Contrast + Unity

Home , Literacy in India, Rangoli, Social design

CONTRAST + UNITY

______

A Project

Presented to the

Faculty of

San Diego State University

______

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Arts in Arts

with a Concentration in

Studio Arts

______

Namita Nitin Sharma

Fall 2010

iii

Namita Nitin Sharma

DEDICATION

I dedicate this MA project to my husband, Nitin Sharma. Thank you for all your patience, love and support. I could not have finished this project without you.

ABSTRACT OF THE PROJECT

Contrast + Unity by Namita Nitin Sharma Master of Arts in Art with a Concentration in Studio Arts San Diego State University, 2010

I hail from the beautiful city of Mumbai in the western part of India. Since 2007, I have been a student of Graphic Design at San Diego State University. Although it sounds ironic, staying away from home allowed me to understand my country and her people better. Several times, I reflected upon the social issues back in my country and how I could approach them through my work. I realized that the religious intolerance that is so prevalent in the Indian society bothered me. Considering India is home to several religions and practices. I couldn’t justify these religious conflicts, especially between Hindus and Muslims. Hindus form the majority group with eighty percent of the Indian population practicing Hinduism. Muslims are the largest minority group being fourteen percent of the total Indian population. Both these groups share a history of ethnic violence and bloody riots. Hinduism was born in India; whereas, Islam was introduced in the country around the tenth century A.D. by Arab traders on business visits. In spite of living together for more than a thousand years on the same land, the two religious groups still show signs of conflict. India’s politicians and their agendas have also contributed to the rise of religious conflicts. These politicians have repeatedly exploited religious and ethnic tensions for short-term political gain. In this process, they have completely ignored the long-term social consequences that have impacted the cordial relations between these two groups. These tensions, resulting in repeated riots, have left permanent scars in the minds of the people of both groups. Through my work, I am attempting to bridge the differences between these two groups and highlight the elements of harmonious relationships that can exist between them. I am addressing this issue by showing the CONTRAST in the stereotypical iconographic images in various categories, such as food, clothing, architecture, literature, beliefs, and symbols between the two groups; and at the same time highlighting the commonality between the two, which is the UNIFYING element in my design. Through my work, I want to emphasize that even though these two groups have had several conflicts and have different faiths and beliefs, the commonality between Hindus and Muslims is far stronger than the differences. During the week of October 17–22, 2009, I used the space of the Flor y Canto Gallery at San Diego State University in order to showcase my posters, information panels and mandala installation. Overall, I created an intimate environment in the gallery where the visitor could experience the contrasting nature between the two religious groups and travel through the factors that unify them. Slides of the gallery installation of the project are available for viewing in the Slide Library in the School of Art, Design, and Art History.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

ABSTRACT ...... v LIST OF PLATES ...... viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... x CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1 2 INFLUENCES ...... 4 Posters ...... 5 Power of Images, Signs and Symbols ...... 8 Information Design ...... 13 Typography ...... 15 3 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND...... 19 900 – 1707 Muslim Conquest ...... 22 1751 – 1947 British India ...... 22 1947 India and Pakistan ...... 23 1947 – Present ...... 24 4 SOCIAL CONTEXT ...... 26 India as Society ...... 27 Hindu Caste System ...... 27 India’s National Identity ...... 29 5 PROCESS ...... 32 Setting the Stage ...... 32 Refinement ...... 36 Final Practice ...... 38 6 THE EXHIBITION ...... 42 Side Panels ...... 44 Compositions ...... 46 Architecture ...... 48

vii

Beliefs ...... 49 Clothing...... 50 Food ...... 51 Literature ...... 52 Symbology ...... 53 Information Panels ...... 54 Oneness Mandala ...... 58 7 CONCLUSION ...... 61 REFERENCES ...... 61 APPENDIX PLATES ...... 64

viii

LIST OF PLATES

PAGE

Plate 1 Fang Chen Victory ...... 66 Plate 2 Yossi Lemel Israel Palestine 2002 Bloodbath ...... 67 Plate 3 Steven Lyons No Blood for Oil ...... 68 Plate 4 Mies Hora Official Signs & Icons 2 ...... 69 Plate 5 Symbol Om ...... 70 Plate 6 Parle G ...... 71 Plate 7 Advertisement near railway tracks in Mumbai ...... 72 Plate 8 The Wall Project ...... 73 Plate 9 Shepard Fairey Barack Obama “Hope” Poster ...... 74 Plate 10 HSBC The world’s local bank ...... 75 Plate 11 William Playfair Pie chart from Statistical Breviary ...... 76 Plate 12 Philipp Steinweber and Andreas Koller Similar Diversity ...... 77 Plate 13 Timm Kekeritz Virtual Water inside products ...... 78 Plate 14 Nicholas Felton Annual Report 2008 ...... 79 Plate 15 Nicholas Felton Annual Report 2008 ...... 80 Plate 16 Michael Bierut Poster for the Yale School of Architecture ...... 81 Plate 17 Michael Bierut Poster for Eisenman/Krier: Two Ideologies Symposium ...... 82 Plate 18 Sketchbook ...... 83 Plate 19 Beliefs ...... 84 Plate 20 Clothing...... 85 Plate 21 Architecture...... 86 Plate 22 Literature ...... 87 Plate 23 Symbols ...... 88 Plate 24 Food ...... 89 Plate 25 Experiments with different materials on Beliefs plate ...... 90 Plate 26 Updated compositions ...... 91 Plate 27 Hand-drawn mandalas ...... 92

Plate 28 Refined symbols ...... 93 Plate 29 Refined symbols ...... 94 Plate 30 Refined symbols ...... 95 Plate 31 Information graphic symbol ...... 95 Plate 32 Additional versions of mandalas ...... 96 Plate 33 Variations of the final mandala ...... 97 Plate 34 Patterns based on the mandala ...... 98 Plate 35 The gallery space ...... 99 Plate 36 Title on the wall ...... 100 Plate 37 Exhibition invitation front side ...... 101 Plate 38 Exhibition invitation back side ...... 102 Plate 39 Panel text for Architecture ...... 103 Plate 40 Side Panels ...... 104 Plate 41 Composition Architecture and floor mandala ...... 105 Plate 42 Beliefs ...... 106 Plate 43 Clothing...... 107 Plate 44 Food ...... 108 Plate 45 Literature ...... 109 Plate 46 Symbology ...... 110 Plate 47 Information Panels ...... 111 Plate 48 Top view of the Information Panels ...... 112 Plate 49 Details of the Information Panels ...... 113 Plate 50 Details of social structure section ...... 114 Plate 51 Details of historical background section ...... 115 Plate 52 Details of timeline of Hindu-Muslim conflict section ...... 116 Plate 53 Details of timeline of Hindu-Muslim conflict section ...... 117 Plate 54 Sheer curtains ...... 118 Plate 55 Space between the rows of curtains ...... 119 Plate 56 Oneness Mandala...... 120 Plate 57 Oneness Mandala with candles ...... 121

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I sincerely thank the following exceptional people: To my thesis committee—Professors Susan Merritt, Patricia Cue and Huma Ahmed- Ghosh: You have given me the needed encouragement, guidance and your expertise. I couldn’t have asked for better. To Professors Jo-Anne Berelowitz, Ida Rigby, Michelle Burgess, Beth Weeks, and Scott Wyss: I sincerely appreciate your feedback and guidance in your classes. You helped me succeed throughout my thesis process. To Jim Cavolt and Todd Partridge, for helping me with the installation process and all of the extremely useful tips. To Jeremy Blake, for all the guidance throughout the production process. To David Hewitt, for your wonderful advising. To Robert Wallace, Kim Wright and Joyce Corpuz, for answering all my questions and making this process a smooth one. To Morgan Cox of Pacific Print Works, for the outstanding prints of the thesis show and delivering them beyond my expectations. To Wendy Shapiro, for teaching me dedication and hardwork, and being supportive. To Lyubov Klimova, for your wonderful friendship, endless humor, and support. To Kizzy Ezirio, for your positive attitude and energy, to which I aspire. To Jenny Yoshida, for your help, friendship and the privilege to know an artist such as yourself. To Bodil Polusen, for sharing her passion for Indian architecture and her images. To Jill Hollingsworth, Rich Babiarz, Elizabeth Rossi, Minae Kim, Courtney Harmon, and Linda McCulloch, for your feedback, help, and friendship over the semesters. To my parents and in-laws, for all their love, support, guidance and strength. To my brother Sarthak, sister Vinita and brother-in-law Saurabh, for being understanding, loving and helpful in your own unique ways.

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

My first attempt to understand the contrasting elements between the two religious groups, Hindus and Muslims, was by pasting iconographic1 images from both religious groups on opposite pages in my sketchbook. I did a comparative study to understand why people from both these groups have strong animosity towards each other. Growing up in India and experiencing two communal riots between Hindus and Muslims where hundreds of lives were lost, led me to question the behavioral pattern of the people in my country. Even though Hindus and Muslims have a rich history of more than a thousand years, there have been numerous accounts of Hindu-Muslim conflicts, which are either the result of religious intolerance or the manifestation of political agendas. This has led to an invisible divide between the people of the two groups. Although there has been no recent account of Hindu- Muslim conflict, the past riots have left a permanent scar in the minds of the people. I personally felt responsible as a graphic designer to use the power of design to communicate the message of peace and harmony. And I began questioning my role as a designer and how I can contribute to bring change in the behavioral pattern of the people. In the process I came across the theory of Social Design, which encourages designers to use their skills, knowledge and creativity to bring positive change in society. According to Jong Jun, Professor of Public Administration at California State University Hayward, Social Design contributes to improving the social and economic structure of society and uses design to address issues of responsibility, strategic thinking, behavior modification, and problem solving. It involves proactive orientation towards change. Social design assumes that designers work to create relevant solutions and to implement them appropriately. By creating a dialogue, ideas and objectives are socially constructed; therefore, the ultimate goal of social design is not political consensus but the understanding of the meaning of ideas, experiences,

1 Iconography: the images and symbolic representation that are traditionally associated with a person or a subject.

knowledge, and the development of shared responsibility (Storm, Jun & Bruce, 1990, p. 1, 14). There have been many professionals in the field of graphic design, who believe social design can have an impact on society as a whole. Victor Papanek (1927–1999), a strong advocate of socially responsible design, asserts that the designers and creative professionals have a responsibility and are able to cause real change in the world through good design (Papanek, 1971). Even the “First Things First 2000: A Design Manifesto” which is an updated version of the “First Things First” manifesto that was published in 1964, promotes the idea of bringing change to society by addressing the causes which go unnoticed in the current chaotic world of design with no substance. The manifesto encourages designers, professionals and students to act as responsible citizens and take a stand for the pursuits more worthy of designers’ problem-solving skills. Unprecedented environmental, social and cultural crises demand our attention. Many cultural interventions, social marketing campaigns, books, magazines, exhibitions, educational tools, television programs, films, charitable causes and other information design projects urgently require the expertise and help of designers. A quote from the manifesto reinforces this position, “We propose a reversal of priorities in favor of more useful, lasting and democratic forms of communication—a mindshift away from product marketing and toward the exploration and production of a new kind of meaning. The scope of debate is shrinking; it must expand” (Bruinsma, 2000). Glaser (2005), a renowned graphic designer expressed similar views of being a citizen designer in the presentation he made at the 2005 AIGA2 Design Conference, where he said, “My personal response to this condition has led me to become more active in civic life. As designers, we’ve been concerned about our role in society for a very long time. It’s important to remember that even modernism had social reform as its basic principal, but the need to act seems more imperative than ever.” As I apply social design to the process of creating graphic solutions on religious tolerance, I put into practice various elements such as strategy, concept, design and execution, which are the essence of social design. I was drawn to the issue of religious

2 AIGA was founded in 1914 as the American Institute of Graphic Arts. In 2005 the name was changed to AIGA, the professional association for design.

intolerance, as I believed it was my responsibility as a graphic designer to look at the issue from a different perspective. Through design I can communicate a universal message that can create change in society and in the behavioral patterns of the intended audience. When a message is communicated effectively, it has the power to positively change people’s action. In the body of work presented in my MA thesis exhibition, I have projected the contrasting elements of the two religious groups and infused the commonalities that unify them. Through imagery, typography, information design, and traditional Indian art including the mandala3, I created an experience for the audience to understand my viewpoint on the Hindu-Muslim conflict and demonstrated how design can play a leading role in bringing positive change in society. In these pages, I discuss the influences on the body of work I created for my thesis exhibition. I give an overview of the historical background of the Hindu-Muslim conflict, the social context of India as a country and her people, and explain the process of experimenting with various mediums, forms and materials for effective messaging. I also discuss the ideas and thought process involved in the work that I included in my thesis exhibition.

3 Mandala: from the classical Indian language of Sanskrit the word loosely translates to mean “circle.” A mandala is an integrated structure organized around a unifying center.

CHAPTER 2

INFLUENCES

As a child growing up in India, daily I encountered religious art in the form of a canvas filled with Hindu4 gods and goddesses that hangs in my parents’ home. I was drawn to these images, firstly, because I was asked to respect the faces present on the canvas, and secondly I was fascinated by the robust decoration surrounding these faces. The use of vivid colors, borders and intricate floral designs added to the grandiose feeling of the paintings. The period of my childhood was only limited to the art I found in my parents’ home and other surroundings. Though I appreciated the religious paintings as a child, while in my teenage years I started paying more attention to the billboards, posters in public spaces, television advertisements, and street art that I encountered on a daily basis. I could barely differentiate the good design from the bad. I was constantly drawn to the information surrounding me, because of the images, color and above all the effective ways the printed material was displayed that grabbed my attention while I traveled in public transport, in my car or as pedestrian. My keen interest in how the information was displayed led me to pursue my Bachelors in Advertising and Design at the University of Huddersfield in Mumbai, India. During four years of undergraduate studies, I was introduced to the world of design and gained an appreciation for the details involved in layout from posters to magazines to billboards. My early years in the program taught me the fundamentals of graphic design, including introduction to typography, illustration and printing techniques ranging from silk- screen, letterpress, to digital print processes. I was particularly drawn to typography and information design. Having an analytical mind, I found it logical to display vast amounts of information in graphic form that was simplified for the use of the targeted audience. The application of graphic design principles, such as symmetry, balance, and hierarchy, applied in my work during my undergraduate years, helped me to understand the essence of these

4 Hindu: a term used for the followers of Hinduism, a religious practice in India.

principles in design. I have always relied on these principles when designing and they are visible in my body of work produced for the thesis exhibition. As a graduate student at San Diego State University, I have had opportunities to reflect on subjects that interest me the most, to research various social issues that concern me, and to explore how design can be the tool to communicate my views to the needed audience. I have always felt strongly about the religious discrimination and intolerance in India. The conflict between the two religious groups in India, Hindus and Muslims, has always been a concern for me, but I had not yet determined the proper medium to express my views. While working towards creating this body of work for my thesis exhibition, I revisited works of artists and graphic designers whose different forms and media had influenced me the most. The wide spectrum of examples range from posters on social issues, iconographic images, typography, information graphics, mandalas and Indian art.

