures some of this duty). Included in Table 2.12 are the number of calls for service not necessarily Table 2-12 Selected General Policing Activities, 1982-1989

NARCOTIC AND LIQUOR CONTROL, 1982-1989 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 982 983 984 985 986 987 988 989 Narcotic Control Act 5 1 6 9 1 1 8 8 4 8 6 0 Liquor Control Act 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 1 74 27 93 22 29 70 87 59

45 POLICING ACTIVITY 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 982 983 984 985 986 987 988 989 Insecure Premises 1 1 8 1 1 1 1 1 43 88 8 52 83 27 15 26 Disturbances 1 1 1 3 4 2 6 6 21 32 78 8 8 9 6 8 Fatalities 0 0 0 0 3 1 0 2 Suicides 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 Stolen M. V. 1 6 7 5 5 5 1 1 1 5 2 5 Stolen Bikes 1 2 0 2 2 3 2 2 9 7 9 4 0 6 5 Accident Investig. 1 1 2 2 2 78 93 08 04 07 Injured Persons 1 2 4 5 3 9 8 1 3 6

MOTOR VEHIC. ACT 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 982 983 984 985 986 987 988 989 Number 3 2 3 3 5 3 4 1 30 71 72 63 09 42 48 054

PARKING BY-LAWS 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 982 983 984 985 986 987 988 989 Number 4 7 3 1 1 1 1 1 59 07 56 120 585 137 675 157 ------Source: Kentville Police Department Annual reports, and Records, 1982-1989

------concluded as charges or otherwise statistically represented: insecure premises, domestic complaints, disturbances, fatalities, suicides, stolen motor vehicles, stolen

46 bikes, accident investigation and dealing with injured persons. All of these activities are the responsibility of the police officers. It is the policy of the Kentville Police Department that officers are required to perform "security checks" at local businesses and public buildings, in the downtown core area. This activity involves walking around the building and physically testing doors and windows to verify that they are secure; a time consuming exercise. Table 2.12 reveals that since 1980 Kentville police officers have discovered 1,371 insecure premises. Departmental procedure requires that the owner/manager of each building be contacted and/or the premises secured. Domestic complaints and disturbances, more prevalent during night shift, engage officer time yet often do not result in formal charges. Such circumstances have resulted in 971 complaints since 1980. Investigation of suicides, fatalities, stolen cars and bikes and dealing with injured persons (situational) also consume time which is often not statistically recorded. Kentville police officers assist other police departments, social and community organizations, businesses and agencies. Assistance to other police departments covers a wide range of police activities. While certainly productive, this activity is not easily recorded and yet constitutes a measure of productivity. In Kentville such statistics are problematic to analyze as no comprehensive record is kept; however, the information is available albeit spread throughout various departmental records. Assistance to the R.C.M.P. and municipal police departments involves anything from a request for information, to locating a person or vehicle, to providing "back-up". In 1987 Kentville Police Department performed approximately 97 assists for other police organizations. Kentville police officers also provide funeral and bank deposit escorts. A funeral escort can take from 20 minutes to an hour. In 1987 officers performed 122 such escorts. A considerable proportion of the officer's productive time is spent in self- generated work, such as issuing "parking tags" (parking tickets) and written warning tickets (M.V.A.). Table 2.12 records the number of "parking tags" discharged per year from 1982 - 1989. As Table 2.12 indicates a significant number of parking tickets are issued per year. In this eight year period, for example, the highest number of parking tickets/per year were issued in 1988 (1675). These numbers indicate the priority the department places on foot patrol and visibility since the parking tickets are in effect the end-product of such undertakings. CONCLUSION The traditional model of policing in small towns is characterized by general order maintenance and a service style (Wilson, 1970) of policing which involves a wide definition of the "police function" and includes a number of services, which in urban centres have been separated from police work (Murphy, 1986). In small towns, members of the public are quick to call the town police about such things as loitering, squealing tires and barking dogs. For example, in Kentville loitering generates a

