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Section du dépôt légal Nicolas Bisson Hamel,• Christine Sandrine Turcotte, Thérèse Laferrière & Use ofaKnowledge BuildingForum Improving Students’UnderstandingandExplanationSkills Through the • Carol Stephenson, JohnStirling&David Wray Sociological Imagination “Working Lives”: The Useof Auto/Biography intheDevelopment ofa • DanParker Mcgray &Robert Reform inQuebec’s Professional Competenciesfor Beginning Teachers Tensions Between Teaching SexualityEducationandNeoliberalPolicy • Eun-Ji Amy Kim

Education intheSouth Qallunaaliaqtut: Inuit Students’ExperiencesofPostsecondary • Kent vanKessel denHeyer &Cathryn Evil, Agency, andCitizenshipEducation SinaveetFrance Jutras• SylvieCourtine d’enseignants surl’éducationàlacitoyenneté àl’écolesecondaire Éléments indicateursdelalaïcitédanslecadre dediscussions • ArzinaZaver The EthicsandReligiousCulture Program asCaseStudy The ComplexitiesofNeutralityin Teaching ReligiousEducation: • BruceMaxwell, Audrée-Anne Tremblay-Laprise Filion &Marianne A Survey ofEthicsCurriculum inCanadianInitial Teacher Education Volume 50Number 1 Winter /Hiver2015 spectives inOntarioScienceCurricula Neo-Colonialism inOurSchools: Representations ofIndigenousPer Rodon,• Thierry Francis Lévesque&SheenaKennedy Dalseg MJE ANILA ASGHAR &MARC-ANDRÉÉTHIER Associate Editors Editor-in-Chief In thisissue:

TERESA STRONG-WILSON

Online: ISSN1916-0666

McGILL JOURNAL of EDUCATION • REVUE des SCIENCES de L’ÉDUCATION de McGILL • Vol 50 No 1 Winter 2015

M V V DESSCIENCESDEL’ÉDUCATIONREVUE DEMcGILL McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION olume olume 50 N 50 N 50 J uméro umber E

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The McGill Journal of Education promotes an international, multidisciplinary discussion of issues in the field of educational research, theory, and practice. We are committed to high quality scholarship in both English and French. As an open-access publication, freely available on the web (http://mje.mcgill.ca), the Journal reaches an international audience and encourages scholars and practitioners from around the world to submit manuscripts on relevant educational issues.

La Revue des sciences de l’éducation de McGill favorise les échanges internationaux et plu- ridisciplinaires sur les sujets relevant de la recherche, de la théorie et de la pratique de l’éducation. Nous demeurons engagés envers un savoir de haute qualité en français et en anglais. Publication libre, accessible sur le Web (à http://mje.mcgill.ca), la Revue joint un lectorat international et invite les chercheurs et les praticiens du monde entier à lui faire parvenir leurs manuscrits traitant d’un sujet relié à l’éducation. International Standard Serial No./Numéro de série international: online ISSN 1916-0666

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The McGill Journal of Education acknowledges the financial support of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Dean’s Office of the Faculty of Education, McGill University. La Revue des sciences de l’éducation de McGill remercie le Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines du Canada et le Bureau du doyen de la Faculté des sciences de l’éducation de l’Université McGill de leur soutien financier. MCGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE MCGILL

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF / RÉDACTRICE-EN-CHEF : Teresa Strong-Wilson (McGill University) ASSOCIATE EDITORS / RÉDACTEURS ASSOCIÉS : Anila Asghar (McGill University) & Marc-André Ethier (Université de Montréal) ASSISTANT EDITORS / RÉDACTEURS ADJOINTS : Mindy Carter & Lisa Starr (McGill University) MANAGING EDITOR / DIRECTEUR DE RÉDACTION: Sylvie Wald INTERNATIONAL EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD / COMITÉ DE RÉDACTION CONSULTATIF INTERNATIONAL: David Austin, Ann Beamish, Dave Bleakney, Saouma BouJaoude, Katie L. Bryant, Patrick Charland, Stéphane Cyr, Budd Hall, Ingrid Johnston, Dip Kapoor, Colin Lankshear, Claudia Mitchell, Rebecca New, Cynthia Nicol, Bonny Norton, Anthony Paré, Manuela Pasinato, Wally Penetito, Kathleen Pithouse-Morgan, Saleem Razack, Jessica Ruglis, Verna St Denis, Lisa Starr, Lynn Thomas, Salim Vally, Geeta Verma, Angelina Weenie & John Willinsky PUBLICATION DESIGN / MAQUETTE: McGill ICC COVER DESIGN / CONCEPTION DE LA COUVERTURE: Deborah Metchette TRANSLATION / TRADUCTION: Nathalie Fortin

McGill Journal of Education is a partner member of Érudit. La revue des sciences de l’éducation de McGill est une revue partenaire d’Érudit. www.erudit.org

The views expressed by contributors to the MJE do not necessarily reflect those of the Editor, the Editorial and Review Boards, or McGill University. Authors are responsible for following normal standards of scholarship and for ensuring that whenever the research involves human subjects, the appropriate consents are obtained from such subjects and all approvals are obtained from the appropriate ethics review board. Les opinions exprimées par les collaborateurs de la Revue des sciences de l’éducation de McGill ne reflètent pas forcément celles de la rédactrice en chef, des conseils de rédaction et de révision ou de l’Université McGill. Les auteurs sont tenus d’observer les règles normales de la recherche universitaire et, s’ils mènent des travaux sur des sujets humains, d’obtenir le consentement en bonne et due forme de chaque sujet ainsi que l’approbation du comité éthique compétent.

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MCGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION TABLE OF CONTENTS / SOMMAIRE

REVUE DES SCIENCES WINTER 2015 VOL. 50 NO 1 / HIVER 2015 VOL. 50 NO 1 DE L’ÉDUCATION DE MCGILL

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF / RÉDACTRICE-EN-CHEF : Teresa Strong-Wilson (McGill University) 5 Editorial ASSOCIATE EDITORS / RÉDACTEURS ASSOCIÉS : Anila Asghar (McGill University) & Éditorial Marc-André Ethier (Université de Montréal) • TERESA STRONG-WILSON ASSISTANT EDITORS / RÉDACTEURS ADJOINTS : Mindy Carter & Lisa Starr (McGill 15 A Survey of Ethics Curriculum in Canadian Initial University) Teacher Education MANAGING EDITOR / DIRECTEUR DE RÉDACTION: Sylvie Wald Enquête sur l’éducation à l’éthique professionnelle dans la INTERNATIONAL EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD / formation initiale en enseignement au Canada COMITÉ DE RÉDACTION CONSULTATIF INTERNATIONAL: David Austin, Ann • BRUCE MAXWELL, AUDRÉE-ANNE TREMBLAY-LAPRISE & Beamish, Dave Bleakney, Saouma BouJaoude, Katie L. Bryant, Patrick Charland, MARIANNE FILION Stéphane Cyr, Budd Hall, Ingrid Johnston, Dip Kapoor, Colin Lankshear, Claudia Mitchell, Rebecca New, Cynthia Nicol, Bonny Norton, Anthony Paré, Manuela Pasinato, Wally 39 The Complexities of Neutrality in Teaching Religious Penetito, Kathleen Pithouse-Morgan, Saleem Razack, Jessica Ruglis, Verna St Denis, Lisa Education: The Ethics and Religious Culture Program as Starr, Lynn Thomas, Salim Vally, Geeta Verma, Angelina Weenie & John Willinsky Case Study PUBLICATION DESIGN / MAQUETTE: McGill ICC Le défi complexe de la neutralité dans l’enseignement de COVER DESIGN / CONCEPTION DE LA COUVERTURE: Deborah Metchette l’éducation religieuse : le cas du programme d’éthique et de culture religieuse TRANSLATION / TRADUCTION: Nathalie Fortin • ARZINA ZAVER

51 Éléments indicateurs de la laïcité dans le cadre de discussions d’enseignants sur l’éducation à la citoyenneté à McGill Journal of Education is a partner member of Érudit. l’école secondaire La revue des sciences de l’éducation de McGill est une Components of the Concept of Secularism in the Context revue partenaire d’Érudit. www.erudit.org of Conversations Between Teachers on the Topic of Civic Education in High Schools • SYLVIE COURTINE SINAVE et FRANCE JUTRAS 79 Evil, Agency, and Citizenship Education Le mal, le sentiment de pouvoir et l’éducation à la citoyenneté • KENT DEN HEYER & CATHRYN VAN KESSEL 97 Qallunaaliaqtut: Inuit Students’ Experiences of Postsecondary Education in the South Qallunaaliaqtut: l’expérience des étudiants inuits dans les établissements postsecondaires du sud • THIERRY RODON, FRANCIS LÉVESQUE & SHEENA KENNEDY DALSEG 119 Neo-Colonialism in Our Schools: Representations of Indigenous Perspectives in Ontario Science Curricula Le néocolonialisme dans l’environnement pédagogique: la représentation des peuples indigènes dans les programmes des sciences en Ontario • EUN-JI AMY KIM 145 Tensions Between Teaching Sexuality Education and Neoliberal Policy Reform in Quebec’s Professional Competencies for Beginning Teachers Compétences professionnelles et enseignants débutants: tensions entre l’enseignement de l’éducation sexuelle et la réforme des politiques néolibérales au Québec • DAN PARKER & ROBERT MCGRAY 161 “Working Lives”: The Use of Auto/Biography in the Development of a Sociological Imagination “Working Lives” : utiliser l’auto/biographie pour développer une imagination sociologique • CAROL STEPHENSON, JOHN STIRLING & DAVID WRAY 181 Improving Students’ Understanding and Explanation Skills Through the Use of a Knowledge Building Forum L’amélioration de la compréhension chez les élèves et de leur capacité d’explication au moyen de l’utilisation d’un forum de coélaboration de connaissances • CHRISTINE HAMEL, SANDRINE TURCOTTE, THÉRÈSE LAFERRIÈRE & NICOLAS BISSON

BOOK REVIEWS / CRITIQUES DE LIVRES

201 Yves Lenoir, Abdelkrim Hasni, France Lacourse, François Larose, Philippe Maubant et Abdelkarim Zaid. Guide d’accompagnement de la formation à la recherche : un outil de réflexion sur les termes et expressions liés à la recherche scientifique. Longueil, QC : Groupéditions. (2012). 289 pp. 39,95 $ (édition de poche). (ISBN 978-2-923656-24-3) 205 Alyson Leigh Lavigne & Thomas L. Good. Teacher and Student Evaluation: Moving Beyond the Failure of School Reform. New York, NY: Routledge. (2014). 216 pp. $55.45 (Paperback). (ISBN 978-0415810531) Editorial

EDITORIAL

We begin this time with important “thank yous” and “welcomes.” Our McGill Journal of Education editorial team is changing as well as expanding. We cannot thank enough our outgoing Managing Editor, Stephen Peters, who provided impeccable guidance and support for MJE editors and authors for close to five years. The future cannot but be promising for Stephen given his many talents; we wish him the very best. In his stead, we welcome Sylvie Wald, also a doctoral student in McGill’s Department of Integrated Studies in Education (DISE), who has slipped into the Managing Editor role with remarkable ease (and with Steve’s capable mentorship), bringing her own set of talents, which we have already started to very much appreciate. We are excited to welcome two assistant editors, Lisa Starr and Mindy R. Carter, Assistant Professors at McGill in DISE (Department of Integrated Studies in Education). One of their main contributions will be to explore innovative ways to enhance the MJE’s digital presence and accessibility as an open-access journal, while also broadening submissions in such areas as teacher leadership, autoethnography and self-study, drama and theatre education, and art education. Lisa Starr, president of the Canadian Association for the Study of Women and Education (CASWE), is interested in the relationship between identity and culture, particularly with respect to educational effectiveness, leadership, preparation of teachers and gender equity. She is also interested in autoethnography and self-study as means to investigate, understand, and make meaning of the intersections inherent in 21st century leading and learning, and is guest editor with Kathy Sanford (University of Victoria) of a forthcoming MJE special issue on 21st century learning. Mindy R. Carter, Vice President and Program Chair for the ARTS special interest group, an affiliate of the Canadian Society for the Study of Education (CSSE), is interested in teacher identity, teacher education, drama and theatre education, and curriculum theory. Her first book The Teacher Monologues: Exploring the Identities of Artist- Teachers was published by Sense in 2014. This general issue of the MJE is characterized by its usual eclectic array, but with a preponderance of articles that critically examine university or school curricula either with respect to issues that centre on ethics (including con-

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 5 Éditorial sideration of the “evil” part of “good and evil”), civic identity, secularism, and teacher neutrality, or that engage particular issues such as Indigenous education (in post-secondary contexts and in secondary Science curricula), sexuality education, and promotion of metacognition in the classroom. We are also pleased to welcome an article from the United Kingdom that reflects on a certain pedagogical approach taken in an introductory Sociology class. We open this issue with Maxwell and Tremblay-Laprise’s survey of ethics curricula in teacher education programs across Canada. The article provides a synoptic overview of the place of ethics in the curriculum across various disciplines before focusing in on education. The goal of the research was to “take stock” of how well teacher education programs in Canada prepare future teachers for ethical challenges, as inferred from course content and program intentions (via an online survey and analysis of academic calendars). The researchers found, much to their surprise, that initial teacher education programs in Canada have not “missed the boat” for ethics instruction; almost half included a mandated ethics course. The authors also found that ethics was often embedded in other courses (e.g., teachers as leaders; critical issues in education). Useful suggestions for future directions in practice and research are provided. Two articles that address the ethical issue of secularism in the classroom and curriculum in Quebec from the point of view of teachers are Zaver’s (in English) and Courtine and Jutras’ (in French). Both situate their articles within the highly charged debate in Quebec around the creation of a Quebec Charter of Values. Zaver’s is a conceptual piece that considers the meaning and implications of the “neutral” teacher in Quebec’s ethics and religious culture curriculum (ERC) mandated in elementary and secondary schools. Zaver traces its historical antecedents in Quebec society and education, focusing in on the concept of neutrality and the notion of the teacher as neutral. She then examines tensions between what the ERC curriculum expects of teachers and its conceptualization of teacher as neutral. She considers the value and place of neutrality in the classroom as well as explores other alternatives, such as Kelly’s of committed impartiality. Courtine Sinave and Jutras engaged secondary school teachers in reflective conversation about the various meanings of secularism. Their article provides usefully textured examples from these conversations, organized around the themes that emerged. Also useful is their extended contextual piece on the history of secularism in France and Quebec, and how this history has influenced Quebec schools and curriculum. A key finding of their study was that the school, through the teaching of courses such as history and civic education, plays a key role in foregrounding issues central to secularism, like human rights. With den Heyer and van Kessel, we take a step back from ethics curricula to consider the implications of using charged words like “evil” in everyday

6 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Editorial discourse and how these uses and understandings can foreclose action. They consider alternative possibilities for critically engaging with the concept through citizenship education, drawing on the work of Hannah Arendt and Alain Badiou to open spaces for agency and political and social change. They argue that the main shift that needs to take place is from a notion of radical evil to one that is more secularized. The next two articles address Indigenous curriculum and education in Canada but with quite different results. Using interviews, focus groups, and surveys, Rodon, Lévesque, and Kennedy-Dalseg sought out the perspectives of Inuit Nunangat post-secondary students on pursuing post-secondary schooling in the South; access in the Arctic being limited to distance education. Nunangat encompasses Nunavut, Labrador, and the Northwest Territories. The article provides very useful information on what programs the 68 students undertook, where, how often (since many students had undertaken more than one program), and their perceptions of their experiences. Researchers were surprised by the degree to which overall experiences were reported as positive. Pertinent factors included: attention to Inuit language and culture, instructors familiar with the North, and social as well as academic support. Insufficient funding was identified as a main impediment. Kim begins by pointing out that Ontario has the largest Indigenous population in Canada and that in 2007, the Ontario Ministry of Education published the First Nations, Métis, and Inuit Education Policy Framework that called for greater attention to Indigenous cultural content and perspectives in the curriculum. This included secondary science curricula. Using hermeneutic content analysis, which involved qualitative content analysis as well as quantitative frequencies, Kim critically examined the Ontario Science curriculum for the presence — or absence — of Indigenous-related content. She found that though there was a professed commitment to IK (Indigenous knowledges), the curriculum has remained trapped in a neo-colonial framework. She encourages serious consideration of Saskatchewan initiatives in IK within science curricula by way of alternative to Ontario’s approach. Parker and McGray’s article on sexuality education in the Quebec curriculum is timely, given current (and ongoing) debate on sexuality education in Quebec as well as Canada generally. As the authors note, the Quebec curriculum is unusual in mandating the teaching of sexuality education as a professional responsibility of all teachers, a subject that therefore needs to be woven into the curriculum through cross-curricular competencies. In practice, the subject falls through the cracks, failing to be addressed. The authors write the article from the point of view of the beginning teacher, critically looking at how Quebec’s professional competencies for teachers enable but mostly constrain (through a neo-liberal agenda) efforts at creating a culture of teaching sexuality education in Quebec classrooms. The authors offer teachers pathways for action.