POSTERS The poster is the prime field for experimenting with visual language. It is the scene of changing ideas and aesthetics of cultural, social and political events. Pierre Bernard, French Graphic Designer

At the present time, poster art is in a period of renaissance. Posters have come to be regarded as mysterious cultural objects, whose flatness and literalness only deepen their resonance, as well as inexhaustibly rich emblems of the society. Posters have become one of the most ubiquitous kinds of cultural objects—prized partly because they are cheap, unpretentious, “popular” art. Sontag (1970), “Posters: Advertisement, Art, Political Artifact, Commodity”

The above quotes by Bernard and Sontag, present two different perspectives on how posters have taken shape from being a medium to advertise products and events to a platform to communicate messages that can cause an effect on the society as a whole. Bernard emphasizes posters as being the visual language for various political events, wars, protests, peace and justice, and Sontag talks about posters as being a form of art that has broken boundaries in society and has become one of the most powerful tools of communication. Every government and country during the last hundred years has taken advantage of the

poster to inform, educate and ignite. French historian Gallo (2002) writes in his book, The Poster in History: Posters channel our dreams, excite our desires. For a poster to be effective it must speak to us and secretly appeal to weak spots of which we ourselves are not aware. It must be a code that corresponds to one of our own. And the more the poster appeals to those aspects of our character that we ourselves hardly know the greater will be the penetration of its message. Above all, we must not suspect that we are being influenced, or we will resist. (p. 9) The function of the poster today is to appeal to our subconscious feelings and our barely conscious needs, and we react accordingly as intended. Posters are also a reflection of the customs of a country and the level of technology at any given moment. The manner in which a poster is designed and printed tells us as much about society as the overt message the poster communicates. As for political posters, especially in times of turmoil, one can find posters that express dissenting viewpoints and those that reflect the dominant ideologies. Sometimes these posters document issues that can either divide or unite society as a whole (Galo, 2002, p. 10–12). Posters have the power to make ideas for social change accessible by recording struggles for peace, justice and liberation from oppression and raising awareness of environmental issues. Posters celebrate important acts of resistance, providing alternative explanations, interpretations, narratives and myths through creative interpretations. They indicate the artist’s social commitment. Whether they communicate, exhort, persuade, instruct, celebrate, or warn, graphic posters still jar us to action through bold messages and striking iconography. Posters are a visible dissent (Baseman, Chaz, & Resnick, 2005). The graphic posters that influenced me the most were assembled in The Graphic Imperative: International Posters for Peace, Social Justice and Environment 1965–2005, a traveling exhibition of over one hundred posters, which was exhibited in Fall 2006 at the University Art Gallery at San Diego State University. Being my first semester as a graduate student in the graphic design program and simultaneously working on what could be my proposed thesis topic, these posters influenced my decision-making process. Individual posters explored several themes from the past four decades, including solidarity, liberation, racism, sexism, human rights, civil rights, environmental concerns, AIDS, war, literacy and tolerance and provided a window into an age of great change (Baseman et al., 2005).

These posters project messages of anger, determination, courage and hope across borders of time and place, crucial weapons in humanity’s struggle, which have helped empower and propel important movements of social change. Though there were many posters that caught my attention in this exhibition, a few which had strong messages for peace and harmony impacted my thesis, which strives for a peaceful relationship between two contrasting groups, and I have used graphic design as a tool to convey the needed message. The poster designed by Fang Chen in the category of peace titled “Victory” (see Plate 1 in Appendix; all plates are shown in the Appendix) was one of the posters in the exhibit that reflected a strong message for peace. The concept behind the poster is described by Chen: The hand is intended to symbolize all humankind. I felt the capitalized V represented by two fingers is a universal symbol for victory and understood by viewers of all races and cultures. According to Chinese folklore, the lines in the human hands are not only records of the past but also foretell the future. In my image, I wanted the palm lines in the hand to show that human beings in general, no matter in the past or in the future, often go through numerous struggles and endure countless pain and suffering in order to survive to the ultimate triumph. (Baseman et al., 2005). Chen adds that an ideal design should be able to express complicated and profound meaning in a simple way, and a poster should be effective enough to make people think. The poster from the exhibition by Yossi Lemel titled “Israel Palestine 2002 Bloodbath” (Plate 2) was a result of the anger and resentment Lemel felt against the continuous bloodshed between Israel and Palestine. The endless cycle of bloodshed was prompted by suicide bombings carried out by Palestinians and other militant groups in 2002. The image in the poster expresses the magnitude of Lemel’s disappointment. He presents a clean, “archetypical” bathtub that is half filled with blood. Lemel takes a neutral position by not identifying whose blood is in the bathtub since he believes that the pain and suffering is the same on both sides. The half-filled bathtub casts a shadow of pessimism over the whole conflict, indicating that a lot of blood will still be spilled in the region if the conflict continues. The sterility of white tiles above the bathtub connotes a morgue, and the overall whiteness of the room exudes a pure cry for help and begs for an end to the useless bloodshed (Baseman et al., 2005). I found the context of this poster similar to the Hindu-

Muslim conflict in India, where unresolved differences between the Hindu and Muslim religious groups have resulted in bloodshed. The message of the poster “No Blood for Oil” (Plate 3) designed by illustrator Steven Lyons is clearly defined in the title. The poster is an illustrative expression by Lyons of the brutal wars fought for oil fields in the Middle East. He states that “in 1990, during the run-up to the Gulf War there was much discussion about the real reason for the war—defending Kuwait’s freedom or defending oil resources for the country that consumes the most energy and hence, I came up with this image of a general as a fuel pump. During the second attack on Iraq there was an obvious need to bring back this image, so it was slightly updated at that time” (Baseman et al., 2005). The reason for the image of the general as a fuel pump is that Lemel wanted to convey how power is exploited and commanded from the chief person in the army while troops were killing almost 50,000 people for a gallon of oil. Lemel updated the poster from the earlier version of 1990 by changing the font of the slogan “No Blood for Oil” and omitting the words “Bring the Troops Home” which was placed at the bottom of the poster. In the poster, the globe on which the general is standing shows the control of the general over the world and is modified from the earlier version as the previous illustrations only showed a portion of a circle, but in the updated version it is replaced by the part of the globe. These three examples of the posters from the exhibition are strong advocates for peace and harmony, which I am striving to achieve through my body of work. The use of iconography, color, and illustrations in these posters has influenced the icons and symbols that I have created for my work for the thesis show. Even though each poster is concentrating on conflicts in specific parts of the world, the use of simple and straightforward iconography by the designers not only communicates to their target audience it also appeals to a more universal audience. I have applied a similar approach to my work by using iconographic images for communicating to my audience, specifically Hindus and Muslims, while also reaching out to a universal audience.

POWER OF IMAGES, SIGNS AND SYMBOLS Semiotics, the study of signs and symbols as elements of language and communication, informs our ability to interpret images or other sensory input. Semiotics

strives to understand and explain how different meanings are assigned, based on variables of sender, receiver, context, and culture (Visocky O’Grady & Visocky O’Grady, 2008, p. 93– 94). Central to semiotics is the concept of the “sign” defined as a word, image, sound, gesture, or any other sensory experience. Each sign possesses a “denotation,” its most commonly accepted meaning, and often several “connotations,” which are secondary associations based on an individual’s personal experience. For example, an image of a skull and crossbones is immediately associated with death (denotation), but can also conjure thoughts of pirates, secret societies, poison, or even a retail clothing line (connotations). Individual signs are further classified as icons, symbols, or indexes: Icons are literal, visual representations. For instance, a drawing of a car looks like an actual car. Symbols are more abstract and may represent things that don’t have physical form. For example, the international symbol for “biohazard” is an abstracted series of circles. Indexes create connections between objects, using that which is easy to describe to identify something more obscure. For instance, the image of an umbrella is used to indicate wet weather. Context, culture, and personal experience influence a sign’s denotations and connotations. But those influences are not fixed. As our experiences evolve, so does the meaning we ascribe to signs (Visocky O’Grady & Visocky O’Grady, 2008, p. 93– 94). Signs, such as icons, symbols, and indexes used in public spaces require instant clarity, often necessitating communication across cultural and language barriers. Many governmental entities and trade organizations require standardization of the marks used in projects such as on consumer products and public spaces. Mies Hora, designer and founder of the Ultimate Symbol, had this in mind when he developed Official Signs & Icons. Responding to the evolving needs of the profession, Hora spent almost a decade updating the original volume of Official Sign & Icons–—based directly on feedback from the American and international design community (Plate 4). Working with design luminaries like Thomas Geismar, Pail Mijksenaar, Lance Wyman, Steff Geissbuhler, and Donald Meeker, and associations including AIGA and SEGD,5 Hora set out not only to catalog a collection of

5 SEGD or Society for Environmental Graphic Design is the professional organization that supports the global community for people who work at the intersection of communication design and the built environment.

existing images, but also to create new systems where they were desperately needed (Visocky O’Grady & Visocky O’Grady, 2008). The signs in public spaces have the same meaning and function universally, while there are some signs and symbols that are significant only to certain cultures in the world. India is one of the countries, which has a population that practices several religions, and each religious group has a valuable set of signs and symbols that have importance to their respective believers. Being from the Hindu religion, it was obvious in my parents’ home to have either an image or form of religious signs to respect the Hindu belief system. The first sign I came across in my home was om6 (Plate 5), a syllable of Indian origin known for its religious and spiritual value to the Hindus. The importance of the sign in my home environment was evident, as there were stickers of the symbol om on almost every door of my house. Om is associated with a good beginning, peace, and tranquility as per the definition available in the Hindu sacred scriptures called Vedas. The symbol has been popularized all over the world through yoga7 meditation or as part of the Indian culture. Om is just one example of a sign that is valuable for the Hindus, and in my work for the thesis show I have used semiotics to represent several signs and symbols that are iconic to the Hindus and Muslims. They are even the binding factor between the two conflicting religious groups. An iconic image that is embedded in my memories from my childhood days is an image of little girl on the packaging of biscuit Parle G (Plate 6). The association of the little girl with the product is well known as the product was targeted to children and adults alike. Parle G has maintained the same packaging of the product since its debut 65 years ago, which is the reason the product is very popular with the masses in India. The example of Parle G shows how an image is successfully used in selling a product, and now we are overloaded with the propagandized use of images—from billboards, magazines, newspapers to online advertising. Such images are popular modes of communication for advertisers in

6 Om or Aum: A syllable consisting of three phonemes, a, u and m, variously symbolizing the three stages in life (birth, life and death). 7 Yoga refers to traditional physical and mental disciplines originating in India.

India where 40% of the population is illiterate.8 An array of colorful portraits, products, and symbols with popular cultural themes fills the streets, walls, and pillars of the community. These themes range across political utopianism, religious celebration and commercial advertising, presenting a visual parade of transport, animals and people, hoardings, street furniture, architectural detail, packaging—backdrops and props of rich cultural street theater. Striking images blur in a confusion of color, scale and quantity. Static or moving, figure or landscape, every surface is a panorama, every material a canvas, an opportunity of expression and communication (Dawson, 1999, p. 7). One reason street art is so popular is that it is the most powerful tool to communicate to people in all states of India because it is customized to local practices, language and images that are easily recognizable by the people. The street art that I grew accustomed to, due to my daily commute by train to my college in Mumbai, covered the walls beside the railway tracks (Plate 7). I used to gaze through the window of the train compartment and wonder, why weren’t any social messages related to challenges faced by the city ever addressed on these walls. They were mainly covered with advertising for various products and layered with Indian movie posters. I never thought usage of the wall space outrageous for promotion, but thought it would benefit people by seeing some messages on saving water, promoting peace, keeping the city clean or planting more trees. While conducting research for my thesis, I collected a wide range of images of Mumbai. During that process I came across “The Wall Project,” an initiative taken up by a group of enthusiastic designers and citizens, including Dhanya Pilo, Parag Gandhi and Nisha Jacob, in collaboration with municipal authorities, to beautify the walls of the city. The basic idea was to create a visual language of color, form, design and shape that would create a dialogue on peace, unity, and awareness and enhance the character of Mumbai (Dhanya, Gandhi, & Jacob, 2009) (Plate 8). This process allows one to be more observant about the use of public spaces; the social message through these images has the power to stay in the minds of the people for a longer period of time. The most important factor about these images is that people ascribe their own meaning to the images. The use of iconic, symbolic, and stereotypical images spreads awareness among the people more effectively. In my work for the thesis project, I have used images that are iconic and stereotypical representations of

8 As per the 2001 Indian census record.

the Hindu and Muslim culture so that I can spread the message of unity to my target audience, the Hindus and the Muslims. Iconic images have the potential to stimulate our senses, stir up emotions and even ignite revolution. An illustration of this is Barack Obama’s “Hope” poster, designed by Shepard Fairey (Plate 9). It was widely described as iconic and became synonymous with the 2008 Obama presidential campaign (Ben, 2008). It consists of a stylized portrait of Obama in solid shapes of red, white (actually beige) and blue (pastel and dark) with the words “progress,” “hope,” or “change” below. According to Steven Heller, the poster was inspired by Social Realism9 and, while widely praised as original and unique, can be seen as part of a long tradition of contemporary artists drawing inspiration from political candidates and producing “posters that break the mold not only in terms of color and style but also in message and tone” (Ben, 2008). The success of this poster transcends a mere portrait of Barack Obama and becomes iconic because it is the representation of the change and progress that Obama’s supporters desired. Fairey’s poster is unique due to the use of color, words and style, which translate the ideas and values of Obama’s U.S. presidential campaign. In the world of globalization, visual communication has played a key role in bridging the gaps between cultures and people. Being a graphic designer in this global economy requires one to be sensitive to different cultures and to communicate in a whole new way. Designers are now required to think strategically within the context of cross-cultural design. In recent years outsourcing work to other countries has become a common practice in order to engage designers from local markets who have an acute understanding of local audiences (Steiner & Ken, 1995, p. 9). During my undergraduate days, I used to design mostly commercial advertising for various products and companies. So, most of my work revolved around the need to sell to a target audience. I tried to attain the same goal in the body of work created for my thesis; though, this time I am promoting a social message of peace and harmony, and I have been able to achieve that only by understanding the background of my audience, the Hindus and the Muslims. There have been numerous print and television campaigns centric to the idea of

9 Social Realism, also known as Socio-Realism, is an artistic movement expressed in the visual and other realist arts, which depicts social and racial injustice, economic hardship, through unvarnished pictures of life’s struggles; often depicting working class activities as heroic (Todd jr., 2009).

adapting to the local market before launching a product. The campaign for Hong Kong Shanghai Bank Corporation (HSBC) was designed by the creative advertising agency Lowe to define the distinct personality of the group’s brand and introduce HSBC as “the world’s local bank.” The concept was developed on the basis of research done worldwide, which indicated that consumers want to be treated as individuals and to feel that companies care about them, recognize their needs and understand what makes their community unique. HSBC’s advertisements demonstrate the importance of local knowledge by exploring distinctive national customs and practices (“New campaign for the worlds local bank,” 2002). The campaign portrays images of sports, traditions, beliefs, fashion and food that are either iconic or significant to the local audience (Plate 10).