47 significant number of complaints from local citizenry and business interests. In Kentville, as in most of the small town police departments in the area, "the police take seriously all requests for either law enforcement or order maintenance" (Wilson, 1970 p. 200). Traditional models of small town policing suggest that officers are recruited on the basis of physical size and local citizenship. While both factors may be taken into consideration, they do not constitute the main hiring requirements (Loree et al., 1989). Attitudes which condone the use of force as a deterrent, as symbolic of community outrage or as a routine part of order maintenance, tend to be associated with more traditional and less professional policing styles. A tendency to enforce rules physically may have reflected past recruitment practises (for example, an emphasis on size) and lack of training. Many contemporary town police officers, however, approach potentially dangerous situations more discreetly as they are likely to be working alone or, at most, have a single partner. Presumably, greater professionalism will reduce the need for physical prowess, but the latter will always be an aspect of the job especially in a situation where the use of weapons is unlikely or counter-productive. Prowess, however, does not only mean size and in Kentville the department has put some training emphasis on hand-to-hand combat, pressure point tactics and the careful use of mace. At present, the generalization that town police who are recruited are basically untrained seems to be largely unfounded in the Valley towns. For example, all full-time members of the Kentville force have received formal training, most from the Atlantic Police Academy. Moreover the following observation increasingly holds true throughout the Valley: "Given mandated and centralized training institutions, local constables often no longer have their roots in the community they police" (Loree et al., 1989, p. 128). In Kentville only one officer is from the town itself, although some members are from the region. Part of the justification for town policing is that it can provide a model which combines the professionalism commonly associated with the R.C.M.P. and the service orientation of traditional small town policing. Professionalism is enhanced by the acquisition of formal training and modern equipment. Police chiefs often judge their relationships with town officials, at least in part, by how well the town meets the demands of the chief to up-grade the police force through better equipment and improved training. In Kentville, as in other Valley police departments, professionalism was enhanced by unionization. It was not simply that the town was being asked to pay higher salaries for police officers but rather to pay for more professional policing. Unionization entailed a commitment on the part of municipal governments to increase the police budget in other areas as well, such as training, equipment and quarters. One concern is whether specialized training and equipment will, in fact, be used in a small town. Training in the extensive use of firearms, in emergency response and hostage negotiation, may contribute to heightened expectations of the job and, in the

48 long run, dissatisfaction with the realities of small town policing. On the other hand, many of the skills are generalizable and may enhance the overall professionalism of the individual officer. For example, courses involving negotiations are useful in interrogations and police-community relations. The hiring of a chief is probably the single most important role of the Police Commission. While traditionally chiefs were beholden to the Town Council, and "locals" were usually hired, this has not been the practise in the Valley in the last decade. The search for chiefs outside the town and, in some cases beyond the Province, indicates the desire for professional, independent policing. Loree et al. (1989) concluded that this phenomenon is one facet of the social change and social mobility in small towns. The present Chief continues this policy of professional management in his dealings with the Police Commission and Town Council. Traditionally, the maintenance of good community relations in small town policing involved the use of informal, non-arrest sanctions whenever possible. In the Valley, informal dispute settlement is routinely used. In the standard comparison between bureaucratic, legalistic policing and small town models, it is common to assert that legalistic policing involves the imposition of a justice model on disputes which may have been resolved, or "smoothed over", in less formal ways. The assumption that the R.C.M.P. employ a more legalistic style of policing style may be qualified by the actions of individual town police officers who are equally legalistic and the possibility that some R.C.M.P. officers may informally resolve certain problems. Other factors may lead to informal resolution across jurisdictions. For example, the complex procedures of the Young Offender's Act may compel officers, whether R.C.M.P. or municipal, to handle complaints informally as much as possible to avoid the lengthy paper-work involved. At the level of ethnographic research the matter of informal or formal handling seems to relate to individual styles of policing and the proclivities of chiefs and supervisors. Muir's attitudinal models (1977), using the "passion" and "perspective" measures, explained individual variation in terms of the inherent belief systems of police officers. Certainly, in the Valley, there is observable variation with respect to selective enforcement, for example, of the Liquor Control Act. The definition of public intoxication is subject to considerable interpretation. When statistical information on charges laid is taken into account, there is evidence to suggest that the town police continue to handle some matters informally. For example, cheque frauds are frequently resolved without the laying of charges. Evidence also exists which suggests that domestic disputes are frequently resolved informally. To some extent, a small town style is unlikely to correspond flawlessly with any particular policing model. In fact, despite the similarities among the small town Valley police departments, there is also considerable variation in policing style brought about