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How do we foster better connections between the subject matter or discipline and students’ consciousness of their own lives? Stephenson, Stirling, and Wray address this question by explaining how they developed a pedagogy of sociological imagination by inviting students to write autobiographies and biographies in sociology classes in a UK university. Their own author biographies help elucidate their turn to sociology and account for how that turn helped them make sense of working lives. In the article, the authors explain the rationale for the introductory sociology course that they developed, called “Working Lives,” and the strategies they used to encourage students to develop a sociologically- attuned “quality of mind.” Finally, Knowledge Forum or KF is a digital platform designed to promote metacognition through development of explanation skills. It is a tool intended to help students become better prepared to participate in a knowledge society. Hamel, Turcotte, Laferrière, and Bisson, researchers from two Quebec universities, designed and implemented a KF study with 251 students (across all grades) in K-6 rural schools, analyzing the students’ discourse. The study was part of the Remote Networked Schools (RNS) initiative and where KF was intended to offset such factors as professional isolation of teachers and lack of onsite resources for students. The study found that if KF was implemented consis- tently by teachers, students’ explanation-based classroom discourse increased, thus enriching the classroom environment. TERESA STRONG-WILSON, McGill University

8 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Editorial

ÉDITORIAL

Débutons cet éditorial par quelques « mercis » et « bienvenues » essentiels au moment où le comité éditorial de la Revue des sciences de l’éducation de McGill vit des changements et une croissance. Dans ce contexte, nous ne pouvons pas suffisamment remercier notre directeur de rédaction sortant, Stephen Peters, qui a guidé et soutenu de manière impeccable les rédacteurs et les auteurs de la RSÉM pendant près de cinq ans. Considérant ses nombreux talents, l’avenir de Stephen ne peut qu’être rempli de promesses. Nous lui souhaitons la meilleure des chances. Pour prendre sa relève, nous accueillons Sylvie Wald, également doctorante au Département des sciences intégrées de l’éducation de McGill (DISE), qui a endossé le rôle de directrice de rédaction avec une aisance impressionnante (et grâce au mentorat avisé de Steve). Elle apporte avec elle des compétences uniques, que nous avons déjà commencé à apprécier énormément. Nous sommes très heureux d’accueillir au sein de notre équipe deux rédac- teurs adjoints, Lisa Starr et Mindy R. Carter, professeurs adjoints au DISE de McGill (Département des sciences intégrées de l’éducation). Un de leurs principaux dossiers sera d’explorer des manières innovantes d’augmenter la présence et l’accessibilité numérique de la RSÉM en tant que revue à libre accès. Ils devront aussi augmenter le nombre de soumissions dans des domaines comme le leadership enseignant, l’auto-ethnographie et l’auto-apprentissage, le théâtre et l’enseignement de l’art dramatique, ainsi que l’enseignement de l’art. Présidente de l’Association canadienne pour l’étude sur les femmes et l’éducation (ACÉFÉ), Lisa Starr s’intéresse aux relations existant entre l’identité et la culture, en ce qui a trait particulièrement à l’efficacité pédagogique, au leadership, à la préparation des enseignants et à l’égalité des sexes. L’auto- ethnographie et l’auto-apprentissage retiennent également son attention, en tant que moyens de chercher, comprendre et donner un sens aux croisements propres au leadership et à l’apprentissage au 21e siècle. En ce sens, elle sera rédactrice invitée, faisant équipe avec Kathy Sanford (Université de Victoria) pour la prochaine édition spéciale de la RSÉM portant sur l’apprentissage au 21e siècle. Mindy R. Carter, vice-présidente et présidente du programme pour la Societé des chercheurs et des enseignants des arts (SCEA), affilié à la

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Société canadienne pour l’étude de l’éducation (SCÉÉ), s’intéresse à l’identité des enseignants, à la formation des maîtres, au théâtre et à l’enseignement de l’art dramatique, ainsi qu’à la théorie des programmes. Son premier ouvrage, The Teacher Monologues: Exploring the Identities of Artist-Teachers a été publié chez Sense en 2014. Cette édition régulière de la RSÉM présente son habituel éventail de sujets éclectiques, avec une prépondérance d’articles faisant l’examen critique des programmes universitaires ou scolaires. Ceux-ci traitent de problématiques tou- chant l’éthique (incluant une réflexion sur la part du « mal » dans le « bien » et le « mal »), l’identité citoyenne, la laïcité et la neutralité de l’enseignant ou encore s’attaquent à des questions spécifiques de l’éducation des autochtones (en éducation post-secondaire et dans les programmes de sciences au secondaire), de l’éducation sexuelle et de la promotion de la métacognition dans les classes. Nous sommes heureux de publier un article du Royaume-Uni qui étudie une approche pédagogique particulière utilisée durant un cours d’Introduction à la sociologie. Nous débutons cette édition par l’étude pilotée par Maxwell et Tremblay-Laprise, étude s’attardant au programme d’éthique dans les programmes de formation des maîtres au Canada. Cet article dresse un portrait synthèse de la place de l’éthique à travers plusieurs disciplines des programmes avant de cibler plus particulièrement la formation. L’objectif de cette recherche était de dresser un bilan de la manière dont les programmes de formation au Canada préparent les futurs enseignants aux enjeux éthiques, en analysant le contenu des cours et les intentions pédagogiques (à l’aide d’un sondage en ligne et de l’examen des calendriers académiques). À leur grande surprise, les chercheurs ont réalisé que les programmes de formation initiale des maîtres au Canada n’ont pas « manqué le bateau » en ce qui a trait à l’enseignement de l’éthique : près de la moitié comporte un cours d’éthique obligatoire. Les auteurs ont également découvert que l’éthique est fréquemment intégrée dans d’autres cours (p. ex. : les enseignants comme leaders, les problématiques critiques en éducation). Des suggestions utiles pour des orientations à prendre dans l’avenir en pratique et en recherche sont exposées. Deux articles rédigés par Zaver (en anglais) et par Courtine et Jutras (en français) présentent la question éthique du laïcisme en classe et au sein des programmes au Québec en adoptant le point de vue des enseignants. Les deux situent leurs articles au sein du débat hautement controversé de la création de la Charte des valeurs au Québec. L’article conceptuel écrit par Zaver étudie la signification et les implications de la « neutralité » de l’enseignant dans le programme québécois d’Éthique et de culture religieuse (ECR), tel que prescrit dans les écoles primaires et secondaires. Zaver suit les traces historiques de ce programme, le situant dans la société et l’éducation québécoise, s’attardant au concept de neutralité et à

10 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Editorial la notion de l’enseignant comme être neutre. Puis, elle analyse les tensions existant entre les attentes du programme d’ECR et son concept d’enseignant neutre. Elle réfléchit à la valeur et à la place de la neutralité dans la classe et explore d’autres options, comme l’engagement d’impartialité de Kelly. Courtine Sinave et Jutras ont entrepris une discussion réfléchie avec des enseignants au secondaire sur les significations multiples de la laïcité. Leur article relate des exemples efficacement élaborés de ces échanges, organisés autour des thèmes ayant émergé. Leur portrait approfondi et mis en contexte de l’histoire du laïcisme en France et au Québec, ainsi que leur analyse de la façon dont cette histoire a influencé les écoles et les programmes québécois s’avèrent également fort utiles. Un des résultats-clés de leur étude est que l’école, par l’enseignement de cours comme l’histoire et l’éducation citoyenne, joue un rôle fondamental en mettant l’accent sur des problématiques propres à la laïcité, comme les droits de l’homme. La lecture de l’article de den Heyer et van Kessel nous éloigne des programmes en éthique et nous invite à réfléchir aux implications de l’utilisation quotidienne de mots émotionnellement forts comme « le mal » ainsi qu’aux manières dont l’usage et notre compréhension de ces mots peuvent restreindre l’action. Ils évaluent d’autres moyens de s’engager de manière critique avec ce concept à travers l’éducation à la citoyenneté, s’inspirant des travaux de Hannah Arendt et d’Alain Badiou pour créer des espaces propices au sentiment de pouvoir et au changement politique et social. Ils soutiennent que le virage fondamental à effectuer réside dans le passage de la notion d’un mal radical à celui d’un mal plus laïc. Les deux articles suivants s’intéressent aux programmes et à l’éducation des autochtones au Canada et présentent des résultats forts différents. À l’aide d’entrevues, de groupes de discussions et de sondages, Rodon, Lévesque et Kennedy-Dalseg ont cherché à cerner le point de vue d’étudiants inuits nunangat de niveau post-secondaire sur la perspective de poursuivre des études post-secondaires dans le sud, l’accès aux études dans l’Arctique se limitant à l’éducation à distance. Le Nunangat englobe le Nunavut, le Labrador et les Territoires du Nord-Ouest. Cet article fournit des informations extrêmement utiles sur les programmes suivis par 68 élèves, ainsi que sur l’endroit, la fréquence (puisque certains étudiants ont entrepris plus d’un programme) et leur perception de ces expériences. Les chercheurs ont été surpris de constater à quel point les expériences globales ont été décrites positivement. Les facteurs identifiés comme pertinents étaient le soin porté à la langue et à la culture inuite, le niveau de familiarité des enseignants avec le Nord et le soutien à la fois académique et social. Le sous-financement a été identifié comme un obstacle majeur. Kim débute son article en soulignant que l’Ontario possède la population autochtone la plus importante au Canada et que le Ministère de l’éducation ontarien a publié en 2007 le Cadre d’élaboration des politiques en éducation des

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Premières nations, des Métis et des Inuit afin de mettre l’accent sur le contenu et les points de vue autochtones au sein des programmes. Cette démarche visait aussi le programme d’enseignement des sciences au secondaire. Utilisant une approche d’analyse herméneutique du contenu, qui implique l’analyse qualitative du contenu ainsi que celle des fréquences quantitatives, Kim a effectué l’examen critique du programme ontarien d’enseignement des sciences, à la recherche de la présence — ou de l’absence — de contenu lié à la culture autochtone. Malgré un engagement public envers les savoirs autochtones, l’auteure a réalisé que le programme demeure ancré dans un cadre néocolonial. Afin de bonifier l’approche ontarienne, elle propose l’examen attentif des initiatives mises en place en Saskatchewan en ce qui a trait à l’intégration des savoirs autochtones dans le programme de sciences. En raison du débat actuel (et continuel) sur l’éducation à la sexualité au Québec ainsi qu’au Canada en général, l’article rédigé par Parker et McGray arrive à point nommé. Comme les auteurs le soulignent, le programme québécois a ceci d’inhabituel qu’il confie à tous les enseignants la responsabilité d’enseigner la sexualité, en faisant une matière devant être intégrée dans le programme via les compétences transversales. Dans la pratique, la matière est oubliée et donc, n’est pas enseignée. Adoptant le point de vue d’un enseignant débu- tant, les auteurs examinent d’un œil critique la manière dont les compétences professionnelles québécoises permettent mais surtout empêchent (par un plan d’action néolibéral) les efforts de création d’une culture de l’enseignement de la sexualité au sein des classes québécoises. Les auteurs proposent certaines pistes d’action aux enseignants. De quelle manière pouvons-nous créer de meilleurs liens entre la matière ou la discipline et la conscience qu’ont les étudiants de leur vie? Stephenson, Stirling et Wray s’intéressent à cette question en expliquant comment ils ont créé une approche pédagogique basée sur l’imagination sociologique, invitant les étudiants à rédiger des autobiographies et des biographies dans le cadre d’un cours de sociologie offert dans une université du Royaume-Uni. Les biographies qu’ils ont rédigées aident à comprendre leur approche de la sociologie et décrivent comment cette approche leur a permis de comprendre les working lives. Dans cet article, les auteurs exposent leur raisonnement dans le développement de ce cours d’Introduction à la sociologie, intitulé « Working Lives » et les stratégies utilisées pour encourager les étudiants à développer une « qualité d’esprit » sociologiquement harmonieuse. Pour terminer, le Knowledge Forum ou KF (un forum électronique de coé- laboration de connaissances) est une plate-forme numérique élaborée pour promouvoir la métacognition par le développement d’habiletés à expliquer. L’utilisation de cet outil vise à mieux préparer les élèves à participer pleinement à une société du savoir. Hamel, Turcotte, Laferrière et Bisson, des chercheurs issus de deux universités québécoise, ont conçu et réalisé une enquête de

12 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Editorial type KF auprès de 251 élèves (de tous les niveaux) étudiant dans des écoles primaires situées en milieu rural et ont analysé les paroles des élèves. Ce projet de recherche s’intégrait dans l’initiative École éloignée en réseau (ÉÉR), dans laquelle le KF avait pour objectif de compenser certains facteurs comme l’isolement professionnel des enseignants et le manque de ressources situées à proximité. Les résultats de l’étude permettent de conclure que le KF, utilisé systématiquement par les enseignants, favorise l’augmentation du nombre d’interventions d’élèves exprimées sous forme d’explications et enrichit ainsi l’environnement de la classe. TERESA STRONG-WILSON, Université McGill

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14 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 A Survey of Ethics Curriculum

A SURVEY OF ETHICS CURRICULUM IN CANADIAN INITIAL TEACHER EDUCATION BRUCE MAXWELL & AUDRÉE-ANNE TREMBLAY-LAPRISE Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières

MARIANNE FILION McGill University

ABSTRACT. This paper reports the results of a survey on ethics education in initial teacher education in Canada. Using an online survey and an academic calendar analysis, data was collected on ethics course requirements, perceptions about ethics content, institutional factors mediating the implementation of ethics courses, and teaching and learning objectives. Unexpectedly, the results showed that a required ethics course is as common in teacher education in Canada as it is in medical education and that an ethics curriculum is regarded highly by Canadian teacher educators as an aspect of teacher education. The paper concludes by suggesting directions for future research and underlining the need for network building in the area of ethics education for teachers in Canada.

ENQUÊTE SUR L’ÉDUCATION À L’ÉTHIQUE PROFESSIONNELLE DANS LA FORMATION INITIALE EN ENSEIGNEMENT AU CANADA RÉSUMÉ. Cet article présente les résultats d’une étude par sondage sur l’éducation à l’éthique professionnelle dans la formation initiale des enseignants au Canada. À l’aide d’un questionnaire en ligne et d’une analyse des offres de cours, des données ont été recueillies sur les exigences des cours d’éthique professionnelle, les perceptions sur le contenu des cours, les facteurs institutionnels conciliant la mise en place des cours d’éthique et les objectifs de lecture et d’apprentissage. Contre toute attente, les résultats ont démontré que les cours d’éthique professionnelle sont aussi communs dans les programmes de formation initiale en enseignement que dans les programmes de médecine, mais également que l’éthique professionnelle est considérée par les formateurs canadiens comme un aspect essentiel de la formation à l’enseignement. L’article conclue en suggérant des directives pour les recherches futures et en soulignant la nécessité de créer un réseau dans le domaine de l’éthique professionnelle dans les programmes de formations initiale en enseignement au Canada.