INFORMATION DESIGN In their book, The Information Design Handbook, Visocky O’Grady and Visocky O’Grady (2008) give an overview of their topic: “In a complex world, clear and accessible communication, across a broad range of media, has become essential. Information design addresses this need by blending typography, illustration, communication studies, ergonomics, psychology, sociology, linguistics, computer science, and a variety of other fields to create concise and unambiguous messages. While virtually all forms of design are human-centered, information design focuses on the accurate representation of specific knowledge sets and the unique needs of the end user receiving that content” (p. 6). Information design has been one of the mediums through which I have been able to connect with my audience in the thesis show. I displayed a vast amount of numeric data and information, using graphics that visually translate the complex information into a form that was easier to interpret by the viewers. In the work I designed for the thesis exhibition, I used bar graphs, color, geometric shapes, timeline bar, typography, numbers to communicate about the social structure of India in relation to Hindus and Muslims in the country, historical background and a timeline of the Hindu-Muslim conflict. William Playfair, a Scottish engineer and political economist also known as the father of nearly all modern charts and graphs, believed that the visualization of data was, in some cases, easier to understand than the written word. Playfair wanted his audience to be able to

visualize the connections between economic factors. His visualization of data bridged significant knowledge gaps10 (Visocky O’Grady & Visocky O’Grady, 2008, p. 33) (Plate 11). Charts and graphs are equally important in the visual representation of numerical data, clearly presenting information that otherwise might be confusing to the audience. Keeping that aspect in mind, designers Philipp Steinweber and Andreas Koller developed “Similar Diversity,” an information graphic that opens up a new perspective on the topics of religion and faith by visualizing the holy books of five world religions (Plate 12). The designers undertook this challenge to visually demonstrate the commonalities and differences among the holy texts of Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism and Judaism. The project is a large-scale graphic representation of a digitized text analysis comparing the like content within the selected holy books and scriptures on a word-by-word basis. Despite the abstraction, the information graphic works not only on an informal level but also elicits a strong emotional response. As envisioned by the designers, the viewers should be inspired to think about their own prejudices and current religious conflicts (Steinweber & Koller, 2007). Similar Diversity in many ways relates to my thesis topic of religious discrimination and conflicts, where I am showing how common aspects between two different religious beliefs, Hinduism and Islam, can bind people in a positive way. Another example of displaying quantitative data in a simple and effective manner is the poster on “Virtual Water” designed by German designer Timm Kekeritz and based on the data gathered by Hoeckstra et al (Plate 13). The poster is part of the “The Virtual Water Project” which focuses on this precious resource and its usage in daily activities, such as drinking, cooking, washing and in producing physical products. The project calculates the water footprint in these activities. The water footprint of a person, company or nation is defined by the total volume of freshwater that is used to produce the commodities, goods and services consumed by the person, company or nation. The idea of the water footprint is quite similar to the ecological footprint, but focusing on the use of water (Kekeritz, 2007). The designer created the set of infographics in cyan and black, using a design that is concise and minimalistic by visualizing parts of the researched data to make the issue of virtual water and

3 William Playfair wrote two books, The Commercial and Political Atlas in 1786 and The Statistical Breviary in 1801, which used graphical representations of numeric data.

the water footprint perceptible. The use of the silhouettes of animals, food grains, poultry and other food items along with elegant typography and a simple layout enhanced the overall design. Inspired by the minimalist approach of the designer to show data, I created graphics to show the numeric data representing the social structure of India (see Chapter 6 The Exhibition), using two colors, orange and green, with a single geometric shape and typography. The work of designer Nicolas Felton was also a source of inspiration when I was visualizing the data and bar graphs for the thesis show. I like his systematic approach of collecting data and documenting it in a form that is visually appealing. As I was working with vast amount of literature and extracting numeric data from various sources, I needed a systematic approach to display the data that would be easily understood by the audience. Felton is known for designing annual reports based on his yearly personal activities, which includes his time spent in traveling, meeting with friends and work. In his Annual Report 2008 (Plate 14–15), he has designed information graphics covering the miles he has traveled by all means of transportation (Felton, 2008). He has used simple, effective geometric shapes and bar graphs to translate the number of miles and his other activities involving his travels. With the use of minimal and contrasting colors, he emphasized the number of times he traveled in a certain mode of transportation. He played with scaling the triangles that he used to represent the various types of activities. His work influenced mine in many ways as I went through the stages of first finalizing the data that needed to be displayed and then using the color, forms and typography that would most effectively communicate to the viewers.

TYPOGRAPHY Typography is the art and technique of arranging typeset text. There are principles and basic rules of typography that should be followed to be successful in communicating the desired message; graphic designers are trained to apply these principles. Bringhurst (2005), author of The Elements of Typographic Style, points out that the first principle of typography is to honor content: “One of the principles of durable typography is always legibility; another is the energy emoted through various forms and goes by various names, including serenity, liveliness, laughter, grace and joy” (p. 17). Typography is associated with emotions, and it is very capable of expressing the right emotion by the way it is laid out on the page.

Typography involves type design. This is the arrangement of type which includes the selection of a typeface11 and setting spaces for better legibility by arranging leading, the spacing between lines, tracking, the spaces between groups of letters, and kerning, the spacing between pairs of letters. Although the layman may not be aware of these rules, graphic designers, printers and typographers are well versed in them, and they apply them to create a layout that will engage the audience on many levels. Meggs (2001), in his book Texts on Type: Critical Writings on Typography, says that type is an extension of one’s personality and aesthetically-set type can convey more than human emotions: The wellspring for typography’s enduring vitality is human passion. A passion exists for letterforms, dynamic arrangements, history, and technique. It provides the motivation for innovative and experimental new fonts, unprecedented page designs, and critical writing. Throughout history, this passion for the aesthetic and civilizing aspects of typography has propelled this critical aspect of human endeavor forward, and it will continue to do so in the near future. (p. vii) According to Samara (2004), in his book Typographic Workbook, typography has little to do with typefaces and their style, being more about what one does with them. In one sense, the visual qualities of a specific typeface can be ignored while focusing on more interesting things like layout. On the other hand, while working with the type, it is extremely important to understand the interconnections and relationships with the space, texture, and rhythm in which type is arranged. Anything a designer does with a typeface fundamentally affects the overall feel of the type when set in a layout. Typography as a visual discipline exhibits the intriguing quality of relating the parts to the whole. The big picture is made up of parts and is very much characterized by how those parts act. The reverse is also evident: the big picture acts on those individual parts, casting them into new roles. It’s very much an open natural system, like a swirl of a snail shell or a fractal, and is, therefore, exceedingly organic; despite the mechanized digital veneer of production, the essence of typography is language…and there’s not much that’s more organic than that. (p. 44) Graphic designers are often told that rules in typography are meant to be broken. This is not really the case. The rules remain the same—how they are applied is what changes.

11 Typeface is a set of one or more fonts, in one or more sizes, designed with stylistic unity. A typeface usually comprises an alphabet of letters, numerals, and punctuation marks. The art and craft of designing typefaces is called type design (Samara, 2004).

Designing effectively with type begins with an understanding of its intrinsic properties, a mastery of how those properties can be manipulated and how that manipulation affects the properties of type. All typographic design revolves around reworking the parts of a system— the alphabet. Simplicity is usually considered desirable because the designer’s goal is to use type to convey information. Simplicity, clarity, complexity, and ambiguity are not mutually exclusive states in language; the sensitive typographer is one who manifests these states in the right mix by controlling the elements at their disposal (Samara, 2004). The grid brings a sense of order and direction to a typographic layout. A grid in typography is similar to the foundation an architect sets before building a structure. The typographic grid is an organizing principle ingrained in design practice. The grid is fundamentally a planning system that brings order to information while managing content. A function of the grid is to arrange items in the same manner so that their similarities are made more apparent and, therefore, more recognizable. As Samara (2002) expresses in his book Making or Breaking the Grid, “The grid renders the elements it controls into a neutral spatial field of regularity that permits accessibility—viewers know where to locate information they seek because the junctures of horizontal and vertical division act as signposts for locating that information. The system helps the viewer to understand its use. In one sense, the grid is like a visual filing cabinet” (p. 9). For some graphic designers, the grid has become an unquestioned part of the working process that yields precision, order, continuity and clarity. Grids can be loose and organic, or rigorous and mechanical. The history of the grid has been part of an evolution in how graphic designers think about designing, as well as a response to specific communication and production problems that need to be solved. The benefit of the grid is it brings a consistency and system to page layout, and distinguishes types of information and enhances a user’s navigation through them. Newspapers, magazines, websites, even an interface for a mobile phone, use a grid as the hidden iron beams to build a strong layout. The complexity of the grid can vary from one design to another. Michael Bierut is one of the reputed graphic designers who has shown the importance of the grid. For Bierut, it’s very important that the end user can relate to his work. He feels it’s the task of the designer to make any form of typography readable and not ignored by the viewer. He mentioned in one of his interviews that “probably the most interesting thing I learned is that a lot of the things about design that tend to get designers really interested

aren’t that important” (Walker, 2008). Bierut has even said that there is no proof people ever really read the annual reports and corporate brochures that designers make. Therefore, Bierut strives to not only make things that people are able to read, he makes people want to read them. The precision and clarity in which his work guides the viewer to the information is indeed very successful. The poster he designed for the Yale School of Architecture, where he has been designing for more than twelve years, reflects the style he has adapted in his work. The simplicity in his use of typography is quite powerful, and there is a sense of hierarchy through which one can easily navigate (Plate 16–17) (“Michael Bierut,” n.d.). His work influenced the typography I designed for the thesis show, where I extensively used type to display the information and engage my audience. I translated the emotions involved in bridging the differences of Hindus and Muslims through type. I applied the grid, which I designed out of the mandala that I created for the thesis show, and I was able to set the type, which is both organic and mechanical, following the lines of the grid. I tried to attain the simplicity, clarity and consistency in the page layout, where legibility and hierarchy enhanced the message that I intended for my audience. The expanded use of typography in the thesis show strengthened my purpose of designing work that visually communicates the harmonious relationship between the two religious groups.

CHAPTER 3

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

India’s extraordinary history is intimately tied to its geography. A meeting ground between the East and the West, it has always been an invader’s paradise, while at the same time its natural isolation and magnetic religions allowed it to adapt to and absorb many of the peoples who penetrated its mountain passes. No matter how many Persians, Greeks, Chinese nomads, Muslims, Portuguese, British and other raiders had their way with the land, local Hindu kingdoms invariably survived their depredations, living out their own sagas of conquest and collapse. All the while, these local dynasties built upon the roots of a culture well established since the time of the first invaders, the Aryans. Muslims ruled India for more than seven hundred years, with one conquest after the other until the British took over the reins from the Muslim rulers. India was under British rule over the next three centuries until she gained her independence in 1947. During the period of Muslim rule, India saw many changes and transformations that had a strong impact on India’s history in terms of society, politics, social structure, art and architecture. After the end of Muslim rule in India, there was a state of chaos and conflict with no political order in the country. As the British took control of India, the strong influence of the West caused a series of enormous transformations in the religious, social, economic, political, and cultural spheres (Basham, 1975, p. 365). These transformation changed the Hindu-Muslim dynamic in the country as the British aided the conflicts through their divide and rule policies which fueled the problem of animosity between the two religious groups. Though India has made tremendous progress in terms of modernization, economy, technology, and public welfare, there are still sections of the society that have to overcome the differences between Hindus and Muslims in the country. Coming from a conservative Hindu family, being friends with any person of the Muslim religion was restricted while I was growing up. This was my first experience on how the dynamics between Hindus and Muslims affected the relationships around me. In my preteens, I never questioned the judgment of my parents regarding their attitude towards

Muslims in general. It was only after attending multiple schools and meeting people from different religious practices that I developed respect for all faiths. This overcame my fear of being friends with Muslim boys or girls. I practically became rebellious against my family, over my choice of friends not on the basis of religion. My family is just one example of the negative perception that has developed about people from different faiths and religions. This is the case with many families and individuals in India towards Muslims. It is difficult to point out the root cause of this problem, as Hindus and Muslims share a thousand-year-old history in which they even fought together for India’s independence. The political and influential figures in the past have tried to bridge the differences between the two religious groups and have strived for harmony and peace. Like Gandhi, who was a strong advocate of Hindu-Muslim unity in the country, once said, “I am a Muslim and a Hindu and a Christian and a Jew and so are all of you.” However, this didn’t do much to keep the peace intact in the country. India gained her independence, in part due to his efforts, although he could not stop the partition of the nation, which led to a Muslim majority country, Pakistan. During this partition, India saw one of the worst communal riots between Hindus and Muslims in which thousands of people lost their lives. Through the next sixty-three years of independence, India fought three wars with Pakistan over territorial issues relating to the state of Kashmir. The shift in the relationship between Hindus and Muslims happened in the last twenty years when there was a sudden surge by one of the political groups to portray India as a true Hindu nation. This not only led to two communal riots between Hindus and Muslims in the country, but there was also a change in the behavioral patterns of the people. I closely witnessed both riots as I was living in Mumbai, which was one of the cities worst hit by the riots. These conflicts made me question why people are so naïve and easily influenced by a few members of the political groups who have negative agendas. Mumbai, known for being a cosmopolitan city, changed. The city divided into two religious sections where people from each religious group preferred living in the proximity of fellow members and felt safer being close to people of their own faith. Ghettos were formed. Trust which builds friendship and unity was gone, and the community of people around me, mostly Hindus, started doubting Muslims in our community. This kind of change in behavior is the result of fear in the minds of people who feel overpowered by other religious groups. Discrimination and oppression of Muslim

minority groups became the norm in the country. The conflicts have left permanent scars in the minds of the people, and in my opinion another riot could occur if peace and harmony are not encouraged in the country. Ashutosh Varshney, a professor at Brown University and a scholar of South Asian ethnic conflict whose work is concentrated on Hindu-Muslim conflicts, has an insightful view on this problem. His research and studies are based on why Hindu-Muslim riots were endemic in some Indian cities, but in other cities Hindus and Muslims co-existed quite peacefully. Varshney (2002) was surprised by his results in the process: “The peace of nonviolent cities was founded on Hindu-Muslim integration in business associations, unions, political parties, middle-class professional organizations—what scholars and activists have come to call ‘civil society’; while the violence of riot-prone towns stemmed from the absence of such civic integration.” Indian historian Romila Thappar offers an overview on the communal history of India and how identity in pre-colonial India was dependent on various features, such as caste, occupation, language, sect, region and location. As late as the eighteenth century, caste was often given primacy over religion although caste and religious sects could overlap. But in the colonial reconstruction of Indian society, religion was given primacy, particularly as the imprint of identity. Colonial historians argue that with the arrival of groups professing Islam there was a confrontation between Hinduism and Islam which led to the crystallization of two communities, Hindu and Muslim. Social and political interaction was therefore perceived in terms of two communities, and this duality governed the interpretation of Indian history (Thapar, 2002, p. 20). I created a timeline of the historical events in relation to the Hindu-Muslim conflict in India. The timeline starts from the introduction of Islam in the ninth century and continues to the beginning of the twenty-first century. The wide spectrum of events gives an overview of why there have been a series of conflicts during this period. The animosity has been fueled by rulers in the past to politicians in the Indian government, whose hidden agendas have not only made thousands suffer in the country but also disrupted peace and tranquility that could have been attained over the years.

900 – 1707 MUSLIM CONQUEST Islam came to India in the tenth century when the Ghaznavids, a Turkic tribe, which existed from 975 to 1187, ruled much of Persia and the northern parts of the Indian subcontinent. The Ghaznavid state that was centered in Ghazni (a city in present Afghanistan) annexed the area now known as Punjab. By 1200, Muslim conquerors based in the region of Ghor (now a province of modern Afghanistan) had conquered much of northern India, and by 1206 had founded the Delhi Sultanate with its capital at Delhi (Thapar, 1966). During the next three hundred years, the Delhi Sultanate subdued Hindu kingdoms as far south as Tamil Nadu and as far east as Bengal. In 1526 Babur, a descendent of the Mongol warrior Tamerlane from Persia, founded the Mughal Empire. Babur’s son Humayun conquered the Delhi Sultanate, and his grandson Akbar extended Islamic rule over most of the Indian sub-continent. As a Muslim king, Akbar tried under his rule, to make India a multi-racial and multi-religious state. Akbar’s aim was to achieve a Hindu-Muslim equilibrium based on the brotherhood of mankind with no one religion holding the ultimate truth (Woods, 2008). The Mughals pacified their non-Muslim subjects by extending religious tolerance and administrative opportunities and inter-marriage. Mughal domains reached their furthest extent under Aurangzeb (1618–1707). With Aurangzeb’s death in 1707, the empire’s political unity crumbled, but the Mughal impact on India proved lasting. By 1858, when Britain formally ended the Mughal reign, some areas of India such as Punjab and Bengal had lived under Muslim rule for centuries, developing sizeable Muslim populations through conversion and inter-marriage (“Timeline: India’s enduring Hindu-Muslim Contest,” n.d.).