49 by the characteristics of the towns, the philosophy of the chiefs, and the personalities of individual officers. The smaller the organization, the more particularist factors appear to contribute to the development of a specific policing style. Beyond these specific factors, small town policing is similar to Wilson's (1970) "watch-style" policing as it is highly discretionary, although not necessarily discriminatory. However, the service-style model most accurately depicts small town policing in Kentville in the sense that policing is proactive and community-oriented. The professionalization of small town policing has tended to place a greater emphasis on the legalistic aspects of policing, with its accent on laying charges and enforcement, although when compared to the R.C.M.P. small towns are still less enforcement- oriented. While some larger cities are adopting elements of a service style in their community-based policing initiatives (often interpreted as a small town policing model) in many ways the direction of influence has been the reverse. Small town police departments have developed G.I.S. functions, for example, and to some extent copied big city models of specialization. Kentville has gone farther in this direction than other small town departments. While constables are still generalists, a certain degree of specialization has developed. All officers are expected to contribute to positive police- community relations and other tasks. Political interference in municipal policing has been reduced by the introduction of local Boards of Police Commissioners (Police Act, 1976), to which police departments report and to which they are accountable. However, the Council retains control over the police budget. Political interference, however, is not confined to municipal forces. One factor that is said to allow the R.C.M.P. less political interference is funding. Despite this, as the Marshall Inquiry indicated, the R.C.M.P. is not immune to political pressure from the Province. The level of political interference varies from town to town. As Murphy (1986) indicates, police organizations are dependent on the local municipality for resources. Towns with municipal police departments presently fund 87% of the total cost of such services, with the remaining 13% provided by the province. Consequently, the police chief is required to be politically sensitive in his discussions with local power brokers in the effort to have his budget approved as the acceptance or rejection of the budget "can be used to reward or punish the performance of the entire police department" (Murphy, 1986, p. 198). While police professionalism and unionism have helped to distance police departments from political influence, "resource dependence" demands at least some degree of "political responsiveness" (Murphy, 1986, p. 188). One consequence of increased demands for revenue is the reciprocal demand from Council for accountability, quantifiable evidence of police productivity. This means that policing styles are, necessarily, transformed from a peace-keeping orientation to a more legalistic

50 style emphasizing close monitoring of complaints and calls for assistance, as well as proactive management of public order complaints. Although they ask the advice of local political authorities, and meet with them both formally and informally, the style and level of policing is, at the explicit level, determined by central authorities within the department more than by the local municipalities. Concern about the precise role of extra-departmental authorities was expressed in the recent Marshall Inquiry report on public policing in Nova Scotia. The limited resources of many small town departments has necessitated a certain degree of dependence on the R.C.M.P. Specialized R.C.M.P. services are available to all municipal Valley police departments. In major criminal investigations, such as murder, the R.C.M.P. have official jurisdiction. All of the small towns police departments in the Valley utilize the R.C.M.P. identification (forensic) services. As federal and provincial budgets tighten, however, these services will be provided increasingly at cost. For example, identification services, the use of tracking dogs and lab work may well, in the future, be billed to the municipal police departments. In a very fundamental way the dependence of the town police on political authority and the resources of the R.C.M.P. is reflected in the potential threat to disband the municipal police force and bring in the federal force. In some departments this threat has surfaced on occasion, especially during contract negotiations and departmental problems. In Kentville the threat of R.C.M.P. takeover has been less conspicuous. The most obvious advantage of the municipal R.C.M.P. contracts has been the high level of subsidization of town policing by the government. However, as the federal government moves to recover an increasing proportion of its expenditure from the municipalities, the cost benefits of an R.C.M.P. contract will diminish and subsequently the importance of local control over police forces will heighten. The appropriate role for the community to play in determining and supervising policing is very controversial and the police departments themselves have been emphasizing organizational autonomy to avoid political interference. Certain reformers, however, who envisage a democratic community structure, believe that the police should be responsive to the needs and demands of their constituency. Chiefs guard their autonomy from the elected officials, public interference, media misrepresentation and even threats from other police departments, for example, in the case of proposals for regionalization. Small town policing is likely to continue to experience change in the next decade. The question of police budget will be pivotal. Town citizens pay taxes directly for policing, as well as other municipal services. These special taxes are not paid to the same extent by County residents who are policed by rural R.C.M.P. under provincial contracts. Municipal politicians are likely to take on the challenge of this unfair tax burden and, in the process, changes in provincial policing will be high on their agenda.