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In his classic book, What is a Mature Morality? (1943), Harold H. Titus recalled the integrative role that an ethics course was once thought to play in a college education. Seen as a way of setting students’ moral compasses before sending them off into the world of work, family, and citizenship, colleges typically required students to take a course on moral philosophy and ethics in their final year, and, to underscore its importance and lend an air of gravitas, the course was traditionally taught by the college president himself (Titus, 1943). The importance of an ethics curriculum in higher education experienced a period of decline through the early and middle decades of the twentieth century until it re-emerged in the 1960s in the form of practical and professional ethics education (Davis, 1999). Medicine was on the cutting edge of the movement to make ethics a program-specific requirement of graduation and professional certification. From the 1980s, a body of literature on the ethical and moral dimensions of teaching began to appear (e.g., Reagan, 1983; Rich, 1984; Strike & Soltis 1998; Tom, 1984) and, as Warnick and Silverman (2001) observed, efforts got underway to align how ethics education content was handled in teacher education with broader trends in professional education. By the 1990s, survey work had already begun to assess the extent of ethics education implementation in the professions. Today, a considerable cross- professional literature documents the state of ethics education in fields as diverse as medicine (DuBois & Burkemper, 2002; Eckles, Meslin, Gaffney, & Helft, 2005; Fox, Arnold, & Brody, 1995; Goldie, 2000; Lehmann, Kasoff, & Federman, 2004; Musick, 1999), business (Christensen, Pierce, Hartman, Hoffman, & Carrier, 2007; Swanson & Fisher 2008;), dentistry (Berk, 2001), occupational and physiotherapy (Hudon et al., 2013), neuroscience (Walther, 2013), engineering (Stephan, 1999), and teaching (Glanzer & Ream, 2007). The degree of methodological variability found in the survey work on ethics education in the professions poses a challenge for establishing comparable figures on how common it is for professional programs to include at least one mandatory ethics-related course. According to the findings of the most recent North American research, however, at least one ethics-related course is a requirement of 50% of MD programs (Lehmann et al., 2004), 17% of undergraduate programs in engineering (Stephan, 1999), 91% of doctoral programs in dentistry (Berk, 2001), and in about one third of business programs both at the master’s (Christensen et al., 2007) and undergraduate level (Swanson & Fisher, 2008). In contrast to these findings, the limited evidence on ethics education in initial teacher education (ITE) indicates that, despite the growing professionalization of teaching and the introduction of professional standards of teaching by trustee institutions worldwide (Drury & Baer, 2011), the stand-alone course model of professional ethics education has not been widely adopted (Glanzer & Ream, 2007). Glanzer and Ream (2007) collected information on patterns of ethics

2 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 A Survey of Ethics Curriculum education in pre-service teacher education and found that among 151 education programs surveyed, a relatively small percentage contained a required ethics course. To determine how common a dedicated ethics course is in different professional programs offered by 156 Christian colleges and universities in the United States, Glanzer and Ream (2007) gathered comparative data on ethics education in nursing, business, social work, journalism, engineering, computer science, and teaching. They found that, as a general rule, one third to one half of professional majors programs included at least one course concerned primarily with ethics. Teaching stood out in their findings because an ethics- related course was mandatory in only 6% of the teacher education programs. The general objective of this research is to take a second look, from a Canadian perspective, at Glanzer and Ream’s (2007) finding that teacher education has missed out on the “ethics boom” in higher education. It was important to attempt to reproduce Glanzer and Ream’s (2007) results, we felt, because a sample bias built into their survey design suggested that the actual percentage of teacher education programs requiring a mandatory ethics-related course in North America was likely lower than their 6% figure. The Christian colleges and universities that constituted the survey’s sample explicitly market themselves as schools that are particularly concerned with students’ ethical and moral development and the authors of the survey knew from previous research (i.e., Glanzer, Ream, Villarreal, & Davis, 2004) that this nominal commitment to ethics education is reflected in the tendency of a significant portion of these institutions to require an ethics course in all programs of study. In addition, Glanzer and Ream’s (2007) definition of “ethics course” was broad. It encompassed not just ethics-related courses dealing with professional ethics and values in teaching — the sense in which “ethics course” has tended to be broadly understood in past surveys on ethics education in the professions — but also courses focusing on the moral education of children and on how to teach and promote community values and character in classroom teaching. For these reasons, it seemed reasonable to assume that there are even fewer opportunities for formal teaching and learning about ethical issues in education in the large non-denominational state and regional public colleges and universities, where the majority of North American teachers are trained (Goodlad 1990; Lanier & Little, 1986), than there are in the denominational institutions of higher education surveyed by Glanzer and Ream (2007). How are future teachers in Canada being prepared to face the ethical challenges of contemporary teaching, achieve the ethical standards for the teaching profession set by trustee institutions, and meet the public’s expectations of ethical conduct and professionalism? The aim of the research reported in this article is to take stock of ethics education in pre-service teacher education in Canada. Inspired by similar survey work conducted in other professions, the research aims to provide insights into four main questions: How common are dedicated ethics courses in pre-service teacher education programs? How

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 3 Maxwell, Tremblay-Laprise & Filion do teacher educators perceive and appreciate ethics content as an aspect of pre-service teacher education? What institutional factors facilitate and impede the implementation of dedicated ethics courses? What are the objectives of ethics courses when they are taught and what teaching approaches are used?

METHODS

Data collection and sources The survey collected data from two participant groups: (1) heads of Canadian academic units offering accredited programs leading to teaching certification and (2) faculty members with experience teaching ethics-related courses in ITE. The rationale for including academic unit heads was that, given their managerial and leadership roles, they would be knowledgeable about the structure of the teacher education programs offered by their unit, sensitive to the pragmatic and practical aspects of program development, and likely to have a relatively balanced (rather than discipline-specific) vision of the academic content of teacher education and a sense of where ethics might fit into that vision. For their part, ethics instructors would bring the vantage point of faculty members who have reflected in a sustained way on the contribution that ethics content can make to teacher education and who are routinely exposed to education students’ reactions to ethics courses. Also, the instructors were uniquely placed to provide information about course objectives, content, and approaches to teaching ethics in ITE. To reach the survey’s target sample of academic unit heads, the Association of Canadian Deans of Education voluntarily provided us with a contact list of the chief administrative representatives of all departments, faculties, and schools of education in Canadian universities, colleges, or schools of applied science (80 English-language and 16 French-language institutions) that offer accredited programs leading to teaching certification. An information letter containing a link to participate in the online survey was sent by email to all the individuals on this list. The response rate for this group of participants was 16% (15/96). To reach teacher educators involved in ethics education for teacher candidates, in the information letter, we initially asked chief representatives to connect us (by providing an email address or by forwarding the invitation) with colleagues, in their respective academic units, who might have been responsible for teaching ethics-related courses in pre-service teacher education. As this recruitment strategy proved ineffective, we resorted to snowball sampling (Goodman, 1961) through the principal investigator’s professional networks. Snowball sampling is generally not amenable to determining a precise response rate, but 23 instructors completed both parts of the questionnaire, representing 61% of the total 38 participants that made up the sample.

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Participants who responded to the invitation were directed to a two-part, 64- item survey housed on the online survey platform SurveyMonkey. Validated by two experts in ethics education in teaching at two different Canadian universities, the survey was elaborated on the basis of the principal investigator’s familiarity with the literature on the teaching and learning of ethics and professional values in pre-service teacher education (e.g., Bruneau, 1998; Bull, 1993; Coombs, 1998; Goodlad, 1990; Heilbronn & Foreman-Peck, 2015; Howe, 1986; Maruyama & Ueno, 2010; Soltis, 1986; Strike & Ternasky, 1993; War- nick & Silverman, 2011) and by consulting similar published surveys conducted in professional fields other than teaching. Part 1 of the survey, which was to be answered by all participants, elicited information about requirements and opportunities for ethics education, resources dedicated to ethics education in teacher training, whether ethics is required or elective, and at which stage of the program ethics is taught. It also contained questions about respondents’ views on the role of ethics education in pre-service teacher education and on challenges to the implementation of dedicated ethics-related courses in pre- service teacher education. In the introduction letter received by all participants, “ethics course” was defined as any course that has as its central focus ethics, morality, or values in teaching. Part 2 of the survey, which was to be answered only by participants having taught professional ethics to teacher candidates in the previous five years, elicited information about teaching and learning objectives of courses in professional ethics, learning activities used to teach professional ethics, instructors’ qualifications, the type and quality of material (textbooks, course manuals, journal articles, case studies, etc.) used to teach ethics to teacher candidates, and evaluation methods. To supplement the responses to part 2, instructor participants were asked to provide the syllabi of dedicated ethics courses taught recently. The survey data collection period was from September to December 2013. Following the method adopted by Stephan (1999), Walther (2012), and Hudon et al. (2013) and in previous surveys on ethics education in the professions, we also conducted a manual calendar search for the purposes of triangulating the data on program content obtained from the online survey. Program and course information were accessed through the institutional websites of departments, faculties, or schools of education at 40 Canadian universities. This sample, which represented 42% of the 96 academic units offering academic programs leading to teacher certification in Canada, was generated on the basis of the comprehensive list available on the website of the Association of Universi- ties and Colleges of Canada. The list of institutions was chosen to represent Canada’s geographic diversity and its range of institutional types, from small regional centres to large research universities. Information was collected on the program blocks offered by each academic unit (B.Ed. primary, B.Ed. secondary concurrent, Master’s in teaching, etc.), on program-specific required ethics-related or other foundations courses, and the placement on the program schedule of

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 5 Maxwell, Tremblay-Laprise & Filion any required ethics course. We opted for a random sample of universities for the calendar search to compensate for any self-selection bias which might have occurred through our open invitation participant recruitment strategy and to counterbalance the effect on the result of the proportionally high number of ethics instructors in the survey sample. The primary aim of the manual calendar search was to determine how common a mandatory ethics-related course is in teacher education in Canada by identifying courses that met our definition of an ethics course. The definition we adopted mirrored the one provided to survey participants. We considered as an ethics course any course found, which, judging by the title and course description given in the university calendar, had as its primary content focus ethics, morality, or values in teaching. The application of this definition required discernment and borderline cases were not uncommon. Courses on teacher professionalism presented one ambiguity. We counted professionalism-focused courses as ethics courses as long as the themes of ethics or values featured prominently in the course description. Similarly, courses on educational law were not considered ethics courses unless the course description indicated that the course dealt extensively with both education ethics and law in at least equal measure. Excluded were so-called “teachables” on moral, religious, or ethics education and required ethics courses linked to a teachable subject (e.g., a course on applied ethics for education students preparing to teach high-school philosophy in Ontario or the Ethics and Religious Culture program in Quebec). In the few highly ambiguous cases, we erred on the side of inclusion. Finally, because of the conceptual affinities between ethics and social foundations in education and, being aware of concerns in certain quarters of the Canadian teacher education community about the gradual disappearance of social foundations courses in teacher preparation in Canada (cf. Kerr, Mand- zuk, & Raptis, 2012), we collected secondary data on required courses focusing on these six topics: philosophy of education, sociology of education, history of education, “educational foundations” (when understood as philosophy, sociology and/or history of education combined in the same course), multicultural or intercultural education, and educational law. Data was entered into a data collection tool housed on the platform Survey- Monkey by a member of the research team in July and August of 2014.

Data analysis Descriptive statistics were calculated for each questionnaire item. To compare and assess academic unit heads’ and instructors’ responses to survey questions, we conducted independent t tests and one-sample t tests and, in the case of ordinal questions, Pearson’s chi-square tests. Furthermore, to determine participants’ degree of assent to specific statements, one-sample t tests were

6 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 A Survey of Ethics Curriculum conducted against the mid-point of the rating scale. Finally, 95% confidence intervals were calculated where we wished to assess levels of participant consensus on certain items. All statistical calculations were performed using the data analysis software SPSS.

RESULTS

Commonness of a mandatory ethics-related course Aware of how varied programs in ITE in Canada are, to make the task of collecting the data manageable, we organized the range of pre-service education programs into program categories or “blocks.” On the basis of an initial scan of the education programs typically available at Canadian universities as described in the academic calendars, we created four analytic categories of programs, which tended to share the same set of core courses. The program blocks were: (I) primary, elementary, or early-years education, (II) secondary education, (III) special education, and (IV) Master’s in teaching. The choice to include the categories of special education and Master’s in teaching was motivated by the desire to collect data that could provide insights into a controversial trend in teacher education in Canada. Recently, commen- tators (e.g., Tardif, 2013) have expressed concerns that the specialization of teacher-education programs and, in particular, the introduction of Master’s in teaching degrees, which tend to exclude courses on educational foundations in favour of content dealing with instruction, evaluation, and class management, deprives students of important opportunities for professional socialization that a dedicated ethics course can provide. We could not have predicted how few programs would fall into the categories of special education and Master’s in teaching (6 and 7 respectively out of the 124 programs surveyed, see Table 1) — and thus how tenuous generalization from our sample would be — but the findings in connection with these program blocks proved suggestive. Half of special education programs (3/6) and 29% of Master’s in teaching programs (2/7) required students to take at least one ethics-related course compared with 44% of primary, elementary, or early years education programs (25/57) and 46% of secondary education programs (23/54). The manual search of academic calendars also revealed that, according to our definition of “ethics-related course” (see above), 53% (21/40) of academic units required pre-service teaching students to take at least one ethics-related course. Of the remaining academic units surveyed, 18% (7/40) had an ethics requirement in some of their programs while 30% (12/40) required no stand-alone ethics course. These results were somewhat consistent with the participant reported information about the commonness of a mandatory ethics course. On the survey, 37% (10/27) of respondents said that an ethics-related course was a requirement of all programs offered by their academic unit, 30% (8/27) said ethics is required in some programs, and 23% in no programs.

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TABLE 1. Commonness of a required ethics course by program

n/N n/N (% of (% of all programs with Program block Programs included in block programs a mandatory surveyed) ethics course) I. Primary, 57/124 B.Ed. primary, elementary, or early years 23/54 elementary (45%) (3 or 4 years / 90-120 credits) (46%) or early years education B.A., B.Sc., M.Mus, or similar / B.Ed. primary, elementary or early years concurrent (3 or 4 years / 90-120 credits) B.Ed. post undergraduate professional degree in primary, elementary, or early years teaching (1 to 2 years / 30-60 credits) II. Secondary 54/124 B.Ed. secondary (3 or 4 years / 90-120 25/57 education (44%) credits) (44%) B.A., B.Sc., M.Mus, or similar / B.Ed. secondary concurrent (3 or 4 years / 90- 120 credits) B.Ed. post undergraduate professional degree in secondary teaching (1 to 2 years / 30-60 credits) III. Special 6/124 B.Ed. special education (3 or 4 years / 3/6 education (5%) 90-120 credits) (50%) IV. Master’s 7/124 Master’s degree in primary, elementary, or 2/7 in teaching (6%) early years teaching (1 to 2 years / 30-60 (29%) credits) Master’s degree in secondary teaching (1 to 2 years / 30-60 credits) Total for all programs surveyed 53/124 (43%)

Credits / teaching hours attributed to required ethics-related courses. To refine the picture of ethics education in teaching programs, we collected information about the number of credits and teaching hours attributed to required ethics- related courses. In about 70% of all cases, when a stand-alone ethics course is required in a teacher education program, it takes the form of a full 3 credit / 45 hour course, rather than a short or half course. Pacing. In the academic calendar search, we collected data on the year and semester of the program of studies when the required ethics-related course is typically taken and considered the findings on pacing in light of participants’ responses to a question on the online survey about why program committees might make particular scheduling choices for the ethics course. We found a moderate tendency to place ethics-related courses towards the end of programs. Of the 43 individual ethics-related courses for which pacing information was available, we found that 30% (13/43) were scheduled in the first half of the program whereas 61% (26/43) were scheduled in the second half. The two

8 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 A Survey of Ethics Curriculum considerations judged to be the most important in motivating academic units’ choices of a program year were that taking the ethics course in the year chosen was thought to have the greatest impact on students’ professional development and because it fit with students’ schedules. Secondary findings about program requirements in social foundations in education.To gain an empirical foothold on whether courses dealing with social foundations in education are on the decline in Canadian teacher education as some claim (Kerr, Mandzuk, & Raptis, 2012), we collected secondary data on required courses focusing on six topics that are associated with social foundations in education: philosophy of education, sociology of education, history of education, educational foundations (i.e., philosophy, sociology and/or history of education combined in one course), multicultural education, and educational law. According to our findings, 95% (38/40) of academic units required students to take at least one course in social foundations in education in some or all programs. The most common required social foundations course was educational law (39%), followed by sociology of education and educational foundations (30% and 28% respectively). About 10% of programs contained a required course in the history of education, multicultural education, or philosophy of education. Parsing the data using the same system of program blocks devised to analyze the commonness of ethics-related courses, we found that educational law, sociology of education, and multicultural education were judged equally common in all program categories with a slight tendency for educational foundations, history of education, and philosophy of education to be required in primary over secondary education programs. For details, see Table 2.