1751 – 1947 BRITISH INDIA From the 15th through the 18th centuries, European activities in India centered mostly around trade and evangelism on the Indian coasts. In 1751, however, the British victory over the French at Arcot established Britain’s dominance among the European powers in India. Six years later, Britain initiated the conquest of the sub-continent by defeating the Mughal governor of Bengal at the Battle of Plassey. Through the mid-19th century, British conquest proceeded via military victory and annexation, subjecting Muslim and Hindu interests alike. The Mughal emperor accepted British protection and became a puppet regime in 1803. Between 1775 and 1818, Britain also crushed the Hindu Maratha

Confederacy, which had been contesting Mughal power in southern India since the early 1700s (Spear, 1968, “Timeline: India’s enduring Hindu-Muslim Contest,” n.d.). Although submerged, religious conflict remained a powerful force in British India. In 1905, British viceroy Lord Curzon inadvertently set the stage for India’s modern Hindu- Muslim conflict when he partitioned the province of Bengal. The resulting protest amid Bengal’s elite Hindu minority, which stood to lose rents from Muslim majority renters across the new boundary, became violent as Hindu nationalists took up the landowners’ cause. India’s Muslim elite reacted by forming the All-India Muslim League in 1906. This organization, motivated by a concern for Muslim rights, ultimately became the chief proponent for the creation of Muslim Pakistan as a separate homeland for India’s Muslims (Spear, 1968, “Timeline: India’s enduring Hindu-Muslim Contest,” n.d.).

1947 INDIA AND PAKISTAN Heavily taxed by World War I, in 1919 the British granted India greater control over government and civil service functions. But in the same year, the so-called “Black Acts” triggered nationwide protest by re-confirming that non-white British subjects were entitled only to limited civil rights. During these protests, the South African-Indian, London-trained lawyer Mohandas Gandhi emerged as a major political figure. Leading frequent strikes and non-violent protests, Gandhi pressured Britain to pass the Government of India Act in 1935, which would have provided India with a democratic federal government. This act never went into effect, however, and with the start of World War II, Gandhi was jailed along with other nationalist leaders who demanded that Britain leave India entirely (Spear, 1968, “Timeline: India’s enduring Hindu-Muslim Contest,” n.d.). After the war, a bankrupt Britain was anxious to leave India, but Hindu and Muslim representatives could not agree to either a single, multi-ethnic state, or to the borders between a Hindu state and a Muslim one. The British prepared to leave anyway. Finally, in June 1947, against Gandhi’s wishes, the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League agreed to partition India, placing predominately Hindu areas in India and predominately Muslim ones in Pakistan. In the world’s largest ever migration, 3.5 million Hindus and Sikhs fled to India, while Pakistan received 5 million Muslim refugees. All over India, millions were affected by Hindu-versus-Muslim riots, which were incited by religious hatred and uncontrolled fury.

Many thousands lost their lives due to the riots (Khan & Sen, 2009, p. 44). This was the foundation and reality of partition. Gandhi managed through a hunger strike to curtail riots in Calcutta. His efforts to further pacify Hindu-Muslim relations in India ended on January 30, 1948, with his assassination by a Hindu zealot, Nathuram Godse. Godse believed that Gandhi was doing uncontrollable damage to the Hindu cause because of his “soft line” towards the Muslims. Gandhi paid with his life for his spirit of secularism and for his efforts at building bridges of peace (Khan & Sen, 2009, p. 45).

1947 – PRESENT Impelled by the disastrous consequences of ethnic conflict, which engulfed the subcontinent in 1947, the Indian government took on the role of reforming religion in the pursuit of social justice and equality. Under the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru, on January 26, 1950, India adopted a new constitution. Providing for a federal union of states under a concept of secularism, leaders of India developed a parliamentary system, which attempted to defuse communal conflict by ensuring fundamental rights for all Indians, regardless of caste, ethnicity or religion (Khan & Sen, 2009, p. 45). Nevertheless, Nehru and the prime ministers that followed have continued to struggle with the legacy of partition, exacerbating the lingering bitterness between Pakistan and India. There were several unresolved territorial issues: Upon independence, three princely states had yet to join either Pakistan or India. Two of these, Hyderabad and Junagadh, which were ruled by Muslims but whose populations were predominately Hindu, were forcibly annexed by India. In 1949, the Hindu ruler of Kashmir which was 85 percent Muslim finally opted to join India prompting the first of three India-Pakistan wars, one of which resulted in the creation of Bangladesh in 1971 (“Timeline: India’s enduring Hindu-Muslim Contest,” n.d.). Today, Pakistan holds one-third of Kashmir; India holds the other two-thirds and accuses Pakistan of supporting terrorism among Kashmiri separatists. By mid-2002, the two countries, both nuclear powers, were again on the brink of war over terrorism linked to the region. During the 1990s, the Kashmir problem combined with more ancient grudges to feed Hindu nationalist populism. India’s then active party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), was helped to power through its endorsement of a militant Hindu plan to demolish the Moghul- era mosque of Babur in Ayodhya. This destruction was carried out in December 1992. Since

that time, Hindu nationalists have continued to press for permission to build a temple in its place. In February 2002, fifty-eight Hindu nationalists returning from a rally in Ayodhya were burned to death when a mob, possibly of Muslims, set their train on fire. This attack sparked anti-Muslim violence throughout the state of Gujarat during the first week of March 2002, which resulted in the deaths of hundreds of Indian Muslims (“Timeline: India’s enduring Hindu-Muslim Contest,” n.d.). It has been almost eight years since the last riots occurred in the country. Since then people from both religious groups have led their lives peacefully. But the trauma of the last riots is still fresh in the minds of the families who have suffered because of the conflict. Strict actions have been taken by the government to make sure the people involved in the cause of the riots are punished severely. India has shown tremendous growth in terms of economy, technology and infrastructure, but the people of the country need to take a step forward to eradicate religious discrimination from society. Individuals from both religious groups must undertake this effort. People especially need to be cautious of any leader whose wrongful intentions disrupt the peace and harmony between communities.

CHAPTER 4

SOCIAL CONTEXT

With nearly one billion citizens, India is the second most populous nation in the world. The country consists of twenty-eight states and seven union territories that include the country’s capital New Delhi. Most of the population, around 72 percent, resides in rural areas of the country and over 28 percent live in the urban areas. Hindi is the national language of the country and is the major language of trade and politics along with English. There are sixteen other official languages. In addition, there are twenty-four languages that are spoken by a million people or more, and countless other dialects. India has seven major religions and many minor ones, and six main ethnic groups. Religion is central to Indian culture, and its practice can be seen in virtually every aspect of daily life in the country. Hinduism is the dominant faith of India, serving about 80.5 percent of the population. Around 13.4 percent worship Islam, and over 4 percent are Sikhs and Christians. The remaining 3 percent (about 45 million) are Buddhists, Jains, and others (“Census of India,” 2001). Literacy in India, which grew from 12% at the end of British rule in 1947 to 64.8% in 2007, is the key to socio-economic progress. Although this improvement is greater than fivefold, the level is well below the world average literacy rate of 84%, and India currently has the largest illiterate population of any nation (Crossette, 1998). Eighty percent of the population living in the urban areas of the country has the necessary education, in comparison to fifty-eight percent of the population in the rural areas (“Census of India,” 2001). Islam came to India as a religion and became a political force. It is the second most practiced religion after Hinduism. There are approximately 151 million Muslims among India’s population as of 2010 (according to the Indian government census 2001); that is 13.4% of the population. Currently, India has the third-largest population of Muslims in the world. However, unofficial estimates coming from both Hindu and Muslim sources claim a far higher figure (20%–30%) supposedly discounted in censuses. This issue is prominent in political discourse and is amplified by representatives from both communities. The pro-

Hindutva12 forces claim that the high Muslim growth rate is international and a threat to the country and its Hindu character. Muslim representatives use these statistics to raise the morale of the minority community perceived as under threat, economically as well as politically (Sen & Wagner, 2009, p. 15).

INDIA AS SOCIETY India is a hierarchical society. Within Indian culture, whether in the north or the south, Hindu or Muslim, urban or rural, virtually all people and groups of people are ranked according to various essential qualities. Though India, the largest democracy in the world, has challenged traditional hierarchies, inequality still exists based on caste, class, religion and ethnicity. In contemporary India, stratification is additionally based on class structure. In the workplace and at home, traditional hierarchies based on values of respect and seniority are still maintained. Men outrank women of the same or similar age, and senior relatives outrank junior relatives. Several other kinship relations involve formal respect. For example, the daughter-in-law of a household shows reverence to her mother-in-law through obedience. Even among young siblings in a household, there is constant acknowledgment of age differences: younger siblings never address an older sibling by name, but rather by respectful terms for elder brother or elder sister. However, an older sibling may address the younger by name. Even in the professional setting, fictive kinship terms are used by employees to their employers. However, the impact of globalization and westernization is being felt in interpersonal and professional relationships. In contemporary India, people may also now refer to each other by their names and titles as in the West.

HINDU CASTE SYSTEM Almost all Hindus are associated and ranked through castes and caste-like groups. This tradition has existed in Indian society for 3000 years, as mentioned in Rig Veda, a sacred Hindu text. Within most villages or towns, everyone knows the relative rankings of each locally-represented caste, and this caste ranking constantly shapes people’s behavior

12 Hindutva is an ideology that defines Indian culture in terms of Hindu values and belief system (Brass, 2003, p. 7).

28 towards one another. Many castes are traditionally associated with an occupation, such as high-ranking Brahmans; middle-ranking farmer and artisan groups, such as potters, barbers, and carpenters; and very low-ranking “Untouchable” leather-workers, butchers, launderers, and toilet cleaners. There is some correlation between ritual rank on the caste hierarchy and economic prosperity. Members of higher-ranking castes tend, on the whole, to be more prosperous than members of lower-ranking castes. This hierarchical system was maintained through the traditional institution of pollution and purity. Untouchables were considered polluting in relation to the higher castes (Basham, 1979, p. 128). In the context of traditional Hindu beliefs, untouchable status has often been historically associated with occupations regarded as ritually impure: any occupation involving killing or handling dead bodies, or anything involving disposing of refuse or human waste. Engaging in these activities was considered to be polluting to the individual who performed them, and this pollution was considered to be contagious. As a result, untouchables were commonly banned from fully participating in Hindu religious life (they could not enter the premises of a temple), and elaborate precautions were sometimes observed to prevent incidental contact between untouchables and higher-caste Hindus (Basham, 1979, p. 129). Castes are primarily associated with Hinduism but also exist among other Indian religious groups. Muslims sometimes expressly deny that they have castes. They state that all Muslims are brothers under God, but observation of Muslim life in various parts of India reveals the existence of caste-like groups and clear concern with social hierarchy. Among Indian Christians, too, differences in caste are acknowledged and maintained (Basham, 1979, p. 129). Despite many problems, the caste system has operated successfully for centuries, providing goods and services to India’s many millions. The practice of untouchability, as well as discrimination on the basis of caste, race, sex, or religion, has been legally abolished. All citizens have the right to vote, and political competition is lively. Voters from every stratum of society have formed interest groups, overlapping and crosscutting castes, creating an evolving new style of integrating Indian society ((“India – Caste and Class,” n.d.). The caste system has undergone significant change since independence, but it still involves hundreds of millions of people. In its preamble, India’s constitution forbids negative public discrimination on the basis of caste. However, caste ranking and caste-based interaction have occurred for centuries and will continue to do so well into the foreseeable

future, more in the countryside than in urban settings and more in the realms of kinship and marriage than in less personal interactions (“India – Caste and Class,” n.d.). According to the Puranas (a holy book of Hindu religion), the Brahmins, or priests, were born of the mouth of Lord Brahma and can speak with and pray to the gods on behalf of mankind. The Kshatriyas, or rulers and warriors, were born of Lord Brahma’s arms and were given the task of protecting society and using weapons. The Vaishyas, or business people and originally farmers, were born of his thighs and took care of trade, business activities, and farming. The Shudras, or common laborers, were born of Brahma’s feet and their only purpose was to serve the other three castes. They were treated almost like slaves. They were barbers, locksmiths and cobblers. In addition to the four named castes, another category was later added. This category of people called the Chandalas. They were the outcastes or “untouchables” that were considered to be outside of the system. These people belonged to no caste at all. They performed the most menial of jobs, such as dealing with dead bodies and cleaning toilets. Higher-caste people believed that if they touched one of the casteless, they would be contaminated and would need to go through cleansing rituals (Basham, 1979, p. 128–130). The caste system continues to operate, but changes are occurring. India’s constitution guarantees basic rights to all its citizens, including the right to equality and equal protection before the law. Independent India has built on earlier British efforts to remedy problems suffered by Dalits, or untouchables, by granting them some benefits to protect them from discrimination. Scheduled castes are entitled to reserved electoral offices, reserved jobs in central and state governments, and special educational benefits. The constitution mandates that one-seventh of state and national legislative seats be reserved for members of scheduled castes in order to guarantee their voice in government. Reserving seats has proven useful because few, if any, scheduled caste candidates have ever been elected in non-reserved constituencies (“India – Caste and Class,” n.d.).

INDIA’S NATIONAL IDENTITY Who is an Indian? Deceptively simple, the question is hard to answer, as indeed it is with respect to several other nations in the world (Kumar, 1989). Writings on comparative nationalism suggest that national identities have been based on several principles of

collective belonging: language or race (Japan, Germany and much of Europe); religion (Ireland, Pakistan, and parts of the Middle East); ideology (United States, the former USSR, and Yugoslavia); and territory (Spain, Switzerland and a number of developing nations). Even though nations are defined on the world map on the basis of territorial boundaries, these boundaries do not always signify the national identity of a country (Kumar, 1989). Since the rise of the Indian national movement, three competing themes—territorial, cultural, and religious—have fought for political dominance. The territorial notion emphasized for 2,500 years claims that India has a “sacred geography” bounded by the Indus River, the Himalayas and the seas. The cultural notion suggests that ideas of tolerance, pluralism, and syncretism define Indian society. India is not only the birthplace of several religions—Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism—but throughout its history it has regularly received, accommodated and absorbed “outsiders”—Parsis, Jews, and Christians. In the process, syncretistic forms of culture, which means a coming together and merging of cultures, (and even syncretistic forms of religious worship) have emerged and become part of India. Apart from syncretism, pluralism and tolerance have also existed with different communities finding their niche in India and developing principles of interaction. The third competing theme is the religious notion that India is originally the land of Hindus, and it is the only land that Hindus can call their own. All of Hinduism’s holy places and its holy rivers are located in India. Most of India is, and has been, Hindu by religion—anywhere between 65% and 70% in early twentieth-century India and almost 82% today. The three identity principles—geography, culture, and religion—have their political equivalents. In political discourse, cultural identity is called “national unity” or “territorial integrity,” and is expressed as “political pluralism,” and religious identity is known as Hindutva (Varshney, 2002, p. 61). The communal environment that loomed as a consequence of the partition of India, led Hindus and Muslims to anchor their sense of identity and self-esteem within their own cultural group. This enhanced a sense of security, but also pride that was stoked by leaders of each group to help sustain their political agendas. This in turn strengthened each group’s sense of identity, while promoting a negative perception of the other group. Ethnic identities became focused and stereotypes were heightened, and a perception of each other in terms of shared characteristics was formed. Consequently, an inevitable homogenization and

depersonalization followed (Varshney, 2002, p. 62). Sen (2006), in his book Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny, observes that the cultural dynamics in the context of the Hindu-Muslim conflict in contemporary India show that increasing numbers have begun to allude to religion as becoming their all-encompassing and exclusive identity that sets them apart from their neighbors who do not share in the same creed, hence creating sharp divisions between proximal ethnic groups. Such behavioral patterns based on religion have only created more ghettos in cities all over India, where people from the same religious group prefer living in proximity. This has only made it more difficult to uproot the problem of conflict between Hindus and Muslims (31).

CHAPTER 5

PROCESS

As my thesis is about bridging the differences between the two conflicting religious groups of Hindus and Muslims in India, the challenge was to represent the problem visually through graphic design. I went through rigorous phases of research, learning, and exploring ways to aptly communicate my viewpoint on the problem. The work on my thesis exhibition went through a series of transformations the stages of which are described below, elaborating on the influences of the research, feedback from my professors and peers, and constant design explorations that affected the final pieces for my thesis exhibition.