51 Some forms of regionalization of policing in areas such as the Valley may well be one of the consequences of the Marshall Inquiry. The essential problem for towns such as Kentville would be to make some changes while retaining the traditional strengths of small town policing. It will be a delicate balancing act pushed by forces outside the municipalities which may have a more legalistic and intrusive style of policing in mind.

Endnotes

1 Halifax and Cape Breton counties have slightly more than twice this density. 2 Newton appealed the case to the Department of Labour Standards Board. In the hearing the Town argued that: "According to the Police Act, the Chief of Police serves at the pleasure of Council and may be terminated at the pleasure of Council without having just cause". On the other hand the Labour Standards Act requires an employer "to show just cause for firing an employee with over ten years experience". The Police Act included a provision that, should it conflict with any other statute, the Police Act superseded the other legislation (Halifax Chronicle Herald, May 11, 1978, p. 25). 3 McRae was retained as Chief, and Graves agreed to a cash settlement for wrongful dismissal. 4 For example, between 1982 - 1985 the ratio was 1 officer per 452 citizens, 1:414 in 1986 and 1:434 in 1987. 5 In August of 1989 one Corporal stepped down. A constable was promoted to fill this position on November 1, 1989 as a result of a promotion routine. In the Spring of 1990 three constables were promoted. 6 The exception to this was making "Lefty" Graves Deputy Chief upon the hiring of Chief Strong in 1966. 7 Plans for the development of an intermediary position (Deputy Chief) are in the formulative stages. At this time no official competition dates have been set. 8 One platoon has only one constable and one corporal but another constable is scheduled to be hired in November of 1990. This will bring the department up to full strength. 9 The C.P.O. was recently (1990) promoted to the rank of corporal and continues to serve as the crime prevention coordinator. 10 The C.P.O. has recently been promoted and while retaining an active role in the department's crime prevention programming, he will be sharing the proactive obligations with an officer responsible for presentations and a representative from each shift. 11 One corporal decided to step down to the rank of constable. 12 The Nova Scotia Police Act was enacted in 1974 and has been amended in subsequent years.

52 13 In 1990 Middleton and Annapolis Royal police departments, formerly serviced by Valley Communications, broke away and are presently utilizing a local answering/dispatch service. 14 Each staff member receives a 3 month, in-house training course which deals with basic telephone skills and emergency services. All personnel are trained in C.P.I.C. Once a year the staff attend a refresher course. 15 Problems in determining/measuring police productivity include; lack of uniform reporting, inter-city comparison, budget and organizational variance, alternative policing styles/objectives, inadequate development of measurement systems, experienced "data handling", geographic and regional variation and difficulties with measuring public satisfaction. 16 Juristat (July, 1987) statistics indicate that nationally (and yearly since 1969) Criminal Code offenses have grown faster than the number of police officers. 17 A majority of these fraud case involved "N.S.F" cheques. 18 There were also more than four times the number of the Disturbing the Peace offenses.

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