TABLE 2. Secondary data on required social foundations in education courses by program

Primary, Secondary Special Master’s in Combined elementary or Course topic education education teaching program early years (54)a (6)a (7)a blocks education (57)a n % n % n % n % n % Educational law 22 39 21 39 3 50 3 43 49 40 Sociology of 17 30 16 30 2 33 1 14 33 29 education Educational 18 32 13 24 1 17 0 0 32 26 foundations History of edu- 7 12 5 9 2 33 1 14 15 12 cation Multicultural 6 11 6 11 0 0 0 0 12 10 education Philosophy of 7 13 4 7 0 0 1 14 12 10 education NOTE. aBracketed number indicates the total number of programs per program block surveyed.

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Note that if a course description for a particular social foundations course was found to meet our definitional criteria for an ethics-related course, we counted the course both as an ethics-related and a social foundations course. In other words, some of the noted required courses in social foundations in education were the same course as the ones considered as ethics courses. Of course, these findings do not, on their own, afford inferences about whether social foundations content in ITE is on the decline in Canada, but they do provide a snapshot of the commonness of required courses related to this topic and, hence, could be useful as a baseline for future research.

Perspectives on ethics education and ethical influences in pre-service teacher education The online survey asked participants to indicate their level of agreement with 10 statements meant to gauge their views on the importance of ethics education in pre-service teacher education and, more specifically, how ethical role modelling, the explicit teaching of ethics, and institutional culture contribute to students’ professional development. Overall, academic unit heads and instructors concurred that ethics is an important aspect of the pre-service teacher education, that an introductory ethics course can have a significant impact on students’ ethical behaviour and development, and that it is important to take into account students’ ethical qualities in the admissions process — presumably through selection practices such as requiring applicants to outline related work experiences and reasons for pursuing a teaching career (Smith & Pratt, 1996), reference letters (Caskey, Peterson, & Temple, 2001), or less commonly, the applicant’s performance during an admissions interview (Denner, Salzman, & Newsome, 2001). There was significant divergence of opinion over other issues. Ethics instructors tended to consider that an introductory ethics course should be a requirement of teacher certification, that the culture of their teaching unit is not optimally favourable to students’ ethical development, and were dissatisfied with the current level of instruction in ethics. Academic unit heads did not share these views. For details see Table 3. Nonetheless, 73% of academic unit heads and 100% of instructors said they would support increasing ethics education in their pre-service teacher programs. Students’ appreciation of the required ethics-related course. Instructor participants’ responses revealed that they felt that ethics-related courses are taken seriously because their students see ethics as making a valuable contribution to their university-based professional formation. Instructors also agreed strongly that, compared to other courses, students tend to regard the ethics course as intel- lectually challenging. Participants were more neutral about how hard it is to convince their students of the course’s relevance to them as future teachers and there was greater divergence of opinion on this item.

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TABLE 3. Perspectives on ethics education and ethical influences in pre-service teacher education

All Academic Ethics Independent t-test participants unit heads instructors results

Questionnaire item Sig. M SD M SD M SD t df (2- tailed)

No matter whether ethics is 4.45a 1.15 4.45a 1.21 4.44a 1.15 .02 27 .98 taught as integrated curriculum or in dedicated courses, ethics is an important aspect of the preservice teaching curriculum.

At least one introductory 4.31a 1.00 3.45 1.13 4.83a .38 -4.78 27 .00c ethics course should be mandatory for all students enrolled in a teacher education program.

Ethics courses have no signifi- 1.97b 1.02 2.27 1.27 1.78b .81 1.29 27 .21 cant effect on students’ ethical behaviour as professionals.

Ethics courses can have a 4.54a .51 4.60a .51 4.5a .51 .49 26 .63 significant effect on students’ professional development as teachers.

It is important to take into 4.14a .79 4.45a .69 3.94a .80 1.75 27 .92 consideration applicants’ ethical qualities in the student admissions process.

Professional role models 3.31 1.14 3.72 1.20 3.06 1.06 1.59 27 .13 (practicum supervisors, associate teachers, colleagues, etc.) have a greater effect on students’ ethical development as teachers than learning about ethics in courses.

The instruction in ethics that 3.03 1.15 2.36 1.02 3.44 1.04 -2.73 27 .01c the students in our preservice teacher education programs receive is inadequate.

The institutional culture 3.72a 1.01 5.00a .52 3.22 1.06 3.85 27 .00c of our teacher education programs is favourable to students’ ethical development as teachers.

Greater emphasis should be 3.82a .95 3.60 1.17 3.94a .80 -.92 26 .365 placed on applicants’ ethical qualities in the student admissions process. NOTE. aA one-sample t-test revealed that the mean is statistically superior to 3 (“Neutral”) at p < .05. bA one-sample t-test revealed that the mean is statistically inferior to 3 (“Neutral”) at p < .05. cValue of less than .05 indicates a statistically significant difference between the two groups’ responses.

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TABLE 4. Perspectives on institutional obstacles to the implementation of a required ethics course

All Academic Ethics Independent participants unit heads instructors t-test results Questionnaire item Sig. M SD M SD M SD t df (2- tailed) Lack of time in 3.96a 1.02 4.00a .93 3.94a 1.01 .13 23 .90 program schedules Faculty members 2.58 1.28 2.38 .41 2.69 1.35 -.55 22 .56 unavailable Qualified instructors 2.56 1.26 2.50 1.19 2.59 1.33 -.16 23 .87 unavailable Financial resources 2.76 1.23 2.88 1.46 2.71 1.16 .31 23 .76 unavailable to hire qualified instructors No established 2.38b 1.31 1.60b .92 2.75 1.34 -2.13 22 .045c curriculum to follow No financial resources 2.64 1.35 2.25 1.58 2.82 1.23 -.99 23 .33 available to develop new courses or curriculum Resistance from faculty 2.67 1.20 2.25 1.38 2.88 1.09 -1.21 22 .24 Resistance from 2.28b 1.17 1.63b 1.19 2.56 1.06 -2.04 23 .05 administration Resistance from 1.76b 1.01 1.00 .00 2.11b 1.05 -2.97 23 .007c third-party trustee institutions (e.g., professional association or governmental bodies) Resistance from 1.96b 1.04 2.00 1.15 1.94b 1.03 .12 22 .90 students NOTE. aA one-sample t-test revealed that the mean is statistically superior to 3 (“Neutral”) at p < .05. bA one-sample t-test revealed that the mean is statistically inferior to 3 (“Neutral”) at p < .05. c Value of less than .05 indicates a statistically significant difference between the two groups’ responses.

Perspectives on institutional obstacles to the implementation of a required ethics course To gauge participants’ perceptions about the institutional factors that affect program committees’ choice-making about how to handle ethics content in ITE, the survey elicited responses on 10 potential impediments to the implementation of a required ethics course. In the results (see Table 4), time constraint on program schedules was identified as being the most important obstacle to implementation according to both ethics instructors and academic unit heads. The results also showed a statistically significant disagreement between the two participant groups over whether resistance from third-party trustee regulatory bodies posed a challenge to the introduction of ethics education but neither group consider it to be a significant factor in decision-making.

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Why is ethics education less common in teacher education? Participants’ views With this survey, we sought to go beyond Glanzer and Ream (2007) and other authors’ intuitive accounts of why teacher education might have been left behind by the ethics movement in higher education (see Bruneau, 1998; Bull, 1993; Coombs, 1998; Maruyama & Ueno, 2010; Strike & Ternasky, 1993; Warnick & Silverman, 2011) by gaining empirical insights into this question. Participants were asked to rank the importance of 11 literature-derived hypothetical explanations that could account for this apparent anomaly. The choice to include questions about obstacles to implementation was informed by our expectation that our findings on the commonness of an ethics-related course in ITE in Canada would be more or less consistent with Glanzer and Ream’s baseline figure of 6%. Going into the study, we did not anticipate that such a high percentage of programs (i.e., 45%) would be found to have a mandatory course dealing with ethical issues in education. This matter is addressed in more detail below in the discussion of the findings. The findings from the section of the survey on obstacles to implementation were just as important for providing disconfirming evidence against certain hypothetical explanations as they were for providing confirmation for others. In the results, two factors emerged strongly as salient for respondents: intense competition for space on program schedules between ethics and other new content, and a tradition in teacher education to deal with ethics content as integrated curriculum. Participants disagreed with or were neutral about all the other items, which seems to evince the speculative or anecdotal nature of many of the factors advanced in the conceptual literature to explain why teacher education has resisted the stand-alone course model of ethics education (e.g., pre-service teacher education’s conservativeness with regard to integrating new curriculum, the perception that ethics is too personal or subjective to be taught, perceptions of a weak link between good teaching and ethical skills, and resistance from faculty and administration). See Table 5 for details.

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TABLE 5. Why is ethics education less common in teacher education? Participants’ views

All Academic Ethics Independent participants unit heads instructors t-test results

Questionnaire item Sig. M SD M SD M SD t df (2- tailed)

Teacher education is just slow to adopt 2.59 1.08 1.82b .40 3.13 1.09 -3.79 25 .00c new curriculum and keep abreast of trends in higher education.

Complex and emerging ethical issues are 1.44b .85 1.18b .40 1.63b 1.02 -1.36 25 .18 rare in teaching.

Ethical scandals are rare in teaching. 1.59b .57 1.36b .50 1.75b .58 -1.80 25 .09

The topic of ethics in teaching is not 1.55b .75 1.73b .76 1.44b .73 .98 25 .33 rich or interesting enough to warrant a whole course.

The link between the ethics of teaching 1.70b 1.03 1.91b .94 1.56b 1.09 .85 25 .40 and what students need to know to teach well is too tenuous to warrant a whole course.

There has been intense competition over 3.67a 1.36 3.18 1.40 4.00a 1.26 -1.58 25 .13 the years to introduce more and more content onto the pre-service teacher curriculum and ethics has just not been a priority.

There is a tradition in the field of 3.67a 1.00 4.27a .65 3.25 1.00 2.98 25 .01c teacher education to deal with ethics as integrated curriculum.

Offering a mandatory ethics course 2.33b 1.07 2.27 1.19 2.38b 1.02 -.24 25 .81 would require a faculty-wide agreement about the ethical obligations and responsibilities of teachers, and it is unrealistic to think that we could all agree about this.

Offering students specific instruction 1.74b .81 1.64b .92 1.81b .75 -.54 25 .59 in ethics may be necessary in fields that need to repair or maintain their relationship of trust with the public, but teaching does not generally have a problem with public trust.

Local trustee institutions (e.g., professio- 2.92 1.44 2.36 1.43 3.31 1.35 -1.75 25 .09 nal associations or governmental bodies) have not put any pressure on education schools or provided incentives to offer students specific instruction in ethics.

Ethics is too personal and subjective to 1.70b 1.17 1.81b 1.25 1.63b 1.15 .42 25 .682 be taught as part of pre-service teacher education. Note. aA one-sample t-test revealed that the mean is statistically superior to 3 (“Neutral”) at p < .05. bA one-sample t-test revealed that the mean is statistically inferior to 3 (“Neutral”) at p < .05. c Value of less than .05 indicates a statistically significant difference between the two groups’ responses.

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TABLE 6. Teaching and learning objectives of ethics-related courses in ITE

Ranka Teaching and learning objective n M SD 95% CI 1 Understand teachers’ professional obligations 19 1.21 .41 [1.01, 1.41] (e.g., to evaluate fairly, to engage in continuing professional development) 2 Promote the professional values of teaching 19 1.21 .42 [1.01, 1.41] (e.g., human development, getting a fair chance) 3 Develop sensitivity to ethical issues in context 19 1.21 .42 [1.01, 1.41] 4 Raise students’ awareness about teacher 19 1.21 .42 [1.01, 1.41] professionalism 5 Develop ethical reasoning skills 18 1.28 .75 [0.90, 1.65] 6 Familiarize students with ethically-relevant 18 1.33 .69 [2.01, 3.04] concepts in teaching (e.g., in loco parentis, racial discrimination, professional incompetence) 7 Develop professional qualities (e.g., honest, 18 1.44 .78 [1.05, 1.83] fairness, empathy) 8 Help students clarify their values 18 1.50 .86 [1.07, 1.93] 9 Help students develop their own personal 18 1.61 .92 [1.15, 2.07] philosophy of education 10 Encourage students to become ethically better 18 1.67 .84 [1.24, 2.08] people 11 Provide ethically meaningful experiences (e.g., 18 1.78 1.11 [1.22, 2.33] watching a film or reading literature that deals with ethical issues in teaching) 12 Acquaint students with the local legal and 19 1.84 1.01 [1.35, 2.33] regulatory context of teaching (e.g., applicable laws and legal frameworks, codes of ethics) 13 Learn about the literature on the ethics of 18 1.94 1.16 [1.37, 2.52] teaching 14 Improve communication skills 18 2.00 .77 [1.62, 2.38] 15 Learn about theories of normative ethics (e.g., 17 2.53 1.01 [2.01, 3.04] deontologism, consequentialism) NOTE. aBased on mean ranking on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = “very important” to 5 = “not important”)

Teaching and learning objectives in ethics-related courses An additional research aim was to shed light on teaching and learning objectives of existing ethics-related courses in teacher education in Canada. Part 2 of the survey, answered by the 19 respondents who had recently taught ethics, asked participants to rank the importance of 15 teaching and learning objectives in the ethics courses they had taught. Table 6 lists these objectives in order of most to least important according to the mean score obtained for each item.

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The results showed that ethics educators generally agree that four objectives are of particular importance in ethics-related courses for teacher candidates: teaching and learning about teachers’ ethical duties as professionals, promoting professional values in teaching, encouraging sensitivity to ethical issues in a professional context, and helping students become aware of the demands of teacher professionalism. As indicated by standard deviation scores, ethics instructors were somewhat divided over the importance of providing students with ethically meaningful experiences like watching films or reading stories, learning about the academic literature on teacher ethics, and acquainting students with legal and regulatory frameworks. That said, participants considered all 15 of the teaching and learning objectives listed on the survey as important with one exception: learning about theories of normative ethics.

DISCUSSION

ITE has not missed out on the “ethics boom” in higher education As mentioned above, the survey’s results on the commonness of mandatory ethics-related courses in ITE in Canada defied our expectations. The finding that some 53% of the academic units offering programs leading to teaching certification had at least one required dedicated ethics course in all their programs and that approximately 45% of programs surveyed contained a mandatory ethics-related course greatly surpassed the baseline of 6% set in the only other comparable research (i.e., Glanzer & Ream, 2007). Furthermore, we found that nearly three-quarters of these courses were offered as full-credit, one-semester university courses. Based on what is known from the cross-disciplinary findings on the commonness of an ethics requirement in professional formation, summarized above in the introduction, we can only conclude that, at least in Canada, ITE has not missed the ethics boom in higher education. Instead, the commonness of an ethics requirement in teacher education in Canada is comparable with North American data for medicine, often regarded as a leader in ethics education, and is higher than in business and engineering.

Ethics education takes many different forms in ITE Another unanticipated and significant finding of this study is that ethics education takes a wide variety of forms in ITE in Canada. In the academic calendar search, we expected to find ethics courses easily identifiable as such by the course title. While a number of ethics-related courses did use such explicit labelling, at least half the courses that met our definitional criteria did not. To give some examples: “Teacher as leader: the professional role,” “School and society,” “Critical issues and policies,” and “The self as professional.” Further- more, it was not uncommon to find that required courses labelled “Philosophy of education” focused centrally on ethical issues in education — at least as far as we could tell from the course descriptions available from university websites.

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How should we interpret this situation and what lessons can be drawn from it? One possible reading is that the variety of ethics-related courses one finds in Canadian teacher education programs is a manifestation of a concern for ethics and professional socialization that predates the ethics movement in higher education. Until the middle of the twentieth century, a principal goal of teacher education in North America and Europe was to ensure that teacher candidates internalized a “professional morality.” A mission of early forms of mass education was to “raise the moral standards of the population” (Castelli, 2002; Hamel, 1991; Jeffrey, 2013). Teachers were thus expected to promote in their students and embody themselves “high moral standards” — and this as much in their professional interactions with young people and colleagues in schools as in their private lives (Castelli, 2002; Jeffrey, Deschênes, Harvengt, & Vachon, 2009; Pachod, 2007). Education systems in plural liberal societies of today have, for good reasons, abandoned such monolithic conceptions of professional morality. Yet it is possible to see the rich variety of courses dealing with ethics, values, and morality in contemporary teacher education as different attempts to find an appropriate educational response to an unchanging reality of teachers’ work. Namely, teachers’ privileged access to other people’s children imposes on teachers an imperative to maintain trust with the communities and families they serve by respecting high standards of ethical conduct. Daily direct work with children and young people also makes it inevitable that teachers play an important role in the socialization and upbringing of the next generation of citizens. The survey’s results on teacher educators’ attitudes towards an ethics curriculum lend some credence to this interpretation. There was strong agreement among ethics instructors and academic unit heads that ethics content is an important aspect of teacher education. Even if ethics instructors and academic unit heads disagreed on whether a dedicated course is the best way of delivering this content, it was generally agreed that a dedicated ethics course can be an effective way to positively impact teacher candidates’ professional development and their ethical behaviour in professional settings.