SETTING THE STAGE The process started when I initiated the idea for my thesis topic, and defined the problem and its scope. My thesis statement was to bridge the differences between the two conflicting religious groups, Hindu and Muslim, in India that have been subjected to bitter relationships due to political or religious reasons. To better understand the differences between Hindus and Muslims in India, I began a comparative visual study in which I pasted images representing Hindus and Muslims in my sketchbook. The verso13 pages were designated for images from the Hindu group and the recto14 pages for the Muslim group. I chose images that were significant to each group in terms of clothing, language, architecture, symbology, beliefs, places of worship, which set the foundation and direction for my research: an in-depth study of the religious conflicts that have erupted between the two groups in India, in terms of religious practices, beliefs, customs, historical background, and social context the results of which are noted in “Chapter 3 Historical Background and Chapter 4 Social Context.”

13 Verso is the left-hand page of a book. 14 Recto is the right-hand page of a book.

I followed this initial example with similar visual studies that compared differences between the two religious groups; for example, I presented images of cows on both the Hindu and Muslim pages with the intention of communicating the meaning of the cow to each religious group. To Hindus the cow is sacred and worshipped as God, while to Muslims beef is a common food and the cow, therefore, has no religious significance to the group (Plate 18). The images used for this visual study in the sketchbook were accumulated and scanned from multiple sources, such as websites carrying cultural information about India, and books on Indian art and architecture, food, clothing and symbols. When I was collecting, I chose images that were iconic and symbolic to both Hindus and Muslims, and I encountered some images that were significant to only one religious group in comparison to the other. This process of visual study made me realize the potential of these images to convey more than their literal meaning. The images symbolized the beliefs and values of the Hindus and Muslims. Even though I was comparing the differences between the two religious groups, I had unknowingly started a dialogue between the groups through my sketchbook. I was simultaneously looking at two separate sets of images, which were rarely viewed together on the same level. Initially when I was gathering and pasting these images into my sketchbook, I categorized them only on the basis of the sections I had already created, which were Hindu and Muslim. Once I had cut out an ample amount of images, I realized I needed to sort them on the basis of sub-categories under Hindu and Muslim. So I created additional categories that were relevant to the images, such as: architecture, food, clothing, arts, beliefs, values, symbols, and literature. From these initial sub-categories, I merged the arts and architecture as one and did the same for beliefs and values. The reason for merging these categories was that the images had many similarities and combining them would make it easier to work with them further in the process. Through research, I also observed similarities that exist between the two groups but are never projected as binding factors between the two. At this point my focus shifted to include not only differences but also relevant similarities between Hindus and Muslims. In each of the six categories I sought a similarity, which is either symbolic or iconic and is well known to both groups.

I developed my study into more refined pieces, including a system of ten-by-ten-inch- square compositions that visually represented each category. In each plate I showed a set of three images, which are photographs that have been digitally enhanced in Adobe Illustrator15 to convert them from continuous-tone photographs to illustrations of flat colors. The reason for this technique was to emphasize the iconic nature of these images in Indian society. In the compositions, I placed the image representing Hindus on the left side of the plate and the image representing Muslims on the right, in the same manner as in my sketchbook and in accordance with the reading pattern of each group. The image representing the commonality was placed in the center. In the category of beliefs, I show an image of the sacred cow viewed as a maternal figure by Hindus because it provides milk and other dairy products, opposite a raw steak that is consumed by the Muslims. A glass of milk is the common factor, as it is a byproduct of the cow, and both religions consume milk (Plate 19). In the category of clothing, I present an image of the head of a Hindu woman in a traditional sari16 and bindi17, which are the most common symbols of Hindu culture and a Muslim woman clad in a burkha18 or black veil. Additionally, a Muslim woman can be seen wearing a hijab or burkha. Though Islam does not have a standard dress code for women, wearing modest clothes is highly recommended. The word hijab is frequently used for the headscarf worn by many Muslim women with various forms of dress, from jeans and shirts to salwar kameez19. The common element being the decorative pattern painted on the hand in Henna. Consider Henna to be a temporary tattoo, which is prepared using a special Henna

15 Adobe Illustrator is a computer software program for creating vector graphics. 16 Sari is a strip of unstitched cloth ranging from four to nine meters in length that is draped over the body in various styles. 17 Bindi is a small or large eye-catching round mark placed on the forehead between the two eyebrows. Hindus attach great importance to this ornamental mark— a spot considered a major nerve point in the human body since ancient times. 18 Burkha is an enveloping outer garment worn by women in some Islamic traditions for the purpose of hiding a female’s body when in public. 19 Salwar Kameez is a traditional dress worn by both women and men in Southern Asia. Salwars are loose pajama-like trousers. The legs are wide at the top and narrow at the bottom. The kameez is a long shirt or tunic. The side seams are left open below the waistline, which gives the wearer greater freedom of movement.

material and lasts for only a few days. Intricate designs are applied on hands and feet during festive occasions, weddings, pregnancy, and childbirth. Henna-painted hands are a common practice in India, and significant to women in both groups (Plate 20). For architecture I chose an image of a temple, the place of worship for Hindus. As idol worship is part of the Hindu belief system, temples may be dedicated to one particular deity or multiple deities. Temples often vary from region to region in their appearance, rituals, traditions, festivals and customs. The distinctive quality of Hindu temples is the use of human figurines, animals and flowers as ornamentation throughout the temple structure. To represent the Muslim form of worship, I show a mosque. Unlike Hindus, Muslims do not believe in idol worship. Islam is a monotheistic religion. The mosque serves as a place where Muslims can come together for salat (prayer) as well as a center for information, education, and dispute settlement. Mosques have developed significantly from the open-air spaces of the seventh century to structures with beautiful architecture, elaborate domes, minarets, and prayer halls. One can see a strong Persian influence on Muslim architecture in India, as well as the amalgamation of many Hindu forms of architecture. The common factor bridging the two groups is the Taj Mahal in the center. Although the Taj Mahal is the finest form of Muslim architecture in India, it is considered by all Indians to be a national icon of pride (Plate 21). In the composition for literature, I show Hindi (left), a spoken and written language in the Hindu culture, and Urdu (right), which is the spoken and written language of the Muslim culture. The unifying element in this category is the word tea, pronounced as chai, which is the same pronunciation in both Hindi and Urdu even though the word is written differently. There are many common words between both languages. I chose chai for its value in the Indian culture, where drinking tea is more of a social rather than a private activity. People from both the Hindu and Muslim cultures follow the custom of inviting people over for tea or chai (Plate 22). In the category of symbology, I use the swastika to represent a Hindu symbol. The swastika (Sanskrit svastika, “all is well”) is a cross with four arms of equal length, with the ends of each arm bent at a right angle. Sometimes dots are added between each arm. It is an ancient symbol that has been found worldwide, but it is especially common in India. The name comes from the Sanskrit word svasti (sv = well; asti = is), meaning good fortune, luck

and well being. The swastika is most commonly used as a charm to bring good fortune (in which case the arms are bent clockwise), but it has a variety of religious meanings as well. The symbol is commonly used in Hindu art, architecture and decoration. In contrast, to represent the Muslim culture I chose the crescent moon and star, which have religious significance to the Muslims. To bridge the cultures I included a white crescent moon, which has religious significance to both groups (Plate 23). Hindus have been worshipping the moon for centuries, and it plays a significant role in their festivals. For Muslims, the sighting of the new moon or crescent moon is essential to the commencement of Ramadan and breaking of the fast for the celebration of Eid. The crescent moon is also used as a symbol to represent Muslims around the world. The last of the six plates focuses on the category of food. Here, to represent the Hindu culture, I show a vegetarian meal (thali in Hindi) that is comprised of various ingredients: roti (Indian flat bread), vegetable curry, yellow lentil soup, rice, yogurt, salad and an Indian dessert. For Muslim culture I have used biryani a staple in the Muslim diet. It comes from the Persian word birian, which means “fried before cooking.” The commonality that bridges the two groups in the food category is the typical Indian spice box, which contains a variety of spices that are generously used in daily cooking (Plate 24).

REFINEMENT The six compositions became the foundation for all my explorations, research and visual experiments in the further stages of the process. The initial studies were spontaneous results based on my responses to my own personal experience growing up in India and to the research I had collected in the early phase of this project. After the initial responses from my professors and feedback from fellow graduate students, I dissected each composition in reference to the use of the image selected to represent each religious group and the common element, successful communication, graphic style and materiality. I further explored possible conceptual and formal solutions apart from those I had already developed in the earlier compositions. The idea behind these explorations was to physically bridge the differences between the two religious groups by employing actual binding materials, such as masking tape, thread, jute cord, coiled wire, zippers, and magnets. For this exploration I used the composition of clothing (Plate 20), and substituted the henna-painted hand with various

materials (Plate 25) whose nature is to bind or mend things. I wanted to determine if the common image, in this case the henna-painted hand centered between the two opposing images, was substantial enough to communicate the message of unity and harmony. Through this experiment I concluded that the commonality in this composition was a strong enough force to communicate unity between the two contrasting images and connote a bridge between the differences of Hindus and Muslims. I conducted an online survey of the six initial compositions, in which I asked viewers to post their comments beside each plate. The purpose of the survey was to assess if the compositions clearly communicated the intended message and if viewers properly translated the meaning behind the images. Sixty people ranging from age twelve to sixty-five took the survey. Most were Indians, and I am not sure how many were Hindus and Muslims; however, my target audience for the thesis project is the Hindus and Muslims in India. The results from the survey gave me confidence, as 60% of the people who took the survey could relate to the center image as a commonality between the two groups and considered them as symbols for peace and harmony, and 95% could readily translate the images from each composition and understand their significance in relation to the two religious groups. Whereas only 2% had some difficultly in translating the images in the compositions and understanding the purpose of each, 5% used words to define the meaning behind the compositions such as tradition, unity in diversity, harmony, faith, religious extremism, symbolic and common bond. Overall, the results of the survey were very encouraging, and I continued working on the style of the images, experimenting with additional categories and increasing the number of compositions in each category. My intention with the six compositions was to narrate a visual story without the need for words. I wanted to test if the set of images could communicate on their own without supporting text. Based on the survey and additional feedback from my professors and fellow graduate students on the compositions and the style of the images, I learned that the images were difficult to translate by an audience of non-Indian origin, so I worked on refining the quality of the images and considered ways to incorporate text. Even though my intended audience for this project is the masses in India, I understood that my work would be viewed by and needed to be understood by people who were not informed on my thesis topic. I continued the process of simplifying the images used in the compositions, and developed a

system for combining the images. I made the images connote the commonalities between the two groups by making them more symbolic with the use of hard edges and flat colors, as opposed to the earlier versions that were raw illustrations with rough texture. As far as hierarchy within the composition was concerned, the common images were in the background while the images representing the differences were in the foreground. I felt this needed to be changed, as the commonality was the strongest factor intended to bridge the differences. In the updated compositions, I rearranged the hierarchy and replaced the more illustrative style of images with duotone photographs. To assess this approach, I applied this system initially to the compositions of architecture and beliefs (Plate 26).

FINAL PRACTICE After numerous experiments with the compositions and deliberating on whether or not I needed to add more categories to support my point of view, I settled on the six categories of beliefs, architecture, clothing, food, literature and symbology. The reason for not expanding on the categories was to project my point without being repetitive. These six categories and a panel of each category justified my point that there are enough similarities between the two religions to warrant harmony. I continued to refine the compositions, which went through many stages of transformation, and the final designs that I used for the thesis show are discussed in “Chapter 6 The Exhibition.” Simultaneously I was working on finalizing the title for my thesis project. Among the various options for the title, which was intended to define the purpose of my thesis, were Amalgamate, Common Chord, Combine + Mix + Unite, Fusion, Commix, Merge-O-Graphic, and Contrast + Unity. Eventually I chose Contrast + Unity as the title because it worked strongly in relation to my thesis topic, bridging the differences between the two contrasting religious groups. The plus sign is “used in mathematics to indicate addition or a positive quantity” (“Plus,” 1997) and in this case stands for the hope of integrated peace and oneness. Apart from the thesis title, I worked on creating a symbol that cohesively represents the thesis project. I initially made typographic sketches based on the thesis title, Contrast + Unity. My thesis statement influenced other geometric forms, which were visual translations combining two religious entities and unifying them through a common element. As I researched the category of Indian art and architecture, I designed symbols based on shapes

and forms derived from the monumental structures and paintings from the Hindu and Muslim cultures. In my sketchbook, where I had done the visual study, I discovered the “mandala” in many images of temples, mosques, paintings, and other monuments in India. The word “mandala” is from the classical Indian language of Sanskrit and loosely translated means “circle.” The mandala, which is symbolic of wholeness, can be seen as a model for the organizational structure of life itself, a cosmic diagram that reminds us of our relation to the infinite, the world that extends both beyond and within our bodies and minds (“What is Mandala?,” 2009). Representing the universe itself, the mandala is both a microcosm and macrocosm, and we are all part of its intricate design. The mandala is more than an image seen with our eyes; it is an actual moment in time. It can be used as a vehicle to explore art, science, religion and life itself (“What is Mandala?,” 2009). I saw the mandala in relation to my thesis project as the medium to symbolize unity between the two conflicting religious groups and bring a sense of oneness and harmony. I sketched a series of mandalas following the principles of circular geometric designs20 (Plate 27). I refined my hand-drawn mandalas on the computer using the Adobe Illustrator software program. I simplified the shapes by reducing the number of points to six to represent the six categories that unite the two conflicting religious groups (Plate 28–29). I applied the gestalt theory21 to create a flourishing shape, which unites the six outer points of the circle in the center and incorporated contrasting colors that are a mix of warm and cool hues suggested from the Hindu and Muslim paintings and architecture. Apart from working with a flourishing shape I also experimented with a plus sign to create more options in these series of symbols. I worked further on my refinement process by selecting one of the mandalas from the various options that I had created to see if it could be used independently as the symbol for the thesis project. I also combined the mandala with the thesis title to explore unified identity (Plate 30) and explored the mandala as an information graphic22 by

20 Circular or circle geometric design is the construction of chords, tangents, and arcs within the boundaries of the circle and is used in architecture to beautify. 21 Gestalt is a psychology term, which means “unified whole.” It refers to theories of visual perception developed by German psychologists in the 1920s. The theory attempts to describe how people tend to organize visual elements into groups or unified wholes when it is applied to a composition (“The Gestalt Principles,” 2009). 22 Information graphic is visual representation of complex information in clear and effective manner

40 adding the names of the six categories to the six outer points of the symbol. I mixed hues to create new warm and cool colors to represent each category. The reason I added the category names was to adapt this symbol as an information icon to help viewers connect the six categories to the appropriate compositions displayed in the thesis show (Plate 31). Although this mandala wasn’t used directly as the information graphic icon in the thesis project, I used another mandala in the place of this one as the information graphic, which was designed using the symbol as the grid. I discuss the mandala in detail in “Chapter 6 The Exhibition.” I also used the symbol as the grid system to design layouts for my information text panels, compositions and to create more mandalas for the thesis project. I discuss the final designs in “Chapter 6 The Exhibition.” I continued experimenting with mandala design with the use of the grid system and to communicate the message of harmony and peace. Since the function of the mandala in relation to my thesis project was to communicate unity between the two conflicting religious groups, to achieve that message I created different versions of the mandala in which I explored the integration of shape and color. I used orange to represent Hindus and green to represent Muslims because these particular colors have religious and cultural significance to the respective religious groups (Plate 32). I went through step-by-step stages in designing a mandala before finalizing one that strongly communicated the theme of my thesis project. By simplifying the mandala, I was able to decide on the final one that would most strongly communicate my theme of the thesis show (Plate 33). I also created patterns that were the outcome of the mandalas, and these patterns were used extensively in my final body of work as background for composition and information panels. The patterns were the result of either overlaying, merging or repeating shapes that were part of the mandala (Plate 34). Overall, the multiple stages in the process have had a strong impact in translating my message of peace and harmony through my body of work in the thesis show. The graphic solutions I created have not only gone through a series of transformations in every stage of the process, I have also gained the confidence to communicate through design on the topic of religious discrimination. The designing process was the most important phase of the thesis

(Visocky O’Grady & Visocky O’Grady, 2008, p. 18).