A need for network building in ethics education for teacher candidates This study’s findings on the variety of courses that fall into the category of “ethics in teaching” may suggest a currently unmet need for opportunities for relevant constituencies in teacher education to engage in scholarly dialogue about such issues as the role and goals of ethics curriculum and its thematic content in ITE, models for handling ethics content in teacher education, and how to evaluate student teachers’ ethical development in university-based education as well as in school practicums. It may be unrealistic for teacher education to strive for a consensus on a core curriculum for ethics education — indeed, the core curriculum ideal frequently discussed in biomedical ethics (DuBois & Burkemper, 2002; Eckles et al., 2005; Lehman et al., 2004) may

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 17 Maxwell, Tremblay-Laprise & Filion be unable to do justice to the necessary regionalism of teaching and teacher education. Nevertheless, teacher education could turn to biomedical ethics for inspiration in the search for the kind of set of basic professional values that has operated as crucial conceptual infrastructure for professional ethics education in medicine. We are referring here to the four principles of ethical medical practice initiated in the Belmont Report (National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects of Biomedical and Behavioral Research, 1979) — namely, autonomy, beneficence, non-maleficence, and justice. Struc- turing Beauchamp and Childress’ (2002) classic, widely used medical ethics textbook, it is safe to say that scarcely a course in medical ethics is taught today that does not make explicit reference to these principles and use them as a didactic device for explaining and justifying key concepts in medical ethics like informed consent, surrogate decision-makers, paternalism, quality-adjusted life-years (i.e., “QALYs”), and resource allocation. Finally, and as the results of this survey demonstrate, there is, within teacher education itself, a rich source of experience in teaching ethics. The multiplicity of courses that can be considered “ethics-related” suggests that course development is often occurring in isolation. Stronger networks of teacher educators involved in research and teaching in ethics in education, and the sharing of ideas that occurs in such networks, could provide enrichment for ethics content in teaching globally and bring corresponding benefits in terms of the quality of ethics education that teacher candidates receive.

Directions for future research Exploration of “styles” or “philosophies” of teaching ethics in ITE. The results concerning the teaching and learning objectives identified by the instructor participants as being the most important signal that there may be divergent and possibly conflicting “styles” or “philosophies” of teaching ethical issues in ITE. This raises the further question of the impact of different teaching styles on student- teachers’ professional development. In this connection, the first suggestive finding was that the objective “learning about theories of normative ethics,” which has long been staple content of practical and applied ethics education (Bowie, 2003; Warnick & Silverman, 2011), came out at the bottom of the list of important objectives and was the only item to receive a score approaching the middle score of “moderately important.” Furthermore, the analysis also classed this objective among the most controversial course objectives based on the observed 95% confidence index range. Incidentally, this result reflects the controversy that exists in the literature on the ethics of teaching about the educational value of introducing philosophical theories in an ethics class (for discussions see Bull, 1993; Carr, 2000; Howe, 1986; Soltis, 1986; Strike, 2003). The second finding was that “developing ethical reasoning skills” proved not to be the object of general agreement among ethics educators.

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In spite of the limitations of the data in terms of number of participants and questionnaire items involved, we nevertheless feel confident in asserting, based on our practical experience in professional ethics education and knowledge of the literature, that the survey’s findings on teaching and learning objectives in ethics education for teacher candidates are suggestive of three distinct approaches to the teaching of values and ethics in education: (1) an approach focusing on helping students identify and confront ethical dilemmas in professional practice and find reasoned solutions; (2) an approach centred on developing students’ ethical sensitivity and concern for others as key personal ethical qualities of human-service professionals; and (3) a humanistic psychology affiliated approach concerned mainly with promoting student’s holistic ethical development as persons. Clearly beyond the scope of the present research, a proper exploration of this hypothesis would likely have recourse to an ethnographic methodology to probe teacher educators’ conceptions of teaching and learning about ethics and values in education and/or a qualitative content analysis of course plans and other teaching material connected to existing ethics-related courses in ITE. Will more data yield correlations between an ethics requirement and institutional context? In hopes of uncovering correlations between certain aspects of the broader context of teacher education, at the provincial and institutional levels, and the presence of a required ethics-related course at the program level, the questionnaire asked participants: whether teachers in the participant’s jurisdiction are subject to a code of ethics; whether the program content is based on a set of professional standards mandated by a trustee institution, whether programs emphasize a competency-based approach to professional education, whether applicants’ ethical qualities are taken into account in the admissions process, and whether there is an ethics specialist on faculty. Having this information about regulatory and institutional context, we reasoned, might allow us to single out external factors that are favourable to academic units deciding to add or maintaining a required ethics-related course in their teacher education programs. Tests of six hypotheses using Spearman’s rho coefficient yielded very weak correlations in each case. Again, given the statistical limitations of our small sample size, a much larger sample would provide greater validity to these correlational results as well as the findings of this survey of ethics education in ITE more generally. An international phase of this research, involving the analysis of parallel survey data for teacher education in the U.S., for example, and comparing the results to the findings of this study, would also provide us with a perspective on whether teacher education in Canada is exceptional, typical, or average with regard to how common it is for teacher candidates to be required to take an ethics course as part of their professional formation and the generally positive attitudes on the part of teacher educators towards ethical content in teacher education.

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CONCLUSION In medicine, business, and other fields, a number of surveys similar to the one described in this article have been conducted with the aim of taking stock of the state of ethics education for future professionals. The research reported here was the first in-depth survey work on ethics education to be undertaken specifically in the field of initial teacher preparation. For teaching, as for any other field, the results of such research are significant both from the perspective of educational development and research, as it can serve as an important resource for knowledge-based improvement and implementation of ethics education. By highlighting points of agreement and disagreement on salient issues in professional ethics education, such research can also provide a baseline for renewed reflection on the particular social and personal ends that professional ethics education serves and how well existing professional preparation is achieving those ends.

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Glanzer, P. L., & Ream, T. C. (2007). Has teacher education missed out on the “ethics boom”? A comparative study of ethics requirements and courses in professional majors of Christian colleges and universities. Christian Higher Education, 6(4), 271-288. Glanzer, P. L., Ream, T. C., Villarreal, P., & Davis, E. (2004). The teaching of ethics in Christian higher education: An examination of general education requirements. Journal of General Education, 53, 184–200. Goldie, J. (2000). Review of ethics curricula in undergraduate medical education. Medical Educa- tion, 34, 108-110. Goodlad, J. L. (1990). Teachers for our nation’s schools. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Goodman, L. A. (1961). Snowball sampling. Annals of Mathematical Statistics, 32(1), 148-170. Hamel, T. (1991). Le déracinement des écoles normales. Québec, QC : Institut québécois de la recherche sur la culture. Heilbronn, R., & Foreman-Peck, L. (Eds.). (2015). Philosophical perspectives on teacher education. Oxford, United Kingdom: Wiley-Blackwell. Howe, K. R. (1986). A conceptual basis for ethics in teacher education. Journal of Teacher Education, 37(3), 5-12. Hudon, A., Laliberté, M., Hunt, M., Sonier, V., Williams-Jones, B., Mazer, B.,... Erhmann Field- man, D. (2013). What place for ethics? An overview of ethics teaching in occupational therapy and physiotherapy programs in Canada. Disability and Rehabilitation, 36(9), 775-780. Jeffrey, D. (2013). Profession enseignante : de la moralité exemplaire à l’éthique professionnelle. Formation et profession, 21(3), 18-29. Jeffrey, D., Deschênes, G., Harvengt, D., & Vachon, M.-C. (2009). Le droit et l’éthique dans l’enseignement. In F. Jutras and C. Gohier (Eds.), Repères pour l’éthique professionnelle des enseignants (pp. 75-91). Québec, QC : Presses de l’Université du Québec. Kerr, D., Mandzuk, D., & Raptis, H. (2012). The role of the social foundations of education in programs of teacher preparation in Canada. Canadian Journal of Education, 34(4), 118-134. Lanier, J., & Little, J. W. (1986). Research on teacher education. In M. Wittrock (Ed.), Handbook of research on teaching, (3rd ed., pp. 527-568). New York, NY: Macmillian. Lehman, L. S., Kasoff, W. S., & Federman, D. (2004). A survey of medical ethics education at U.S. and Canadian medical schools. Academic Medicine, 79(7), 682-689. Maruyama, Y., & Ueno, T. (2010). Ethics education for professionals in Japan: A critical overview. Educational Philosophy and Theory, 42(4), 438-447. Musick, D. (1999). Teaching medical ethics: A review of the literature from North American medical schools with emphasis on education. Medicine, Healthcare and Philosophy, 2, 239–54. National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects of Biomedical and Behavioral Research. (1979). Belmont report (DHEW Publication No. (OS) 78-0014). Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Pachod, A. (2007). La morale professionnelle des instituteurs. Paris, France : L’Harmattan. Reagan, G. M. (1983). Applied ethics for educators: Philosophy of education or something else? In Proceedings of the 39th Annual Conference of the Midwest Philosophy of Education Society (pp. 3-17). Normal, IL: Midwest Philosophy of Education Society. Rich, J. M. (1984). Professional ethics in education. Springfield, IL: Charles C Thomas. Smith, H. A., & Pratt, D. (1996). The use of biodata in admissions to teacher education. Journal of Teacher Education, 47, 43-52. Soltis, J. F. (1986). Teaching professional ethics. Journal of Teacher Education, 37(3), 2-4. Stephan, K. D. (1999). A survey of ethics-related instruction in U.S. engineering programs. Journal of Engineering Education, 88(4), 459-464.

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Strike, K. A. (2003). The ethics of teaching. In R. Curren (Ed.), A companion to the philosophy of education (pp. 509-524). Malden, MA: Blackwell. Strike, K. A., & Soltis, J. F. (1998). The ethics of teaching (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Strike, K. A., & Ternasky, P. L. (1993). (Eds.). Ethics for professionals in education: Perspectives for preparation and practice. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Swanson, D. L., & Fisher, D. G. (2008). Business ethics education: If we don’t know where we’re going, any road will take us there. In D. L. Swanson & D. G. Fisher (Eds.), Advancing business ethics education (pp. 1–23). Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing. Tardif, M. (2013). La condition enseignante au Québec du XIXe au XXIe siècle. Une histoire cousue de fils rouges : précarité, injustice et décline de l’école publique. Québec, QC : Presses de l’Université Laval. Titus, H. H. (1943). What is mature morality? New York, NY: Macmillan. Tom, A. (1984). Teaching as a moral craft. London, United Kingdom: Longman. Walther, G. (2013). Ethics in neuroscience curricula: A survey of Australia, Canada, Germany, the UK and the US. Neuroethics, 6, 343-351. Warnick, B., & Silverman, S. K. (2011). A framework for professional ethics courses in teacher education. Journal of Teacher Education, 62, 273-285.

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BRUCE MAXWELL is Associate Professor of Education at the Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières. An ethicist and philosopher of education by training, his work deals with contemporary ethical issues in education and schooling, moral psychology as it inter- sects with ethical decision making in work settings, and professional ethics in teaching.

AUDRÉE-ANNE TREMBLAY-LAPRISE is a master’s student enrolled in the psychoeducation program at the Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières. She does work on the teaching practices of educators at the secondary school level. MARIANNE FILION is a doctoral researcher studying at McGill University’s Department of Integrated Studies in Education. Her research investigates how and to what extent teacher education programs at the university level in Québec and Canada prepare pre-service teachers to address ethical issues that arise in relation to teaching in multicultural classrooms.

BRUCE MAXWELL est professeur au département des sciences de l’éducation de l’Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières. Éthicien et philosophe de l’éducation de formation, les grands thèmes de ses activités de recherche sont : l’éthique professionnelle, les cadres théoriques de l’éducation morale et les questions éthiques et politiques en éducation.

AUDRÉE-ANNE TREMBLAY-LAPRISE est étudiante à la maitrise en psychopédagogie à l’Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières. Elle s’intéresse aux pratiques enseignantes au secondaire. MARIANNE FILION est étudiante au doctorat au Département des études intégrées en éducation à l’Université McGill. Dans le cadre de ses recherches doctorales, elle examine la préparation des futurs enseignants au Québec et au Canada pour l¹enseignement dans les écoles multiculturelle ainsi que pour naviguer les questions éthiques qui découlent de la diversité religieuse.

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THE COMPLEXITIES OF NEUTRALITY IN TEACHING RELIGIOUS EDUCATION: THE ETHICS AND RELIGIOUS CULTURE PROGRAM AS CASE STUDY ARZINA ZAVER McGill University

ABSTRACT. In 2008, the Québec Ministry of Education introduced the Ethics and Religious Culture (ERC) program. Though the ERC is a positive step forward in promoting and fostering much-needed religious literacy skills, the implications of a “neutral” professional posture asked of its teachers have been difficult to translate into the classroom. Neutrality is seen to infringe on a teacher’s sense of autonomy and authenticity. This article traces the concept of neutrality in Québec back to the state policies, showing that neutral pedagogy contradicts the ethics of religious sensitivity and religious literacy that Québec is seemingly promoting. It concludes by offering a more balanced approach to the teaching of religion in the classroom.

LE DÉFI COMPLEXE DE LA NEUTRALITÉ DANS L’ENSEIGNEMENT DE L’ÉDUCATION RELIGIEUSE : LE CAS DU PROGRAMME D’ÉTHIQUE ET DE CULTURE RELIGIEUSE RÉSUMÉ. En 2008, le Ministère de l’Éducation du Québec a introduit le programme d’éthique et de culture religieuse (ECR). L’ECR constitue une évolution positive pour la promotion et l’encouragement de compétences indispensables en instruction religieuse. Cependant, tout ce qu’implique et découle de l’adoption d’une attitude professionnelle «neutre» s’avère ardu à appliquer en classe. La neutralité est perçue comme portant atteinte à l’autonomie et l’authenticité des enseignants. Cet article dépeint le concept de neutralité au Québec, allant à la source des politiques gouvernementales et démontrant que la pédagogie neutre est en contradiction avec l’éthique de sensibilités et d’éducation religieuses que Québec vise à promouvoir. Celui-ci se termine en proposant une approche plus équilibrée de l’enseignement de la religion en classe.

In 2008, the Québec Ministry of Education implemented the Ethics and Religious Culture (ERC) program, which became a mandatory course for all elementary and secondary school students in both public and private schools (Maxwell, Waddington, McDonough, Cormier, & Schwimmer, 2012). Though

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 39 Zaver this is a great step forward in increasing religious literacy1 and combatting some of the misunderstandings around the differences in religious and cultural practice, the Ministry’s outline of the role of the ERC teacher has proven to be extremely problematic in practice. In this article, I explore how the idea that ERC teachers remain neutral pedagogues in the classroom is problematic given the distance they must maintain from their own worldviews. I begin by showing that the concept of neutrality is rooted in the history of Québec, starting with the movement towards secularism during the onset of the Quiet Revolution in the 1960s. This article explores the way in which the policy of neutrality has affected educational policies, such as the Ministère de l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport (MELS)2 requirements of professional posture for teachers of ERC. I conclude by showing that the form of neutrality promoted by MELS is not only an extremely difficult request to make of teachers but also that it contradicts the ethics of religious sensitivity and religious literacy promoted in the Bouchard-Taylor report (Bouchard & Taylor, 2008). Instead, I recommend another variation of neutrality that respects the valid fears of indoctrination, born out of a long history of confessional religious instruction in Québec, but that still enables teachers to share their own viewpoints.