41 project as all the various options and possibilities helped me reach the final design solutions and communicate the needed message to my intended audience.

CHAPTER 6

THE EXHIBITION

Religious discrimination in India has always made me question the behaviour pattern of the people in my country. I have never been able to comprehend the bitter relationship between the Hindus and the Muslims in India. My past experiences relating to the Hindu and Muslim relationship in the country made me believe that the perception people have developed of each other is the outcome of negative imagery forced on the minds of the people by political leaders or religious fanatics who are benefiting from this animosity. As a citizen and a Hindu living in India, I didn’t take any steps to change the negative thought process of the people around me concerning Muslims. I believe that all people in India have equal rights and the freedom to practice their religious beliefs. However, I could not relate to the bifurcation of the population in the country in terms of religious practices. The disproportion between the two groups only added to the divide: the majority in this case is Hindu, and the largest minority group is Muslim. The terms religious majority and minority give the opportunity to the majority to exploit the minorities in the country, even though the constitution states equal rights for all. I saw the need to communicate to my intended audience, the Hindus and the Muslims in India, that even with their different religious beliefs, they share commonalities that bridge those differences. As a graphic designer, I am voicing my concerns and possible visual solutions to encourage an integrated, harmonious relationship between the Hindus and the Muslims. I have used graphic design as a powerful tool to communicate and educate the audience through photographic and graphic imagery, typography, information design and a uniquely designed mandala, which symbolizes unity that evolves from contrast. My intention through the body of work for the thesis show was to take the audience on a visual journey, where they can experience the essence of the Hindu and the Muslim belief systems and can see how the commonalities shared by the two religious groups are a strong unifying factor. To achieve that experience I transformed the Flor y Canto Gallery into an orchestrated space (Plate 35), where the audience is first introduced to the situation

through a series of information panels, which include text and image that represent the Hindus and the Muslims. The six compositions where I used visual imagery to highlight the differences in each category and the unifying factors that bring the Hindus and Muslims together hung on the four remaining walls in the gallery. To support my visual compositions, I included vertical hanging panels in which I used information design and text to elaborate on the historical background of the Hindu-Muslim conflict (Chapter 3 Historical Background), the social structure of India (Chapter 4 Social Context), and a timeline on the Hindu–Muslim riots in the country. Typography played a key role in the thesis show for communicating the intended message to the audience. It was important for me to express the information and my thought process through type that would be easily understood by the audience. So it was crucial for me to select the typeface that would reflect neutrality and harmony, without being overpowering in the process. I chose Univers, a sans-serif23 font family designed by Adrian Frutiger in 1954, because it is a uniform typeface that works harmoniously with the thesis topic (Meggs, 1998, p. 361). I also selected the Memphis font family, which is a slab-serif24 typeface designed by Rudolf Wolf in 1929. The reason Memphis worked well with Univers is that Memphis is very geometric in shape, and its weight is virtually the same throughout the letterform (Bringhurst, 2005, p. 133). The characteristics of Memphis make a rational and purposeful impression, which I intended with the information displayed in the thesis show. The advantage of having the show in the Flor y Canto Gallery was that I was able to divide the space into two sections where in one part I displayed the background information, timeline and my compositions, and in the other section I showcased the mandala symbol, my graphic solution for unity and peace. The thesis title was mounted on the wall outside the gallery with vinyl lettering set in Univers Condensed in all caps (Plate 36). As an invitation to the exhibition, I designed a standard four-by-six-inch card in which I showed a part of one of the mandalas along with my thesis title at the bottom of the card. The background carried a pattern of the basic structure of the symbol mentioned in “Chapter 5 The Process” (Plate 37–38). In the following sections I discuss my body of work

23 Sans-serif typeface is one that does not have the small feature called “serifs” at the end of strokes. A serif is a stroke added to the beginning or end of one of the main strokes of a letter (Bringhurst, 2005, p. 330). 24 Slab-serif is a type of serif typeface characterized by thick, block-like serifs (Bringhurst, 2005, p. 330).

44 in terms of the concept, design solutions, materials used to display the work and the overall relation to my thesis topic.

SIDE PANELS The information panels contain the supporting texts for the six compositions on architecture, beliefs, clothing, food, literature, and symbology. The purpose of these panels was to educate the audience about the images and their significance in the Hindu and the Muslim cultures. The background images facilitate the process of translating the meaning behind each composition. The panels are the first design pieces the viewer sees after entering the gallery; this is where I have used typography to express the essence of my thesis topic. I designed the layout for the fourteen-by-sixteen-inch panels in Adobe InDesign25 software, where I developed a system by using the outlines of the symbol that I had created for the thesis show as the grid for the panels. I used the panels to express my viewpoint on the differences shared by the Hindus and Muslims and at the same time to show the similarity that bridges the differences shared by the two religious groups (Plate 39). To develop further my objective for these panels, I applied a design system where I used the colors to divide the space of the panel into three sections. I divided the page horizontally into two equal halves, and I further divided the top half into two equal parts where I used the colors to highlight the information on images for both religious groups. By keeping the reading pattern of the two groups in mind, I represented the Hindus on the top left side of the panel with a tint of orange and represented the Muslims on the top right side of the panel with a tint of green, and I used a lighter shade of grey for the bottom half of the page for the commonality shared by the two religious groups. I chose orange for Hindus because the color represents fire, and as impurities are burnt by fire, orange symbolizes purity and also represents religious abstinence, and this color connotation has a sacred meaning for the Hindus (“Colors in Hinduism”, 2009). The color green symbolizes nature and life, and it is also used for the decoration of mosques and has a strong religious significance for the Muslims (“Islamic Symbols,” 2009). The use of the grey color for the bottom of the page was to establish my neutral stand and to also show the merging point for the Hindus and the Muslims because of

25 Adobe Indesign is a page layout software program.

the commonality shared by the two religious groups. I used the information text on each image for the Hindus and Muslims in the six categories as a medium to express the opposing nature of the two groups and contrasting elements present in each image. To translate the contrasting elements through type, I placed the justified text along the lines formed from the grid, which makes the block of texts on the Hindu and Muslim sides appear to be opposing each other. To signify unity through type, I interwove lines of text from the two blocks of text about the commonality shared by the two groups. Even though there are two separate blocks of text, the merging of the lines forms an inverted triangle where the two blocks of text eventually become one. To separate the text blocks for better legibility, I used a hue of orange for the Hindu side of the text and a hue of green for the Muslim side of the text. For the title of each image, I used the Univers Condensed font, and for the body copy I used the Memphis font with which I highlighted the important facts about the images used in the compositions in each category by making the sentences bold and by increasing the font size. I also used the mandala as the information graphic icon where I placed the names of all of the six categories as a guide for the viewer when looking at the composition in reference to the information on the panels. The reason I had the mandala as the guiding icon is the mandala serves to show the possibilities of Hindus and Muslims coming together as one community, and the six categories are the points of confluence between the two religious groups. The mandala as the information icon was placed in the top center of the panel. In the top left and right corners of the panels, I placed the images which are already used in the composition in an orange circle on the Hindu side and in a green circle on Muslim side, as the guiding point for the viewer when reading the appropriate information in each panel. I created six panels for each category following the same design system in each panel. These were printed directly on white duraplast foam board and pasted on the walls in the gallery. The six panels were placed next to each other with only half an inch space between each panel to achieve an illusion of one long horizontal board. The six panels in a row form a beautiful continuous pattern with alternating orange and green color blocks along with the blocks of text, which seem to be trying to converge (Plate 40).

COMPOSITIONS The series of compositions portrays the possibilities of peace and harmonious relationship between Hindus and Muslims in India. The series consists of six compositions that represent the six categories of architecture, beliefs, clothing, food, literature and symbology. The concept behind the compositions is to visually project the contrasting elements between the Hindus and Muslims via images and to employ graphic icons to show the commonalities that bind the two religious groups. The compositions are the core of my thesis topic, as they translate the message I have intended for my target audience. Even though my audience comprises Hindus and Muslims in India, I aim to project the universal message of peace, which is achievable if people respect the differences among them and embrace the shared factors that bring peace and harmony. The compositions are reminiscent of the ubiquitous billboards and street art found in India, where walls are painted with vivid colorful graphics and advertisements that speak to the intended audience. Through the graphics and imagery of my compositions, I aim to communicate to my audience with the same vibrancy and spontaneity of the street art in India. The objective of this body of work is to bring all the elements of my thesis topic, the values and belief systems of the Hindus and the Muslims, together on one surface and project a unifying message. By applying graphic design fundamentals to these compositions, such as hierarchy, balance, scale, pattern, grid and color, I was able to accomplish a visually strong design system. I applied the design system to all six compositions where I made a layout on twenty- four-by-sixty-two inch horizontal panels in Adobe InDesign. Throughout the system, I used images to represent the various elements defining Hindu and Muslim belief systems. I carried forward the association of the orange and green colors for their respective religious groups by placing the Hindu image on the left side of the panel on an orange-colored semicircle and the Muslim image on the right side of the panel on a green colored semicircle. The reason I used semicircles on both ends of the panel was to depict the separation indicated by the contrasting elements that stand out between Hindus and Muslims. A complete circle represents wholeness, which is missing in the relationship between Hindus and Muslims. My attempt to show unity between the two religious groups is seen in the center of the panel where I use a transparent circle to contain the common element that is shared by the two. The six graphic icons that represent the common elements in each category were traced from

actual photographs in Adobe Illustrator and designed as flat color graphics so they would relate to the wall graphics found in India, a visual language with which my target audience, the Hindus and Muslims in the country, are already familiar. I applied the grid system in a similar manner as the side panels to create different patterns for each composition and applied the pattern to the background of the panel to reference the intricate designs found on the architecture and clothing in India, as well as to connect the opposite ends of the panel where I have placed the Hindu and Muslim images. To achieve a visual hierarchy in the compositions that emphasizes the importance of the images used in each category and to obtain a balance in the overall compositions, I kept the center of the composition as the focal point. By enlarging the graphic icon in the center and keeping the two opposing images representing the two religious groups at both ends of the composition comparatively smaller, I was able to maintain the visual hierarchy. The six compositions were printed directly on duraplast foam board and were mounted on the wall of the gallery. As I wanted to reuse the compositions for future displays, I first mounted the panels on two-by-two inch thick acrylic blocks and then pasted the blocks to the gallery wall. To bring the viewer closer to the panels, I recreated rangoli, traditional Indian floor art of patterns and symbols that are usually made from colored powder or stickers. The rangoli is usually placed at the entrance of homes, and in India there are variations in the designs and patterns, which are symbolic and common to the entire country. The designs can include geometrical patterns with lines, dots, squares, circles, and triangles, as well as the swastika, lotus, trident, fish, footprints, creepers, leaves, trees, flowers, animals and anthropomorphic figures. These motifs often are modified to fit in with the local images and rhythms. The significance of the rangoli in India is to welcome guests and prosperity into the home (Patel, 2008). To replicate the essence of the rangoli, I printed a vinyl sticker of the outline form of half of the mandala in white, which I designed for the exhibition and have been using as the design grid for the compositions. I pasted the outline form of the mandala below each composition in the gallery. The part of the mandala in white on the floor worked in harmony with the black tiled floor of the gallery (Plate 41). In the following sections I further discuss the composition in each category and explain the importance of the images and the graphic icons to the two religious groups.

Architecture The first composition in the series is “Architecture,” and it is also the first panel the viewer sees after entering the gallery (Plate 41). In this composition on the left side of the panel I portray an image of a temple, a place of worship for the Hindus. On the right side of the panel I show an image of a mosque to represent a place of worship for the Muslims. I chose a temple to highlight the Hindu form of architecture because temples are the essence of the Hindu way of life. India, with a predominantly Hindu population, has thousands of temples throughout the country. Temples often vary from region to region in their appearance, rituals, traditions, festivals and customs. Being a polytheistic religion, idol worship is part of the Hindu belief system, and temples may be dedicated to one particular deity or multiple deities. The distinctive quality of Hindu temples is the use of human figurines, animals, and flowers as ornamentation throughout the temple structure. The mosque is the place of worship for the followers of the Islam religion. Muslims do not believe in idol worship. Islam is a monotheistic religion. The mosque serves as a place where Muslims can come together for salat or prayer as well as a center for information, education, and dispute settlement. Mosques have developed significantly from the open-air spaces of the seventh century to structures with beautiful architecture, elaborate domes, minarets, and prayer halls. One can see a strong Persian influence on Muslim architecture in India. In the center of the composition, I show a graphic icon of the Taj Mahal which is the common element binding the two religious groups. The Taj Mahal is a mausoleum located in Agra, India, built by Muslim Emperor Shah Jahan in memory of his favorite wife, Mumtaz Mahal. The Taj-Mahal is considered an architectural marvel of India. The construction of this grand architecture began around 1632 and was completed around 1653. Thousands of artisans and craftsmen, mostly Hindus, were employed with master architects from Turkey. The white-marble structure is a combination of various styles of architecture including Persian, Indian, and Islamic. Even with thousands of grand temples throughout the country, India is still strongly represented by the Taj-Mahal, one of the finest examples of Muslim art in the country. The contrast of the two forms of architecture can best be understood by studying the construction of the Hindu temple and the Muslim mosque. Every Indian, irrespective of their religion, views the Taj-Mahal as the pride of India. Despite contrasting

Muslim and Hindu architectural styles, the Taj-Mahal is the true unifying symbol of love among the Indian people.

Beliefs In the composition “Beliefs,” I highlighted one of the belief systems of the Hindus and Muslims (Plate 42). To represent the Hindus, on the left side of the panel I have an image of a cow, which is considered sacred by the Hindus. On the right side of the panel, I have an image of a beef chart on the body of a cow to represent the Muslims. I have shown a cow on both sides of the composition as the cow has been one of the prime reasons of conflict between Hindus and Muslims. In Hinduism, the cow is revered as a source of food and a religious symbol of life. The cow is viewed as a maternal figure because it provides milk and other dairy products that are staples in the Indian diet. The use of bulls throughout India for agricultural purposes such as plowing has been another strong reason in Hinduism for bestowing sacred status upon the cow. Thus, there is a ban on cow slaughter in India. Hindus reinforce this through religious prohibition of eating beef. Muslims do not share with the Hindus the same sentimental or religious views of the cow. Using the cow as a sacrificial animal in their religious celebrations and eating beef is not a taboo in Islam. In the 1930s a Cow Protection Act was passed, banning the slaughter of cows in India (Khan & Sen, 2009). This created a rift between the Hindu and Muslim communities at that time. Today, the slaughter of cows is still banned in most states in India, but beef is illegally available throughout India and legal in the capital city, Delhi. The glass of milk in the center of the panel is the commonality, which brings the two religious groups together. Milk and milk products have significant value for Hindus. Milk has been part of their diet for centuries and is also used extensively for religious offerings in Hindu temples. This is because the cow is considered the source of life. Milk, however, does not have any religious connotations for either of the religious groups. Comparatively, Muslims do not use milk as part of any religious rituals as Hindus do. The importance of milk to Muslims is based primarily on its dietary benefits. Hindus and Muslims alike consume it. Therefore, making the cow, the milk provider, a cause of conflict is not justified.