CONTEXT OF QUÉBEC Education in Québec has had several notable turning points. Prior to the Quiet Revolution in Québec, the Catholic Church controlled many government institutions. The relationship between the Catholic Church and the British was formalized in the Québec Act of 1774. The Act granted the Church a “virtual hegemony over the lives of French Canadians” (Fenwick, 1981, p. 200), including the right for the Catholic Church to build and staff educational institutions. The diminishing role of the Catholic Church and the move towards modernity can be seen as the start of secularization in Québec through the distinct separation between Church and State. With the Quiet Revolution in the 1960s, secularization became a priority. The Quiet Revolution began in part due to the rise of French nationalism in the 1960s and in part from the push for Québecois to be “masters of their own house” (Ghosh, 2004, p. 42). As Ghosh (2004) has noted “the Roman Catholic Church’s role was greatly diminished in Québec society, resulting in a signiﬁcant growth of the education system and making language, rather than religion, the distinguishing characteristic for the Québecois” (p. 58). One feature of the Quiet Revolution was the replacement of the clerical elite by the newly created Ministry of Education (Blad & Couton, 2009; Laplante, 2006). This was a deliberate attempt on the part of the Liberal government to modernize the institutions in Québec in order to make them more relevant in a newly industrialized society (Laplante, 2006).

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In 1997, the Task Force Report, headed by Proulx, had further examined religious education in Quebec. Among the recommendations made, of importance here is that elementary and secondary education provide a space to study religion from a cultural perspective, and that religious instruction be mandatory for all children. This report recommended a gradual implementation of the proposals. After much discussion, debate, and counter arguments, the religious education options available (Catholic and Moral Religious Instruction, Protestant Moral Religious Instruction, and the Moral Religious Education instructions) were replaced by the mandatory Ethics and Religious Culture (ERC) program by 2008 (Boudreau, 2011). The introduction of the ERC coincided with increases in immigration in Québec (Farmer, Ngouem, & Madibbo, 2010; Gagnon 2008). The growing diversity in Québec had given rise to discontent over the reasonable accommodation of immigrant cultural practices. Reasonable accommodation is defined as “the form of arrangement or relaxation aimed at ensuring respect for the right to equality, in particular in combating so-called indirect discrimination, which, following the strict application of an institutional standard, infringes an individual’s right to equality” (Bouchard & Taylor, 2008, p. 6). In Québec, following the “intensification in controversy” as noted by Bouchard and Taylor (2008, p. 13), there was an immense amount of criticism growing over the reasonable accommodation cases between May 2002 to February 2006. Result- ing from these issues, the Québec government (through the Commission on Accommodation Practices Related to Cultural Differences) produced a report called Building the Future: A Time for Reconciliation authored by Bouchard and Taylor (2008). Its aims included to: a) Take stock of accommodation practices in Québec; b) Analyze the attendant issues bearing in mind the experience of other societies; c) Conduct an extensive consultation on this topic; and d) Formulate recommendations to the government to ensure that accommodation practices conform to the values of Québec society as a pluralistic, democratic, egalitarian society. (Bouchard & Taylor, 2008, p. 6) After examining some of the more popular and contentious examples of reasonable accommodation in Québec, this report concluded by affirming the necessity for interculturalism and religious sensitivity. These conclusions further corroborated the changes in the education system in Québec and the goals of the ERC Program. The aims and goals of the report have had an impact on the way in which religious instruction should be approached in Québec and also helped shaped the overarching goals of the ERC Program.

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While the aims of the ERC aspire to mediate some of the tension and mis- understanding around the various religious groups in Québec, the approach to the teaching of ERC is problematic. The ERC takes on a self-defined “de- confessionalized” approach (Ministère de l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport [MELS], 2008) to the teaching of religion. This concept of neutrality in education has been referred to as “pedagogical neutrality”, in which a curriculum incorporates a plurality of values and beliefs to which teachers are expected to maintain a critical distance (Noddings, 1993). This is clearly summarized by the MELS (2008) when they stated that it is important that “teachers maintain a critical distance regarding their own world-views especially with respect to their convictions, values and beliefs” (p. 12). The concept of neutrality dates back to the convoluted relationship Québec has had with maintaining a rigid separation between Church and State. However, as I will demonstrate, the concept of neutrality, especially when applied to pedagogy, is problematic. I argue that Québec’s policies of state neutrality have greatly influenced the approach of the ERC, and that this policy is counterintuitive to the aims of intercultural sensitivity and respect for diversity that the Bouchard-Taylor report highlighted.

DEFINITIONS AND APPLICATION OF NEUTRALITY

Neutrality and the State Religion is assuming a more visible place in public life,3 prompting nation- states to adopt a posture regarding the relationship between religion and state politics. Thus, while some nation-states continue to maintain a non-secular orientation, the majority adopt a type of secular system. Martinez-Torrón and Durham (2012) noted that, among secular states, “there are a range of possible positions with respect to security, ranging from regimes with a very high commitment to secularism to more accommodationist regimes to regimes that remain committed to neutrality of the state but allow high levels of cooperation with religions” (p. 1). In understanding the nuances of the state’s orientation, many have seen it as an “either-or” debate — that is, states are either religious or secular. Martinez-Torrón and Durham (2012), however, saw two systems of belief: secularism and secularity, in which secularity can be a more “flexible or open arrangement” (p. 3). Using the definition provided by Bouchard and Taylor (2008), state neutrality is the principle that the State must maintain a position of neutrality when faced with deep-seated moral convictions, whether they are religious or secular. During a public consultation held in the Fall of 2007, Québecers massively espoused the concept of secularism, one of the most frequently mentioned themes, but sometimes with different meanings. Bouchard and Taylor (2008) discovered that Quebec citizens typically defined a secular regime in one of two ways: as confining religion to the private sphere, or as state neutrality:

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1. “religion must remain in the private sphere” was often cited by the propo- nents of secularism. Bouchard and Taylor state that, “according to this first meaning, it is… accurate to confirm that religion must be “private.” However, it does not go without saying that secularism demands of religion that it be absent from public space in the broad sense” (Bouchard & Taylor, 2008, p. 44). 2. Under the principle of state neutrality, “the State may not espouse all of the worldviews and deep-seated convictions of all citizens, which are numerous and sometimes hard to reconcile. However, it can promote the values that stem from them and underpin democratic life” (Bouchard & Taylor, 2008, pp. 44-45). Recently, the philosophy of state neutrality became a key point in the Quebec Charter of Values discussion.4 Though the Charter was ousted along with the Parti Québecois (the political party responsible for the introduction of the Charter), strong sentiments regarding the duty of the state surfaced. The Hon. Bernard Drainville, Minister responsible for Democratic Institutions and Active Citizenship, stated: The state has no place interfering in the moral and religious beliefs of Qué- becers. The state must be neutral...We therefore propose to affirm in the Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms the state’s independence from religions, to ensure there is no bias in favour of one confession or another. For this religious neutrality to take shape in public institutions, it must also show in the people who work for them. We therefore propose to establish a duty of religious neutrality and reserve among state personnel (as cited in Farrow, 2013, para. 3). Many scholars, however, have problematized the application of neutrality. Douglas Farrow (2013), for example, suggested that while clear guidelines to moral religious accommodation would be helpful, the concept of a neutral state is “absurd” (para. 8) and that a state which suggests God does not exist in a secular sphere is not neutral; it is in fact agnostic or even atheist. This is corroborated by Moon (2012), who argued “the requirement of state neutrality to take no position on religious issues is actually indicative of a type of state agnosticism” (p. 568).

Neutrality in pedagogy Neutrality in religious instruction has been a hotly debated issue. In the report conducted by Martinez-Torrón and Durham (2012) examining the implementation of religious education across the world, the authors found that a neutral, non-denominational type of religious education has “been gaining momentum in various countries” (p. 22). In examining the case in Canada, mandatory religious education courses are declared constitutional only so far as they meet certain specific requirements that guarantee their neutrality (Martinez-Torrón & Durham, 2012). However, the report also found that in their examination of the practical problems of the implementation of religious education, the

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 43 Zaver teaching of such a subject requires teachers that are highly qualified in teaching moral issues, and also that “neutrality is very difficult to achieve in this particularly sensitive area” (Martinez-Torrón & Durham, 2012, p. 23). Many scholars have explored neutrality vis-à-vis education (Kelly, 1986; Mor- ris, 2011; Warnock, 1975). One of the earliest references to neutrality and pedagogy is Warnock’s (1975) “The Neutral Teacher.” Warnock acknowledged the need for a neutral teacher as stemming from two grounds: fear of teachers indoctrinatinating students, and the promotion of independent student learning, which is seen to flourish in classes where teachers do not provide their opinion. In addressing these concerns, Warnock outlined her own arguments against neutrality. Firstly, a teacher is a role model and has the responsibility to guide students to understand how to weigh evidence and model to students how to arrive at a conclusion. Warnock (1975) stated, “the teacher must in teaching pupils to assess evidence fairly, give them actual examples of how the teacher does this himself or herself. The pupils may disagree with the teacher” (as cited in Warnock, 1988, p. 181). The openness for students to agree or disagree is a deliberate way to address the fear of indoctrination. The teacher may provide his or her opinion, but in such a way that it is still open to debate and discussion amongst students and thus not the sole governing viewpoint. The second point Warnock (1975) raised in addressing the challenges of neutrality is the impact that a neutral posture has on teacher authenticity. Warnock argued that a neutral teacher is “play-acting” and that “play-acting is despicable… a person ought to have and express moral beliefs, and this entails that as a teacher one cannot remain neutral” (as cited in Warnock, 1988, p. 185). Warnock outlined the parameters of non-neutrality such as the teacher clearly stating, “that it is simply his or her opinion” [emphasis added] when sharing the teacher’s perspectives (Warnock, 1988, p. 184). Finally, War- nock (1988) began to acknowledge the nuances within neutrality, claiming, “uncommitted neutrality in the teacher, in so far as possible, is not desirable” (p. 182). Warnock’s points regarding neutrality help contextualize the early definitions of neutrality and also raise important concerns over the kind of neutrality outlined for ERC teachers. Issues of authenticity and teacher identity are the two overarching concerns Warnock highlighted in relation to adopting a stance of neutrality in the classroom. Kelly (1986) further developed these nuances and variations of pedagogical neutrality. These include: exclusive neutrality (avoids anything controversial), exclusive impartiality (teaches one perspective as the truth), neutral impartiality (teacher remains viewpoint neutral; does not openly present his/her personal point of view) and committed impartiality (teacher’s views are clearly owned and not disguised). The guidelines for teacher conduct of ERC teachers follow the “neutral impartiality” (Morris, 2011) approach, which has proven to be challenging for the reasons Warnock highlighted. In the following sections,

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I discuss the challenge of a neutral impartial approach in the ERC and the suggestion to move to a more balanced teacher posture of “committed impartiality” as highlighted by Kelly. This alternative form of neutrality may help to alleviate some of the concerns surrounding teacher identity and authenticity that Warnock raised.

PROBLEMATIZING THE APPROACH OF THE ERC: THE COMPLEXITIES AND CONTRADICTIONS OF TEACHER NEUTRALITY The complexity of the ERC lies in a contradiction. While the ERC program espouses an overall goal of recognizing the other, ERC teachers have explicit instructions from the Ministry of Education (MELS) to maintain a stance of neutrality even as they foster the prescribed program competency of engaging students in dialogue. To specify, teachers are asked to bracket their own worldviews and perceptions upon entering the classroom while simultaneously asking students to share their perspectives and opinions. This professional stance, referred to as “neutral impartiality” (Kelly, 1986; Morris, 2011), means that in the interest of fairness to students, teachers do not openly express their personal preferences. To elaborate, MELS instructs ERC teachers not to ‘‘promote their own beliefs and points of view’’ and maintain a critical distance with ‘‘respect to their own convictions, values, and beliefs” while at the same time fostering values of “openness to diversity, respect for convictions, recognition of self” (Ministère de l’Èducation, du Loisir et du Sport, 2008, p. 12). The contradiction in the approach of the ERC is described by Farrow (2009) in his examination of the ERC curricular aims. Farrow asked, “ERC claims to be neutral about religion, and to aim at presenting religions in a neutral, objective manner. Is the ERC curriculum actually neutral in its approach to religion?” (p. 9). In discussing the complexities of a program that is not epis- temologically neutral, but requires a teacher to be neutral in their professional stance, Farrow highlighted the complexities of neutrality in practice. Farrow raised three points to counter the neutral approach of the ERC. The first point addresses the philosophies and worldviews inherent in any pedagogy. Farrow (2009) questioned how pedagogies can be neutral as they are rooted in specific philosophies and worldviews. This idea that pedagogy is devoid of fundamental principles and values highlights the fundamental challenge of the ERC. The implications of the Quiet Revolution and the conception of the ERC to combat discrimination against new immigrants demonstrate, on the contrary, that the system of education has a very specific goal. This brings up Farrow’s (2009) second observation. The ERC promotes the dignity of others while at the same token asking teachers to compromise their own identity in the classroom. This is further complicated given that research has shown that teacher satisfaction is linked to feeling natural in the classroom (Schuck, Buchanan, Aubusson, & Russell, 2012). One of the major concerns

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 45 Zaver with teacher education today is the lack of inclusion of teacher voices in curriculum matters and educational decisions (Moore, 2007; Wilson & Delaney 2010). Asking teachers to leave their worldviews at the door, so to speak, only serves to further marginalize and “other” the teacher by removing them from the conversation (Said, 1979). This exclusion of teacher voice only heightens the marginalization teachers feel when decisions in the educational institutions of which they are a part fail to include their voices. Farrow’s final point was that while the ERC program may require a level of passivity on the part of the educators, the state takes an active role in deciding how and what should be taught. To this end, Farrow (2009) observed, “by making ERC mandatory — universally mandatory — the State imposes its philosophy and its pedagogy on everyone” (p. 9). This point demonstrates the State’s agenda in supporting their value system through the ERC, while by the same token, asking teachers to be neutral in their approach. I would therefore argue that the “neutral impartiality” approach that the ERC imposes upon teachers is especially difficult given the very active role the State plays in the development of the curricular aims, values, and approaches of the ERC.

DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS Despite the complexities of applying the concept of neutrality in the classroom, some form of pedagogical neutrality has validity. Despite Warnock’s (1975) concerns over the impact of neutrality on a teacher’s sense of self, she raised the point that advocates of neutrality are most concerned with indoctrination and student agency in decision-making. Noddings (1993) explored the challenge of exploring religious thought and experience in school settings. Though Nod- dings was in agreement that “questions about the existence and nature of gods, about the meaning of life, and about the role of religion in societies… have been recognized as paramount… and, therefore, central to education” (p. xiii), she was clear about the approach teachers should take in the classroom. In addition to extensive preparation that equips teachers to explore existential and religious questions, teachers will succeed if they “are willing to engage in continuous inquiry, and… are committed to pedagogical neutrality” (Nod- dings, 1993, p. 139). Noddings outlined that pedagogical neutrality requires teachers to “present all significant sides of an issue in their full passion and best reasoning” but “avoid claiming any one perspective as true” (p. 122). Instead the role of the teacher is to “refer to beliefs clearly stated by others and let students weigh the evidence or decide to reject it” (Noddings, 1993, p. 134). This is an oppositional viewpoint to the one Warnock presented, in which teachers model how to weigh evidence by providing their own process of reaching a conclusion. Therefore, given the debates surrounding the concept and application of neutrality, I would promote the fourth form of teacher posture that Kelly

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(1986) spoke about when providing the variations of neutrality: committed impartiality. This approach is corroborated by Rymartz (2012), who suggested that complete neutrality, such as the one required of ERC teachers, is difficult to apply given that one’s worldviews permeate into every aspect of one’s life. Berger (2002) and Perry (1991) also argued that requiring adherents of faith to leave their beliefs behind when participating in public life is unreasonable, unrealistic, and results in annihilation of a central part of their self. Thus, committed impartiality allows the teacher to participate in classroom dialogue, with the understanding that their viewpoint is owned, presented as one of many perspectives, and that spaces for critical thought are encouraged. Kelly (1986) further asserted that as students mature in thinking and age, they may grow distrustful of the teacher who deliberately avoids providing their input. In an empirical study conducted on new teachers’ views on neutrality in the classroom, Kelly and Brandes (2001) found that their participants felt that total neutrality was unattainable given that “there are ways in which teachers make their opinions known through the language that they use, all sorts of adjectives that we slip in there to describe this politician or that leader” (p. 446). Addition- ally, one of the participants felt that disguising one’s beliefs may convey apathy to students (p. 449). Morris (2011) suggested that committed impartiality may be a better fit for the ERC teacher professional posture provided that teachers follow advice like Kelly’s and “praise reasoned oppositional viewpoints, push students’ to critique teachers’ points of view, publicly engage in self-critique, or critique students who merely parrot them” (Kelly, 1986, p. 132). In revisiting the report conducted by Bouchard and Taylor (2008), the posture of “committed impartiality” posed by Kelly (1986), would be a good model in achieving the larger aims of pluralism and dialogue. For instance, it bal- ances the negotiations around state neutrality in that teachers are required to own their opinions and clearly state their biases, but also allows for the kind of dialogue a pluralistic society demands. In understanding the integration and intercultural policies highlighted in the report, a “committed impartial” pedagogy would fulfill the premise that Québec society is “pluralistic and open to outside contributions, within the limitations imposed by respect for basic democratic values and the need for intercommunity exchange” (Bouchard & Taylor, 2008, p. 38). Furthermore, in defining interculturalism, Bouchard and Taylor offer a proposal with eleven aspects, one of which reads: “interculturalism strongly emphasizes interaction, in particular intercommunity action, with a view to overcoming stereotypes and defusing fear or rejection of the Other, taking advantage of the enrichment that stems from diversity” (p. 39). This part of the definition of interculturalism highlights a form of dialogue that rests upon sharing perspectives and seeing the potential in diversity. This conversation, governed by the parameters of committed impartiality that is highlighted above, has great potential in the ERC classroom.

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CONCLUSION AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS To conclude, it is important to highlight some of the limitations in the kind of neutral approach the ERC requires. For instance, in understanding the various definitions of neutrality, it is clear from the literature that teachers require key skills in order to navigate amongst this balance of neutrality and facilitation. Moore (2007) highlighted the skill of self-reflexivity vis-à-vis the teaching of religion: “educators should develop the tools of reflective practice that will enable them to interrogate their own assumptions about religion in order to minimize unconscious bias” (p. 92). In this regard, Harvard Univer- sity’s program in Religion and Secondary Education (PRSE) can be used as an illustrative model. Harvard prepares its teacher candidates to engage their students in diversity among particular traditions without adopting a devotional standpoint. Further research needs to be done in order to explore this aspect further, as it is beyond the scope of this paper, which has examined the concept of neutrality from two perspectives: state and educational. In both instances, the application of neutrality has proven to be problematic given the various definitions attributed to the definition and understanding of neutrality. I argue that while the ERC is an essential component of a student’s education, the difficulties in applying the kind of neutrality the Ministry of Education outlines hinder the teacher from fostering a space that is open to the kind of dialogue and openness the ERC curriculum aims to achieve. I suggest that another variation of neutrality, that of “committed impartiality,” as defined by Kelly (1986), may be the best pedagogical approach for ERC teachers. This posture allows teachers to contribute to classroom discussion and creates a space for dialogue to flourish while also alleviating fears of indoctrination through the “owning of ideas” and the presentation of multiple perspectives. In understanding the validity and feasibility of committed impartiality, however, research around teacher experiences with current pedagogical practices in the ERC classroom will require the voices of the teachers. Often scholarly work excludes the voice of the stakeholders; however, these voices are essential in understanding the limitations of theoretical suggestions. There currently exists a gap in literature representing the voice of the ERC teachers, yet as a group, they are one of the most important stakeholders in actualizing its very important aims. The ERC can be successful in fostering values of religious literacy and religious sensitivity; however, the voice of the teacher must be included in assessing the successes and limitations of suggested pedagogical approaches in the classroom.

48 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 The Complexities of Neutrality in Teaching Religious Education

NOTES

1. For more on religious literacy, see Diane Moore’s (2007) Overcoming Religious Illiteracy: A Cultural Studies Approach to the Study of Religion in Secondary Education. 2. Now called the Ministère de l’Éducation, de l’Enseignement supérieur et de la Recherche. This paper uses the former name (MELS) to reflect the author of the published the ERC program document. 3. For instance, Statistics Canada (2011) reports, “of the immigrants who came prior to 1971, 2.9% were affiliated with Muslim, Hindu, Sikh or Buddhist religions, whereas 33.0% of immigrants who came between 2001 and 2011 reported affiliation to one of these religions” (“Increased share of recent immigrants from Africa, Caribbean, Central and South America”, para. 3). 4. This is shown in the title and terminology the Parti Québecois (PQ) used in the promotion of the Charter of Values. For example, the title was changed to the “charter affirming the values of state secularism and religious neutrality and of equality between women and men, and providing a framework for accommodation requests” and former PQ leader Pauline Marois claimed that the Charter enforced the equality of men and women and state neutrality as the “basic foundations of our society” (“Québec secular charter ‘abolishes rights,’” 2013).

REFERENCES

Berger, B. (2002). Limits of belief: Freedom of religion, secularism, and the liberal state. The Canadian Journal of Law and Society. 17, 39-68. doi:10.1017/S0829320100006992 Blad, C., & Couton, P. (2009). The rise of an intercultural nation: Immigration, diversity and nationhood in Québec. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 35(4), 645-667. Bouchard, G., & Taylor, C. (2008). Building the future: A time for reconciliation: Abridged report. Québec, QC: Commission de consultation sur les pratiques d’accomodement reliées aux différences culturelles. Boudreau, S. (2011). From confessional to cultural: Religious education in the schools of Québec, QC. Religion & Education, 38(3), 212-223. Farmer, A., Ngouem, D., & Madibbo, A. (2010). Current research compendium on francophone immigration in Canada. Montreal, QC: Québec Metropolis Centre — Immigration and Metropolis. Farrow, D. (Speaker). (2009, October 28). Ethics and religious culture: Why all the fuss? [Podcast of public lecture]. Retrieved from http://podcasts.mcgill.ca/arts-humanities/ethics-and-religious- culture-why-the-fuss/ Farrow, D. (2013). The yoke of neutrality [Blog post]. Retrieved from http://www.firstthings.com/ web-exclusives/2013/09/the-yoke-of-neutrality Fenwick, R. (1981). Social change and ethnic nationalism: A historical analysis of the separatist movement in Québec. Comparative Studies in Society and History, 23(2), 196-212. Gagnon, A. (2008). Québec: State and society. Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press. Ghosh, R. (2004). Public education and multicultural policy in Canada: The special case of Qué- bec. International Review of Education, 50(5-6), 543-566. Kelly, D. M., & Brandes, G. M. (2001). Shifting out of “neutral”: Beginning teachers’ struggles with teaching for social justice. Canadian Journal of Education / Revue canadienne de l’education, 437-454. Kelly, T. E. (1986). Discussing controversial issues: Four perspectives on the teacher’s role. Theory & Research in Social Education, 14(2), 113-138. Laplante, B. (2006). The rise of cohabitation in Québec: Power of religion and power over religion. The Canadian Journal of Sociology, 31(1), 1-24. Martínez-Torrón, J., & Durham W. C., Jr., (2010). Religion and the Secular State / La religion et l’Etat laïque. Provo, UT: International Center for Law and Religion Studies.

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Maxwell, B., Waddington, D. I., McDonough, K., Cormier, A. A., & Schwimmer, M. (2012). Interculturalism, multiculturalism, and the state funding and regulation of conservative religious schools. Educational Theory, 62(4), 427-447. Ministère de l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport (MELS). (2008). Québec education program: Ethics and religious culture. Québec, QC: Gouvernement du Québec. Moon, R. (2012). Freedom of religion under the Charter of Rights: The limits of state neutrality. University of British Columbia Law Review 45, 497-595. Moore, D. L. (2007). Overcoming religious illiteracy: A cultural studies approach to the study of religion in secondary education. New York, NY: Macmillan. Morris, R. (2011). Cultivating reflection and understanding: Foundations and orientations of Québec’s Ethics and Religious Culture program. Religion & Education, 38(3), 188-211. Noddings, N. (1993). Educating for intelligent belief or unbelief. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Perry, M. (1991). Love and power: The role of religion and mortality in American politics. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Rymarz, R. (2012). Teaching ethics and religious culture in Québec high schools: An overview, contextualization and some analytical comments. Religious Education, 107(3), 295-310. Said, E. (1979). Orientalism. New York, NY: Vintage. Schuck, S., Buchanan, J., Aubusson, P., & Russell, T. (2012) Beginning teaching: Stories from the classroom. New York, NY: Springer. Statistics Canada. (2011). Immigration and ethnocultural diversity in Canada. Retrieved from http:// www12.statcan.gc.ca/nhs-enm/2011/as-sa/99-010-x/99-010-x2011001-eng.cfm Warnock, M. (1975). The neutral teacher. In S. C. Brown (Ed.), Philosophers discuss education (pp. 159- 171). London, United Kingdown: Palgrave Macmillan. Warnock, M. (1988). The neutral teacher. In W. Hare & J. P. Portelli (Eds). Philosophy of education: Introductory readings (pp.177-186). Calgary, AB: Detselig. Wilson, E., & Delaney, R. (2010). Changing career and changing identity: How do teacher career changers exercise agency in identity construction? Social Psychology of Education, 13(2), 169–183.

ARZINA ZAVER is a PhD Candidate in the Faculty of Education at McGill University and an experienced educator. She has conducted an ethnographic study on the application of neutrality among Ethics and Religious Culture teachers. [email protected]

ARZINA ZAVER est doctorante à la faculté des sciences de l’éducation de l’Université McGill et une enseignante d’expérience. Elle a piloté une étude ethnographique auprès des enseignants d’éthique et de culture religieuse sur la mise en pratique de la neu- tralité. [email protected]

50 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Éléments indicateurs de la laïcité

ÉLÉMENTS INDICATEURS DE LA LAÏCITÉ DANS LE CADRE DE DISCUSSIONS D’ENSEIGNANTS SUR L’ÉDUCATION À LA CITOYENNETÉ À L’ÉCOLE SECONDAIRE SYLVIE COURTINE SINAVE et FRANCE JUTRAS Université de Sherbrooke

RÉSUMÉ. Dans le cadre d’une recherche collaborative sur l’éducation à la citoyen- neté, les discussions d’enseignants du secondaire et d’universitaires sont analysées sous l’angle d’indicateurs de la laïcité, c’est-à-dire de la liberté de conscience et de culte liée à la tolérance, l’égalité des droits, la fraternité, l’émancipation, la séparation de l’Église et de l’État, le droit et l’ordre public juste. L’analyse des discussions permet de dégager que, selon ces intervenants, le rôle de l’école est primordial dans la gestion du social et que des valeurs reliées à la laïcité sont actualisées dans le cadre de l’enseignement de l’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté au secondaire : la primauté du droit, l’émancipation, l’importance de l’espace public.

INDICATORS OF THE CONCEPT OF SECULARISM IN THE CONTEXT OF CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN TEACHERS ON THE TOPIC OF CIVIC EDUCATION IN HIGH SCHOOLS ABSTRACT. As part of a collaborative research project on civic education, conversations between high school teachers and faculty were analyzed from the perspective of indicators of secularism, namely, freedom of conscience and religion as they relate to tolerance, equality of rights, fraternity, emancipation, separation between church and state, and law and order. The results show that, according to these educators, the role of the school is paramount to the learning of social behaviour and that some values related to secularism are actualized in the context of teaching history and civic education, such as the primacy of human rights, emancipation, and the importance of the public space.

L’amorce du 21e siècle est secouée par une recherche existentielle interpellant les principes fondamentaux du vivre-ensemble.1 Mais le rapport aux valeurs divise. Deux voies s’opposent : la société civile et les Églises. De ce fait, le fonctionnement de la société civile et la place de la religion dans celle-ci ques-

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 51 Courtine Sinave et Jutras tionnent. Au Québec, la Charte des valeurs québécoises débattue à l’automne 2013 visait à encadrer le phénomène de laïcisation de la société civile dans un espace où coexiste une pluralité de valeurs. Dans ce contexte, l’école est particulièrement interpellée, car le vivre-ensemble et la socialisation ont toujours fait partie de ses visées. Le Conseil supérieur de l’éducation (1998) a d’ailleurs traité de la conciliation de la diversité ethno- culturelle et de l’appartenance commune dans le contexte pluraliste. L’accent doit-il être mis sur la primauté du droit ou la primauté de la différence, le droit collectif ou le droit individuel pour caractériser la citoyenneté ? Une ambiguïté subsiste autour du concept de citoyenneté, comme l’écrivent Longstreet (1985) : « citizenship is the phantom figure whose form is so unclearly perceived that it may be used to encourage whatever is happening in the curriculum to go on happening » (p. 21). Chilcoat et Ligon (1994) le considèrent comme « a problematic, illusive concept » qui peut être défini comme : « a cultural transmission, a reflective inquiry, and a democratic transformation » (p. 129). Comme lieu d’éducation et de socialisation, l’école constitue un terrain d’éduca- tion à la citoyenneté. Or, les programmes d’études, notamment celui d’éthique et culture religieuse et celui d’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté, traitent plutôt du vivre-ensemble et de la reconnaissance de la diversité des croyances, voire de la possibilité de l’absence de croyance religieuse. Des discussions sur la citoyenneté et les perspectives relatives à l’éducation à la citoyenneté ont été tenues entre des chercheurs et des enseignants dans le cadre d’une recherche collaborative menée au secondaire pendant une année scolaire. Les données analysées dans cet article ont trait aux propos apparentés à la laïcité qui s’y trouvent. Comme il s’agit d’un enjeu sous-jacent à l’éducation à la citoyenneté, l’objectif est de mettre en évidence des indicateurs de la laïcité dans ces propos. Nous dégagerons d’abord les différentes interprétations, les principes et indicateurs de la laïcité par une recension des écrits, ainsi que la conception de l’éducation à la citoyenneté proposée dans le Programme de formation de l’école québécoise (Ministère de l’Éducation du Québec, 2004). Ensuite, la modalité de collecte de données sera présentée. Enfin, les résultats seront exposés et discutés.

RECENSION DES ÉCRITS Les débats sur la Charte des valeurs québécoises ont exacerbé les antago- nismes autour de la signification de la laïcité. En 2004, la notion de laïcité ne soulevait aucune passion. Par exemple, les résultats d’une recherche sur le sujet auprès d’étudiantes et étudiants en formation initiale à l’enseignement montrent un discours lucide et nuancé (Courtine Sinave, 2004). Dix ans plus tard, les positions se sont durcies. Dès lors, il importe de mettre en évidence ce que comporte la laïcité.