Clothing In the composition “Clothing,” I have an image of a Hindu woman in traditional attire on the left side of the panel and an image of a burkha-clad Muslim woman on the right side of the panel (Plate 43). The comparison of the conventional attire of the two religious groups gives a perspective of the strong values followed by Hindus and Muslims alike. The traditional clothing of Hindu women is the sari, or salwar kameez. Apart from the customary clothing, a married Hindu woman is recognized by various elements in her daily apparel. She would be identified by sindoor, or vermilion, in the part of her hair and bindi, or a red dot, on her forehead, which symbolizes marriage. Only married Hindu women wear mangalsutra, a black and gold beaded necklace. Bangles worn on the wrist are believed to be protective bands, and Hindu women always wear them as symbolic guards over their husbands. Married Hindu women and young girls apply henna on their hands and feet during weddings, religious festivals or for decorative purposes. The traditional attire of Muslim women is also salwar kameez or sari (in India). In addition to this clothing, Muslim women can be seen wearing a hijab or burkha. Though Islam does not have a standard dress code for women, wearing modest clothes is highly recommended. The word hijab is frequently used for the headscarf worn by many Muslim women with various forms of dress, from jeans and shirts to salwar kameez. A burkha covers the wearer’s entire face (except the eye region) and the entire body. A married Muslim woman does not have similar customs for dressing as a married Hindu woman, but henna is applied during weddings or religious festivals. The beautiful art of henna or mehndi is the commonality that brings the two groups. I have represented it with a pair of henna-painted hands in the center of the panel. Henna is part of the traditional customs for Hindu and Muslim women. Intricate patterns of henna are typically applied to brides before their wedding ceremonies, and festivities are involved during application of henna to the bride. There is evidence that henna, which has become an integral accessory for women in India, originated in ancient India as a ceremonial art form. One of the famous patterns, which Muslim settlers introduced to India, was the bold floral style of Arabic design. This art form knows no religious boundaries and can be seen on hands of Hindu and Muslim women alike. The beauty of henna is that it crosses religious boundaries and is a strong unifying custom common to Hindus and Muslims.

Food The composition “Food” focuses on the common practices and customs followed by Hindus and Muslims in their diets (Plate 44). The image on the left side of the panel shows a vegetarian thali, which is a staple diet of the Hindus. Vegetarian thali or plate is usually comprised of cooked vegetables, lentils, salad and roti or Indian flatbread. The use of varied Indian spices is part of food preparation. The majority of Hindus in India are vegetarian because of religious beliefs. In Hinduism vegetarianism is upheld as an ideal. There are three main reasons for this: the principle of nonviolence toward animals, the intention to offer only “pure” (vegetarian) food to a deity and then to receive it back as a blessing, and the conviction that non-vegetarian food is detrimental to the development of the mind and spirit. However, the food habits of Hindus vary according to their community and according to regional traditions. The image on the right of the panel is of chicken biryani or fried rice, a delicacy for the Muslims. The staple Muslim diet includes meat, such as beef, lamb, chicken and fish. Eating pork is prohibited for Muslims due to religious beliefs, and they consider the pig to be a dirty animal. Muslims also have the freedom of choice to be vegetarian; however, it is not popular. The preparation of meat in a Muslim household can vary from region to region in India, but no cooking is complete without an elaborate array of spices. The image in the center of the composition is of a spice-box, which is a strong factor that ties the two religious groups together. The spice-box or masala dabba (Hindi) consists of seven or eight spices and herbs, which are commonly used during cooking all types of meals in almost every Indian household. The most common spices in any spice-box would be red chili powder, coriander powder, cumin seeds, mustard seeds, bay leaf, curry leaves, and most important, turmeric powder. These spices vary from region to region in their usage in daily cooking. Irrespective of any religion, vegetarian or non-vegetarian food, no meal is complete without the use of these aromatic spices. Like architecture and culture, cuisine was influenced by Persian rule in India. The Muslims blended the ingredients of dried fruits, nuts, and spices from the Persian cuisine with the spices of India and created interesting blends of Indo-Muslim recipes. The use of varied Indian spices during the preparation of food adds to the aroma and flavor. Though the staple diet of Hindus is different from Muslims, both communities share the same spices.

Literature The composition “Literature” comprises images of text in two different languages, one in Hindi, which is on the left side of the panel and another in Urdu which is on the right side of the panel (Plate 45). Hindi is one of the two official languages of India (English is the other one). Hindi is spoken predominantly in the north and central states of India. Forty-one percent of the Indian population (“Census of India,” 2001) are native speakers of the Hindi dialect. The Hindi language has its roots in classical Sanskrit. The language acquired its current form over many centuries, and numerous dialectical variations still exist. Like Sanskrit, Hindi is written in the Devnagari script, which is common to several other Indian languages as well. The general appearance of the Devnagiri script is that of letters “hanging from a line.” The text is written from left to right just as English. Within the subcontinent in India, Muslims evolved a literary, principally-urban language of their own, Urdu. The word Urdu is derived from the Turkic or Mongolian word Ordu, which means army encampment. Urdu is conventionally written in the Nastaliq calligraphy style of the Perso-Arabic script and draws vocabulary from Arabic and more heavily from Persian (more than seventy percent of its standard vocabulary). Urdu is written right-to-left in an extension of the Persian alphabet, which is itself an extension of the Arabic alphabet. In India, five percent of the population are native Urdu speakers (“Census of India,” 2001). Due to the interaction with other languages, Urdu is localized in different regions of the world where it is spoken. The graphic form of the word “pen” or kalam (Hindi), in the center of the panel, is an example of the many words that are shared by Hindi and Urdu and which unite the two languages since India is the birthplace of both languages. The influence of one language on the other is evident in the spoken language. Hindi has borrowed many words from Urdu that are commonly used in written and spoken language. For the most part, Hindi and Urdu have a common vocabulary that is heavily influenced by Persian. Urdu contains even more Persian words, while Hindi resorts to borrowing from Sanskrit. However one spells the common words, be it in Hindi or Urdu, they still mean the same. Despite differences in the script, Hindi grammar is nearly identical with Urdu. This has been one of the strongest unifying factors between Muslims and Hindus in India. The languages have influenced one another to

53 the level where spoken words are mistaken to be the same language but are written differently depending on the alphabet.

Symbology The last composition in the series is “Symbology,” where I show an image of a married Hindu woman praying to the moon on the festival of Karwa Chauth, which is on the left side of the panel (Plate 46). Karwa Chauth is a traditional Hindu festival of married women and is celebrated on a full-moon day in the fall as per the Hindu calendar. On this day, married women wear their wedding sari, adorn themselves with jewelry, and decorate their hands and feet with henna. Women also abstain one whole day from food and water for the long life of their husbands. During the ceremony, the married women listen to stories related to the festival and then view the newly risen moon through a sieve. They offer water and food to the moon and seek its blessings for the safety and prosperity of their husbands. This leads to the breaking of the day long fast. On the other side of the panel, I show an image of a Muslim man also praying to the moon on the festival of Eid. Eid ul-Fitr, often abbreviated to Eid, is a Muslim holiday that marks the end of Ramadan, the Islamic holy month of fasting. Eid is an Arabic word meaning “festivity” while fitr means “to break the fast,” and so the holiday symbolizes the breaking of the fasting period. The month of Ramadan begins with the sight of the crescent moon and also ends at the sight of the crescent moon. The ritual on the auspicious day of Eid includes prayer that is performed by a congregation at mosques or open areas. Wearing new clothes, donating to the poor, celebrating with family and friends, and having special food are also part of the ritual. The crescent moon in the center of the panel has religious significance to both groups, which is also a binding factor for Hindus and Muslims. The moon, famously known as Chandra in Sanskrit, has been worshipped in Hinduism for centuries. Karwa Chauth is one festival where it is most important for married women to worship the moon before they can break their day long fast. The sighting of the new moon, or crescent moon, is essential for Muslims on the commencement of Ramadan and breaking of the fast for the celebration of Eid. The crescent moon is also used as a symbol to represent Muslims around the world. For

example, it is on the flag of countries like Pakistan and Turkey. The importance of the moon in any religion is based on the faith and festivals one celebrates. Even though there is a contrast in the ceremonies between the Hindus and Muslims, the interesting factor is that people from both religions recognize the sight of the crescent moon as a symbol to break their fast.

INFORMATION PANELS The long, vertical information panels were placed near the center of the gallery to provide a background on the Hindu-Muslim conflict in India (Plate 47). The panels are the outcome of the extensive research I did during the process of working on my thesis. The amount of literature I collected became the foundation in defining my thesis statement and developing the design systems that were applied to the compositions, mandalas, patterns, information graphics and typography. I felt the need to share the information with the audience, and displaying this information strengthened my reasoning to strive for peace and harmony through this body of work. To give a better perspective to the problem, I have discussed the social structure of India, the historical background of the country and the timeline of the Hindu-Muslim conflict in India. The information presented on these panels provides context and educates viewers on the purpose of the work designed for the thesis show. I used information graphics and typography to show the extensive text and data that is easily accessible to the viewers. I divided the panels into three sections: social structure (Chapter 4 Social Context), historical background (Chapter 3 Historical Background) and the timeline of the Hindu-Muslim conflict. I used two panels for each section and placed information on both sides of the panel. The timeline of the Hindu-Muslim conflict highlights the deadliest communal riots in the country from 1900 to 2003, where thousands of lives were lost. I have shown the statistics of the death toll in the major communal riots between Hindus and Muslims in India. From 1900 to 1946, six thousand people lost their lives because of the riots, which happened at regular intervals during these years (Thapar, 1966). The worst of the riots took place in the year 1947 when India got its independence, which led to the partition of the country and creation of Pakistan (see Chapter 3 Historical Background). The number of dead during the transition phase of the partition was two hundred thousand; this has been recorded as the

deadliest communal riots in India to date (Varshney, 2002, p. 95). After 1947 the riots continued on a small scale in many parts of the country where there is a density of the Hindu and Muslim population. The next major riot happened in 1993, known as the Mumbai riots; the epicenter of the riot was the city of Mumbai where almost nine hundred people died. The riot spread rapidly to the western part of the country (Varshney, 2002, p. 95). The last communal riot was in 2002 in the state of Gujrat, known as the Godhra riots, where almost a thousand died in the midst of religious rivalry (Varshney, 2002, p. 95). I have also shown an information graphic which highlights the major riot-prone cities in India. To give insight to the current relations between Hindus and Muslims in India, I included statistical data of a survey conducted by Gallup Polls from 2006 to 2008. The results are based on face-to-face interviews with adults, aged 15 and older: 2000 in July 2008; 3186 in May 2007; and 2100 in February 2006 (Ray & Srinivasan, 2008). The survey found that the intercommunal tension between India’s Muslims and Hindus is not new to the country; friction between the groups predates the country’s independence. However, Gallup Polls suggest the rash of terrorist attacks with victims and perpetrators on both sides since 2006 is placing additional strain on already fragile relations. Gallup’s July 2008 survey of India found that although Muslims and Hindus most often predicted conflict between them would decrease over the next five years, the likelihood between both groups to predict the opposite had risen since 2007. In 2008, 25% of Indian Muslims surveyed anticipate more conflict, compared with 15% in 2007. Among Hindus, 22% think there will be more conflict, compared with 18% who thought so in 2007 (Ray & Srinivasan, 2008). Considering the vast amount of numerical and informational data, I needed to adapt a method that would effectively display this information. The origin of the design system, which was applied to the panels, came from the mandala that I had designed for the thesis show. The structure of the mandala gave me the idea to split the information into six panels. As the mandala is equally divided into six sections, I used the division as the floor layout to display the panels in the gallery. The mandala printed on vinyl as a sticker is placed below the information panels, similar to the half mandalas below the compositions. The panels are suspended from the beams on the ceiling and are two feet above the ground. I placed the panels just above the lines dividing the mandala on the floor. The three-dimensional form created by the panels is replicating the structure of the floor mandala (Plate 48). The reason

the panels were hung from the ceiling is to create a free flowing interactive display where viewers are not overwhelmed by the amount of information shown on these panels. The fluidity that the viewer encounters when interacting with the panels, gives the viewer freedom to see the information presented on both sides of the panels. The panels were printed directly on banner material, which is easy to handle and sustainable. I developed a design system in Adobe InDesign software that was applied to the sixteen-by-sixty-inch panels where I used the mandala as the grid to create typographic layouts and information graphics in each panel. The three sections of social structure, historical background and timeline of the Hindu-Muslim conflict were designed individually as the data presented on each panel varied but all the panels utilize the same design system and work cohesively together. I used color to emphasize the active and inactive spaces on the panels; for example, I used tints of warmer hues to highlight the area showing all the information, which is almost in the center of the panel. To separate the information of the three sections, I used different tonal values for each section. For the remaining area I used grey to subdue the space above and below the warm colored space. This was consistent in all panels. The blocks of color on the panels work in correlation with each other, as they create a continuous horizontal band of color connecting the panels. Apart from color, to differentiate and maintain the sequential order in the panels, I created patterns out of the mandala which were used as the grid for designing each panel, and I placed the patterns as the background layer of each panel which acted as a visible design grid and worked aesthetically as well. To differentiate the sections and also maintain the sequential order, I played with scaling the patterns from largest to smallest. For the section of social structure, I used the largest size of the pattern where the number of mandalas was fewer, and for the historical background I used the pattern that was comparatively smaller than the previous section with more mandalas. In the last section I used the smallest size pattern, which contains a greater number of mandalas (Plate 49). I developed typography style guides in which I used Univers Condensed for all the titles, headings and sub-headings. The body text was set in the font Memphis Light, Regular or Bold depending upon the content on the panel. The set of information graphics I designed for the panels was created from the hexagonal shape existing in the structure of the mandala. I kept the mandala as the main source of inspiration in creating all the graphics. For instance,

in the section of social structure I produced information graphics which highlight the data on the Hindu and Muslim population in India. To produce these graphics, I kept the association of orange and green for the two religious groups and created transparent orange and green colored hexagons that were layered multiple times to create the desire effect. I used the outline form of the hexagon and created six divisions within the hexagon to create bar graphs that showed the numeric data of the religious compositions in India in terms of work, education, various religious practices and overall progress. I also designed a pyramid depicting the caste system followed by the Hindus, which has been one of the strongest factors that has affected the relationship between Hindus and Muslims in India and also one of the causes of religious conflict (Plate 50). In the section of historical background, as I was covering a vast amount of literature involving Hindus and Muslims in India, I designed a type layout which followed the lines of the grid present on the panel. I arranged the blocks of text on an angle which was either aligned left or right with a ragged edge. Since I was using both sides of these panels, the arrangement of the text blocks created a horizontal arrow. The effect gave a sense of direction for the viewer and helped to navigate through the panels. Considering the amount of text on the panels, I wanted to give the viewer the choice to either read the entire information or glance through the major events. So, I highlighted the important factors by emphasizing some sentences on each panel by increasing the font size and making it bold by using a contrasting color for easy reading. To support the text on the various stages of history, I incorporated images that were also cropped in the hexagon form (Plate 51). For the section of the timeline of the Hindu-Muslim conflict from 1900 to 2003, I made a layout very similar to the section of the historical background to incorporate text and images. Even here I followed the lines formed by the grid present in the background of the panel. To maintain the chronological order of the riots, I introduced a timeline bar placed in the center of the colored active space of the panel, which stretched on both sides of the panels. As I was focusing on four major riots in the last hundred years, I made four almost equal divisions on the bar by differentiating them with color. To emphasize the number of dead in each of the riots I placed the numbers in Univers Condensed in sixty-four-point size on the top of the bar, so it’s noticeable to the viewer and the gravity of these riots emphasized. The list of events explaining the cause of the riots was placed on the top and bottom of the timeline bar. I also

added images, which were cropped in hexagon form and supported the text describing the horrors of these riots (Plate 52). I split the two panels focusing on the timeline of the Hindu- Muslim conflict further into two sub-sections, where in one section I have shown the information graphics that accentuates the riot-prone cities in India. To display the deadliness of the riots in the Indian cities, I used graphics made of a transparent hexagon which was modified through scale and color, and layered multiple times to attain the needed effect. In the other section, which is on the opposite side of the panel, I discussed the results of the poll that focuses on the current Hindu-Muslim relations in India. I made the layout following the lines formed from the grid where I arranged the supporting text and the horizontal bar graph of the numeric data from the polls, following the design system that I adapted for the previous panels. But in this instance I stacked the text and graphs on top of each other so they form the shape of two arrows going in opposite directions yet connected to each other (Plate 53).

ONENESS MANDALA The oneness mandala is generated from the existing mandala that I have been using as a grid throughout the thesis exhibition. This mandala defines the purpose of the work created for the thesis show—striving for peace and harmony between Hindus and Muslims in India. The mandala represents wholeness, a diagram where individual elements come together to create a unified structure. The mandala is my graphic solution for unity in the Hindu-Muslim conflict, through which I am bringing the two religious groups together within one organizational structure. Through this mandala I am introducing a sense of belonging, a community in which everyone is equal, and where the terms majority and minority dissolve. The structure of the mandala allows individual belief systems to exist in harmony without overpowering each other. To achieve my goal of unity and peace through the mandala, I used the colors orange and green to represent the Hindus and Muslims. The colors orange and green, which symbolize the two religious groups, have been the strongest factor in developing the concept for the mandala. I believe the mandala should not use religious iconography to represent unity of the two religious groups but be based on simpler, more universal expressions of peace. Since I had already used existing symbology of images and icons to represent the

belief systems of Hindus and Muslims in the compositions, for the mandala I needed universal elements to display my message for peace and unity. In the oneness mandala I wanted to use the colors orange and green, as they are more approachable, can be combined smoothly, and can be easily set to the desired values without one overpowering the other. The intended message to my target audience through the mandala is to live in harmony with others while respecting individual belief systems, and the colors used to represent the two religious groups communicated that message. I displayed the mandala in the back of the gallery, so visitors could first experience the designed pieces presented in the front end of the gallery. I wanted viewers to understand the problems that resulted in the conflict, and how in the compositions I brought contrasting elements together to express a commonality that unites the two religious groups. I wanted viewers to experience the mandala at the end, since I was focusing on the colors that have significance to Hindus and Muslims and viewing the mandala earlier would not convey the intended message. I didn’t want to reveal the mandala all at once and wanted viewers instead to experience the evolving journey that I went through during the process of creating the mandala, I translated the experience into a series of curtains of sheer fabric that covered the mandala from direct view in the gallery (Plate 54–55). To continue the association of the colors to the two religious groups, I dyed sheer fabric from India, which had already been sized to one and a half-feet wide and ten-feet tall in order to cover the end portion of the gallery. I hung four rows of orange and green curtains wall to wall, covering the entire area at the end of the gallery. In the first row facing the exhibit in the gallery, I hung five orange curtains on the left and five green curtains on the right. This arrangement clearly divided the two colors, expressing the relationship between Hindus and Muslims. But as I progressed to the next row, I added a greater number of orange and green curtains, so that in the center the orange and green curtains overlapped. This represented my first attempt to mix the two groups. In the third row, I had more curtains overlapping, which showed the progress in achieving my goal for harmony. In the last row I had an equal number of orange and green curtains overlapping to create the feeling equality and oneness. The layering of sheer fabric was similar to the techniques I had used in creating the information graphics on the information panels where I layered the transparent orange and green hexagons to show the

60 numeric data. In this instance, the technique shows how easily the colors can blend, which also signifies the potential relationship between Hindus and Muslims. I left enough space at the back of this alcove in the gallery to view the mandala after passing through the rows of curtains, so the viewer could quietly experience the essence of the mandala without any distractions. I designed a forty-eight by forty-eight inch mandala in Adobe Illustrator (Plate 56–57). To make this organizational structure, I started from the center point where I used the solid form of the mandala that I had designed for the thesis show and had been using as the layout grid. I repeated the mandala multiple times, rotating it from the center at thirty-degree angles, until eventually the form resembled a flower with many petals. I used the same form in the center and enlarged it several times, creating a larger flower with petals overlapping each other. The repetition of the form resulted in many small divisions of skewed uneven squares that I filled with alternating solid tints of orange and green. From the center, I gradually increased the color values moving towards the edge of the mandala, which I filled with a saturated hue of orange and green. The overall effect created an illusion of swirling motion and a sense of infinity. This effect conveys hope in the relationship between Hindus and Muslims, where there are infinite possibilities for peace and harmony. The mandala was printed on matte vinyl and pasted on duraplast board and mounted on the wall. To accentuate the feeling of calmness and meditation when viewing the mandala, I placed six white tea candles on the floor under the mandala in a semi-circle similar to the rangoli on the floor below the compositions. Overall, I was able to achieve the goal of simulating the possibility of infinite unity that brings Hindus and Muslims together as one.

CHAPTER 7

CONCLUSION

As a native of Mumbai, India, the long, turbulent history of violence between Hindus and Muslims has a deep and personal meaning to me. My purpose in this thesis exhibition is to create a body of work that presents the possibilities of bridging the differences between Hindus and Muslims by showing the commonalities that unite the two religions. My aim is to inform, educate and express through design the message of peace and harmony. In the process of designing for the thesis show, I have seen a transformation in my own thought process towards the relationship between Hindus and Muslims, and I have gained confidence in communicating through the realm of design. I believe graphic design has given me the platform to create work that has the potential to bring positive change to society. Design as a medium of communication is powerful enough to influence and change the behavior pattern of my target audience that is Hindus and Muslims. Through this medium I was able to address the possibilities for a peaceful dialogue between the two religious groups. The visual imagery I created would not have been possible without using graphic design as the platform. The model I developed to voice my message of peace is that every set of differences will have some commonality that can act as a binding factor. Moreover, this model can be applied to other conflicts similar to those of the Hindus and Muslims, wherever they occur, to attain universal peace and harmony.

REFERENCES

Arnon, B. (2008, October 13). How the Obama “Hope” poster reached a tipping point and became a cultural phenomenon: An interview with the artist Shepard Fairey. The Huffington Post. Retrieved January 22, 2010, from http://www.huffingtonpost.com /ben-arnon/how-the-obama-hope-poster_b_133874.html Baseman, F., Chaz, M. D., & Resnick, E. (2005). Graphic Imperative International Posters for Peace Social Justice & Environment 1965 — 2005. The Graphic Imperative. Retrieved from http://thegraphicimperative.org Basham, A.L. (1975). A cultural history of India. (pp. 128–130, 365). London: Oxford University Press. Brass, P. R. (2003). The production of Hindu-Muslim violence in contemporary India. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press. Bringhurst, R. (2005). The elements of typography style. Seattle: Hartley and Marks Publishers. Bruinsma, M. (2000). First things first 2000 a design manifesto. The AIGA Journal, Fall 1999/ Spring 2000. Retrieved December 15, 2009, from http://www.xs4all.nl/~ maxb/ftf1964.htm Census of India. (2001). Retrieved from http://www.censusindia.gov.in/ Census_Data_2001/ Crossette, B. (1998, December 9). Unicef study predicts 16% world illiteracy rate will increase. The New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/1998/12/09/ world/unicef.html Colors in Hinduism. (2009, August 8). ThinkQuest. Retrieved from http://library. Thinkquest.org/08aug/01276/colorsandculture/colorsinhinduism.html/ Dawson, B. (1999). Street Graphics India. New York: Thames & Hudson. Felton, N. (2008). 2008 Annual Report. Feltron. Retrieved from http://feltron.com/index.php?/content/2008_annual_report/ Galo, M. (2002). The Poster in History. New York: W. W. Norton. Glaser, M. (2005, September 20). The Designer/ Citizen. AIGA. Retrieved from http://www.aiga.org/content.cfm/the-designercitizen Heller, S., & Meggs, P. B. (2001). Texts on type: critical writings on typography. New York: Allworth Press. India – Caste and Class. (n.d.). U.S. Library of Congress. Retrieved from http://countrystudies.us/india/89.htm Islamic Symbols. (2009). Religion facts. Retrieved from http://www.religionfacts.com /islam/symbols.htm

Khan, S. S., & Sen, R. (2009). Where are we going? Perspective on Hindu-Muslim Relations in India. In C. J. Montiel & N. N. Noraini, (Eds.), Peace Psychology in Asia (pp. 44– 45). New York: Springer. Kekeritz, T. (2007). The Virtual Water Project. Raureif. Retrieved from http://virtualwater.eu/ Kumar, R. (1989). India’s Secular Culture, in The Making of a Nation. Delhi: Manohar. Meggs, P. B. (1998). A History of Graphic Design. New York: Wiley. Michael Bierut. (n.d.). Pentagram. Retrieved from http://pentagram.com/en/partners/ michael-bierut.php New campaign for the worlds local bank. (2002, March 11). HSBC Global Site. Retrieved from http://www.hsbc.com/1/2/newsroom/news/2002/ Papanek, V. (1971). Design for the Real World: Human Ecology and Social Change. New York: Pantheon Books. Patel, C. R. (2008). Rangoli patterns. Seattle: Create Space. Pilo, D., Gandhi, P., & Jacob, N.(2009). The Wall Project. The Wall Project. Retrieved from http://www.thewallproject.com/ Plus. (1997). Langenscheidt’s pocket dictionary Merriam-Webster English. Langenscheidt Pub Inc. Ray, J., & Srinivasan, R. (2008, December 8). Before attacks, intercommunal tensions rising in India. Gallop Poll. Retrieved from http://www.gallup.com/ poll/112951/before- attacks-intercommunal-tensions-rising-india.aspx Samara, T. (2002) Making and breaking the grid. Boston: Rockport Publishers. Samara, T. (2004). Typography workbook. Boston: Rockport Publishers. Sen, A. (2006). Identity and violence: The illusion of destiny. New York: W. W. Norton & Co. Sen, R., & Wagner.W. (2009). Cultural mechanics of fundamentalism: Religion as ideology, divided identities and violence in post-Gandhi India. Culture and Psychology, 15(3), 299–326. Spear, P. A History of India, Vol. 2. Maryland: Penguin Books, 1968. Sontag, S. (1970). Posters: Advertisement, art, political artifact, commodity. In D. Stermer, (Ed.), The Art of Revolution: 96 Posters from Castro’s Cuba, 1959–1970. New York: McGraw Hill. Steiner, H. & Haas, K. (1995). Cross cultural design. New York: Thames and Hudson. Steinweber, P., & Koller A. (2007). Similar Diversity. Similar Diversity. Retrieved from http://similardiversity.net/project/ Storm, Jun, J. S., & Bruce, W. (1990). Social Design in public problem solving. Public Administration Quarterly, 1(Spring), 14. Thapar, R. (1966). A History of India, Vol.1. Baltimore: Penguin Books.

Thapar, R. (2002). Early India from the origins to AD 1300. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. The Gestalt Principles. (2009). Spokenfalls community college. Retrieved from http://graphicdesign.spokanefalls.edu/tutorials/process/gestaltprinciples/ gestaltprinc.htm Timeline: India’s enduring Hindu-Muslim Contest. (n.d.). Public Broadcasting Service (PBS). Retrieved from http://www.pbs.org/wnet/wideangle/shows/india/ timeline3.html Todd jr., J. G. (2009). Social realism. The Museum of Modern Art. Retrieved from http://www.moma.org/collection/theme.php/ Varshney, A. (2002). Ethnic conflict and civic life: Hindus and Muslims in India. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Visocky O’Grady, J. & Visocky O’Grady, K. (2008). The information design handbook. Cleveland: HOW Books. Walker, A. (2008). Michael Bierut. AIGA. Retrieved from http://www.aiga.org/ content.cfm/medalist-michaelbierut What is Mandala? (2010). The Mandala Project. Retrieved from http://www.mandalaproject.org/Index.html Woods, M. (2008). The story of India: Meeting of the two oceans. Public Broadcasting Service (PBS). Retrieved from http://www.pbs.org/thestoryofindia/ about/episode_summaries/5/

APPENDIX

PLATES

Plate 1. Fang Chen, Victory, 1998

Plate 2. Yossi Lemel, Israel Palestine 2002 Bloodbath, 2002

Plate 3. Steven Lyons, No Blood for Oil, 2003

Plate 4. Mies Hora, Official Signs & Icons 2, 2005

Plate 5. Symbol Om

Plate 6. Parle G, Parle G, 1945

Plate 7. Mumbai 77, Advertisement near railway tracks in Mumbai, 2008

Plate 8. The Wall Project, 2009

Plate 9. Shepard Fairey, Barack Obama “Hope” Poster, 2008

Plate 10. HSBC The world’s local bank, 1999

Plate 11. William Playfair, Pie chart from Statistical Breviary, 1801

Plate 12. Philipp Steinweber and Andreas Koller, Similar Diversity, 2007

Plate 13. Timm Kekeritz, Virtual Water inside products, 2007

Plate 14. Nicholas Felton, Annual Report 2008, 2008

Plate 15. Nicholas Felton, Annual Report 2008, 2008

Plate 16. Michael Bierut, Poster for the Yale School of Architecture, 2000

Plate 17. Michael Bierut, Poster for Eisenman/Krier: Two Ideologies Symposium, 2002

Plate 18. Namita Sharma, Sketchbook, 2007

Plate 19. Namita Sharma, Beliefs, 2008

Plate 20. Namita Sharma, Clothing, 2008

Plate 21. Namita Sharma, Architecture, 2008

Plate 22. Namita Sharma, Literature, 2008

Plate 23. Namita Sharma, Symbols, 2008

Plate 24. Namita Sharma, Food, 2008

Plate 25. Namita Sharma, Experiments with different materials on Beliefs plate, 2009

Plate 26. Namita Sharma, Updated compositions, 2008

Plate 27. Namita Sharma, Hand drawn mandalas, 2009

Plate 28. Namita Sharma, Refined symbols, 2009

Plate 29. Namita Sharma, Refined symbols, 2009

Plate 30. Namita Sharma, Refined symbols, 2009

Plate 31. Namita Sharma, Information graphic symbol, 2009

Plate 32. Namita Sharma, Additional versions of mandalas, 2009

Plate 33. Namita Sharma, Variations of the final mandala, 2009

Plate 34. Namita Sharma, Patterns based on the mandala, 2009

Plate 35. The gallery space, 2009

100

Plate 36. Title on the wall, 2009

101

Plate 37. Exhibition invitation front side, 2009

102

Plate 38. Exhibition invitation back side, 2009

103

Plate 39. Namita Sharma, Panel text for Architecture, 2009

104

Plate 40. Namita Sharma, Side Panels, 2009

105

Plate 41. Namita Sharma, Composition Architecture and floor mandala, 2009

106

Plate 42. Namita Sharma, Beliefs, 2009

107

Plate 43. Namita Sharma, Clothing, 2009

108

Plate 44. Namita Sharma, Food, 2009

109

Plate 45. Namita Sharma, Literature, 2009

110

Plate 46. Namita Sharma, Symbology, 2009

111

Plate 47. Namita Sharma, Information Panels, 2009

112

Plate 48. Namita Sharma, Top view of the Information Panel, 2009

113

Plate 49. Namita Sharma, Details of the Information Panels, 2009

114

Plate 50. Namita Sharma, Details of social structure section, 2009

115

Plate 51. Namita Sharma, Details of historical background section, 2009

116

Plate 52. Namita Sharma, Details of timeline of Hindu-Muslim conflict section, 2009

117

Plate 53. Namita Sharma, Details of timeline of Hindu- Muslim conflict section, 2009

118

Plate 54. Namita Sharma, Sheer curtains, 2009

119

Plate 55. Namita Sharma, Space between the rows of curtains, 2009

120

Plate 56. Namita Sharma, Oneness Mandala, 2009

121

Plate 57. Namita Sharma, Oneness Mandala with candles, 2009