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Les différentes interprétations du concept de laïcité L’interprétation française, le difficile arrimage entre l’idéal des droits fondamentaux et le pragmatisme de l’acte politique. Haarscher (1996) a établi qu’en France, plusieurs conceptions de la laïcité ont eu cours dans l’histoire, démontrant son arrimage à son contexte. Ainsi, se succèdent l’ère de la rupture révolutionnaire, le système concordaire du 19e siècle, la séparation de l’Église et de l’État du 20e siècle et la laïcité ouverte du 21e siècle. La première conception s’ouvre avec la Révolu- tion française et la Déclaration des droits de l’Homme et du citoyen, dont on peut rappeler l’article I : « Les hommes naissent et demeurent libres et égaux en droits. Les distinctions sociales ne peuvent être fondées que sur l’utilité commune » et l’article X : « Nul ne doit être inquiété pour ses opinions, même religieuses, pourvu que leur manifestation ne trouble pas l’ordre public établi par la Loi » (Conseil constitutionnel de la République française, s.d). Ensuite, la laïcité a été établie par le Concordat de 1801-1802 qui abolit la constitution civile du clergé promulguée lors de la Révolution de 1789 et reconnaît à nou- veau la religion catholique comme celle de la majorité des Français. Puis, la loi Combes de 1905 met fin au régime concordaire et entérine la séparation des Églises et de l’État. Cette loi dissocie complètement la religion du pouvoir civil et structure la société civile du 20e siècle en donnant notamment un rôle prépondérant à l’école publique dans l’éducation du citoyen. Le terme de laïcité n’apparaît qu’au 19e siècle, tandis que l’adjectif laïque ou laïc est retracé depuis le 13e siècle et se réfère au commun, au peuple, aux gens, aux citoyens pour désigner plus tard par extension tout ce qui appartient au monde profane, à la vie civile et surtout à ce qui est indépendant de toute croyance religieuse (Rey, 1998). La laïcité paraît ainsi liée à une structure informelle où s’exerce la souveraineté du peuple et ne peut être dissociée des mouvements populaires. Il est aussi important de relever l’importance de la laïcisation de la pensée qu’on retrouve dans l’humanisme de la Renaissance, le libertinage du 17e siècle et, plus tard, dans la philosophie des Lumières du 18e siècle, où l’homme réhabilité est appelé à s’orienter à travers les autorités de l’Église et de l’État grâce à sa capacité émancipatrice de rationaliser le monde. Une interprétation consensuelle : le difficile arrimage entre laïcité et identité culturelle. Selon une interprétation consensuelle, la laïcité du 21e siècle reliée à la tolé- rance élargie est appelée la laïcité ouverte. Dans cette interprétation, la liberté religieuse prime sur la laïcité-séparation. L’État ne détient pas les paramètres de la vie bonne, mais devient l’arbitre des différentes conceptions à ce sujet qu’on retrouve dans les différents textes religieux. Haarscher (1996) a relevé que la laïcité de la liberté renvoie à deux attitudes, celle avant discussion et celle après discussion. Dans le premier cas, le respect de toutes les expressions religieuses irait à l’encontre même du principe de laïcité, car les Églises, considérées comme d’essence communautariste, recoloniseraient la sphère publique. Dans le second cas, celui du pluralisme post-discussion, la discussion fait évoluer la frontière entre les concepts et transforme ou réfute certaines

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 53 Courtine Sinave et Jutras thèses. Le débat de la vie bonne se fait alors dans le monde de la vie et abou- tit à l’élaboration consensuelle de l’agir communicationnel et au bien-fondé des accommodements raisonnables au sens du Rapport Bouchard et Taylor (2008). Cependant, l’élaboration de consensus dépend de la prise de parole et est tributaire des situations culturelles. La laïcité peut-elle être culturelle ? Pena-Ruiz (2003) a répondu que c’est possible lorsqu’on considère la culture au sens du patrimoine mondial et des valeurs universelles, donc dans un sens unificateur. Par contre, Ducomte (2001) a mis l’accent sur le contexte actuel de la pluralité des cultures, faisant remarquer que nous sommes passés de l’intégration individuelle, indépendamment des origines et des appartenances où chacun pouvait vivre sa différence dans une sphère autonome privée, aux revendications identitaires de groupes. Ces groupes sont d’ailleurs en passe de devenir des entités politiques. D’un autre point de vue, Bauberot (2007, 2008) a fait référence aux laïcités dans le monde et particulièrement à la laïcité québécoise et son particularisme interculturel. La démarche interculturelle qui est d’ailleurs la démarche privilégiée par le Rapport Bouchard et Taylor a été elle aussi choisie dans les écoles comme démarche éducative pour apprendre le vivre-ensemble. Ce choix de l’interculturalisme qui fonde le particularisme du Québec basé sur la reconnaissance des cultures et l’interaction dynamique et harmonieuse entre elles implique une relation égalitaire avec le groupe culturel dominant à titre de partenaire dans la construction d’un projet commun.2

Le lien laïcité-citoyenneté Plusieurs auteurs refusent de cibler des indicateurs de la laïcité. Mais on doit quand même dégager des indicateurs si on veut en rendre compte. Milot (2008) en a identifié trois : la tolérance à l’égard de la liberté de culte, le détachement des droits citoyens de l’appartenance religieuse et le déplacement de la source de légitimité de l’État à la souveraineté du peuple. Comme premier indicateur, Milot (2008) a avancé que la tolérance du pluralisme religieux assure la paix sociale, mais requiert des aménagements pour éviter des discriminations. Cet indicateur est primordial dans l’interprétation de la laïcité. D’ailleurs, Kintzler (2008) a qualifié la tolérance de restreinte ou d’élargie en fonction d’un certain nombre d’éléments primordiaux qu’elle comprend ou non. En effet, il spécifie que la laïcité requiert plusieurs éléments : l’autonomie de jugement, la séparation du public et du privé, la contingence des religions, l’absence de religion officielle ou de dogme civil, la non-reconnaissance d’inter- médiaires comme les communautés puisque celles-ci ne sont pas reconnues comme des acteurs politiques, et la non-nécessité de fondements religieux à l’existence de la cité. Le deuxième indicateur que Milot (2008) a dégagé est le détachement des droits citoyens de l’appartenance religieuse. Ce détachement facilite la participation de l’individu aux affaires publiques et conséquemment à l’élaboration du droit. Ainsi, l’individu auquel on reconnaît la liberté de

54 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Éléments indicateurs de la laïcité religion, d’opinion et d’association, et le droit de propriété devient un citoyen qui a des droits et des devoirs. Son appartenance, après avoir été essentiellement inscrite à une communauté religieuse particulière, peut alors s’inscrire dans une nation dont le véhicule est l’État. Cet indicateur rend compte non seulement de la construction de l’État face à l’Église et de l’individualisation de la société civile, mais aussi d’une caractéristique émancipatrice à la laïcité qui s’applique aux communautés religieuses comme aux communautés culturelles. Le dernier indicateur que Milot (2008) a mis en évidence est celui de la légitimité de l’État basée sur la souveraineté du peuple et, par conséquent, la délégation de cette souveraineté par le contrat social qui met de l’avant le rôle politique de la citoyenneté et son interférence de ce fait même dans la conception de la laïcité. L’association politique supplée alors à l’association religieuse comme support du lien social. La souveraineté du peuple est indivisible et, dans un processus démocratique indirect, ne peut être déléguée qu’à ses représentants, encourageant ainsi le processus politique (Pena-Ruiz, 2005 ; Weil, 2007). L’intérêt général prime alors sur l’intérêt particulier, donnant la préséance du droit collectif sur le droit individuel.

Les indicateurs du sens de la laïcité Les indicateurs qui permettent de construire le sens de la laïcité peuvent être compris selon deux niveaux : l’idéal des principes fondamentaux des droits de l’homme qui transcendent les situations et le réalisme pragmatique de la cité laïque lié à la contingence des contextes comme nous l’avons déjà avancé (Courtine Sinave et Jutras, 2010). Les valeurs et principes de l’idéal laïc considérés comme non négociables et universels réfèrent à la liberté, liberté de conscience et de culte liée à la tolé- rance, à l’égalité des droits et à la fraternité, pour se conclure avec la notion d’émancipation. Analysant l’évolution du sens de la liberté dans l’histoire, Ragache (2011) a rapporté comment la liberté individuelle et la liberté collective s’interpénètrent et donnent lieu à deux perspectives. D’un côté, la liberté ne s’exerce que dans le cadre de la loi. Ainsi délimitée elle s’adresse à tous et devient le gage de la citoyenneté, laquelle garantit les droits civils. De l’autre côté, l’individualité de l’être humain est posée : l’être humain devient un être pensant, doué de raison, doté par la nature d’une liberté sans limites et membre de l’humanité entière. C’est ainsi que la liberté peut se décliner sur deux plans. D’une part, les libertés civiles dépendent des règles juridiques. Ainsi, puisque penser librement et pouvoir communiquer cette pensée dans l’espace public est important, la possibilité de répandre ses idées par quelque moyen d’expression que ce soit dans le cadre de la loi est nécessaire. Les libertés d’association et de réunion permettant le regroupement de citoyens le favorisent. D’autre part, une décentration par rapport à la morale, la famille, la religion et même l’éducation est requise pour l’exercice de la liberté de conscience individuelle. M. Cerf et E. Cerf (2011) ont stipulé que la liberté de pensée, de conscience

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 55 Courtine Sinave et Jutras et de religion implique la liberté de changer de religion ou de conviction ainsi que la liberté de manifester sa religion ou sa conviction, individuellement ou collectivement, en public ou en privé, par le culte et les rites, dans le cadre des restrictions prévues par la loi. Cependant, pour Delfau (2011), la laïcité constitue une élaboration collective liée à un processus démocratique qui privilégie la liberté de conscience sur la liberté de religion. Ces deux perspectives font écho à la notion de tolérance. Morfouace (2011) a mentionné, par exemple, que la tolérance est un concept important pour analyser la cohabitation conflictuelle et violente des religions : l’interprétation qu’on donne de la tolérance est différente selon qu’elle est perçue comme un mal qu’on supporte ou une vertu. L’interprétation négative suggère qu’on s’accom- mode de quelque chose qu’on blâme ou qu’on n’approuve pas. L’interprétation positive induit l’acceptation de la diversité des façons de vivre, suggère le refus de l’autorité d’une religion sur la vie publique et implique la séparation entre les pouvoirs temporels et la liberté de conscience. La tolérance constitue aussi et surtout une exigence rationnelle d’acceptation des convictions en autant qu’elles ne se substituent pas au savoir. Le lien entre laïcité et liberté est complexe parce qu’il se décline sur plusieurs niveaux complémentaires et/ou contradictoires : l’individuel, le collectif et l’universel et que, dans tous les cas, la loi interpelle la liberté et l’encadre. Concernant l’égalité comme question d’éthique, Porcet (2011) a soutenu que l’égalité des droits ne peut se faire que dans la laïcité puisque cette égalité des droits suppose l’égalité entre les hommes dans un monde qui aspire à la justice et qui inclut la notion de patrie, lieu privilégié de liberté et d’égalité et, par conséquent, de bonheur. Il reste que, du fait de sa naissance dans la société, l’individu est placé devant l’obligation de respecter ses lois mais, en échange, la société a des devoirs envers lui : elle se doit de réduire les inéga- lités et les injustices. Ainsi, le pacte social qui assure la validité de l’égalité et la réciprocité des parties est nécessaire au bon fonctionnement de la société. En ce qui concerne la fraternité et l’aspect social de la laïcité, Sellès-Lefranc (2011) a avancé que l’homme est membre de la grande famille humaine : on est frères parce qu’on est de même nature. Porcet (2011) a ajouté qu’on est solidaires parce qu’on est tous dotés de la même dignité humaine et qu’on est tous frères en humanité, que ce soit dans le rapport à l’autre par la charité, la bienfaisance, la fraternité ou la solidarité. Cet examen permet de penser l’émancipation comme liberté de conscience ou libre examen mis à contribution dans l’autonomisation de l’homme et son émancipation par rapport au groupe. Concernant la libre pensée, Eyschen (2011) a rejeté tout dogme et toute contrainte qui l’empêchent de se mouvoir. Pour Coignet (2011), le libre examen constitue un principe fondé sur le rejet de l’argument d’autorité en matière de savoir qui s’appuie sur la liberté de jugement et l’esprit critique. Enfin, M. Cerf (2011) a fait le lien entre l’éman-

56 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Éléments indicateurs de la laïcité cipation qui conteste les structures existantes et l’apparition des révolutions. Il en ressort que, dans le contexte social structuré par la loi, l’idéal laïc se rapporte à la notion de liberté de culte associée à la notion émancipatrice de la liberté de conscience et à la capacité de juger de l’individu. Ainsi, le citoyen est considéré avant tout comme un individu éclairé par la raison. C’est pourquoi la formation à l’autonomie du jugement mène forcément à l’éducation du citoyen en tant que personne participant au devenir social. La cité laïque apparaît comme étant liée à des situations concrètes, mais elle est quand même régie par des principes qui doivent être examinés : le principe de séparation et celui de droit et d’un ordre politique juste. Horwitz (2011) a considéré que la frontière de l’espace public est devenue floue avec le temps et que de nouvelles nominations sont apparues : l’espace civil et l’espace intime. Tandis que l’espace civil est de nature plus large, permettant l’existence des libertés individuelles conditionnellement au respect de l’ordre public, l’espace intime est le lieu de la liberté totale de religion conditionnellement au respect des droits fondamentaux. Cette nouvelle façon de nommer l’espace public conduit à la perspective de la laïcité ouverte. Mais Bauberot (2012) a considéré cependant que la laïcité est avant tout républicaine, indivisible, démocratique et sociale. Le principe de la cité laïque pose qu’elle constitue une société de droits et donc d’un ordre politique juste, induit par un processus démocratique légitime. Delfau (2011) a rapporté d’ailleurs les propos de Jean Jaurès : démocratie et laïcité ont la même origine étymologique qui veut dire peuple, ce qui signifie l’égalité entre les membres et la prise en main collective du destin de manière souveraine. Il s’agit de l’élaboration de processus politiques démocratiques s’appuyant sur un contrat social instauré par la souveraineté populaire, ce contrat légitimant par la suite le rôle du législateur. L’éducation à la citoyenneté enseignée dans les écoles prend alors tout son sens. Cependant, il revient aux États d’organiser cet enseignement public. La clarification du concept de laïcité a été présentée sur deux plans, celui du champ philosophique de l’homme dans son sens universel et celui du champ politique, essence même de la cité. L’éducation permet alors à la fois une appropriation de sens et une conquête d’un processus politique favorisant l’éla- boration, l’observance ou l’évolution du droit selon le contrat social institué. Cette clarification du concept de laïcité et son lien avec celui de citoyenneté sert de cadre d’analyse des discussion tenues sur l’éducation à la citoyenneté selon certains aspects du Programme de formation de l’école québécoise.

L’apprentissage de la citoyenneté à l’école québécoise La réforme de l’éducation des années 2000 constitue un changement de paradigme : on passe du paradigme de l’enseignement à celui de l’apprentissage. Cela demande non seulement de changer les approches et formules pédago-

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 57 Courtine Sinave et Jutras giques, mais aussi les perspectives sur le rôle des enseignants. Les approches pédagogiques du constructivisme, du socioconstructivisme et du cognitivisme suggèrent la construction de savoirs en situation d’apprentissage par le dévelop- pement de compétences (Tardif, 2006). Les formules pédagogiques privilégiées comme la résolution de problèmes ou l’étude de cas s’avèrent propices pour construire le savoir en situations déterminées et aborder des enjeux controver- sés. Cependant, comme l’a mentionné Boutinet (2005), il faut éviter que ces choix pédagogiques ne tombent dans des dérives utilitaristes. L’enjeu d’éducation à la citoyenneté comprend celui de la laïcité. Dans les dernières années, la société québécoise a été confrontée à des transformations sur la place de la religion à l’école : les commissions scolaires sont passées de confessionnelles à linguistiques, les écoles publiques n’ont pas de statut religieux et les diverses religions pratiquées au Québec sont enseignées selon une perspective de culture religieuse, de même que la possibilité d’absence de foi religieuse est reconnue. Dans ce contexte, comme institution sociale, l’école constitue un lieu d’apprentissage, de développement et de socialisation. Pour ce faire, des disciplines scolaires sont enseignées, des thèmes transversaux sont abordés et des projets variés peuvent être réalisés. Plus précisément, l’éducation à la citoyenneté et au vivre-ensemble fait partie du programme d’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté, ainsi que celui d’éthique et culture religieuse, en plus de constituer une des cinq thématiques transversales tant au primaire qu’au secondaire. Le type de gestion de la classe, le travail en équipes sur des projets, les activités parascolaires et l’ensemble des interactions sociales participent également à cette éducation. On peut penser qu’en raison des orientations des programmes scolaires, de celles des disciplines enseignées et de l’ensemble de la vie scolaire, des savoirs, des savoir-faire et des savoir-être relatifs à la citoyenneté et au vivre-ensemble sont appris à l’école. D’où l’importance pour le personnel enseignant de cla- rifier les enjeux sociaux de l’école et pas seulement les enjeux pédagogiques et pratiques de l’enseignement. Certes, la notion de laïcité n’est pas un thème promu et traité en profondeur en dehors des orientations données à l’éducation à la citoyenneté à l’école québécoise, mais elle constitue l’un de ses enjeux sous-jacents actuellement. Comme nous disposons de transcriptions de discussions sur l’éducation à la citoyenneté au secondaire tenues dans le cadre d’une recherche collaborative, l’objectif que nous poursuivons ici est de mettre en évidence des indicateurs de la laïcité dans ces propos.

LA MÉTHODOLOGIE La recherche sur le terrain a eu lieu au cours de l’année 2006-2007 dans la région de Sherbrooke. Deux des chercheurs universitaires, une étudiante de maîtrise en sciences de l’éducation, une étudiante stagiaire avec l’un des

58 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Éléments indicateurs de la laïcité enseignants engagés dans la recherche et neuf enseignants se sont réunis sept fois dans l’année, après des journées de classe pour discuter en groupe de leur expérience relative à la mise en œuvre du programme d’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté au secondaire et de leurs perspectives sur la citoyenneté et l’éducation à la citoyenneté. Les participants à la recherche collaborative sont présentés au Tableau 1. Il est à noter que des pseudonymes ont été utilisés afin de préserver l’anonymat des personnes, que tous les participants étaient volontaires et que quiconque l’aurait désiré aurait pu se retirer sans préjudice à n’importe quel moment de la recherche. Les discussions ont été enregistrées, transcrites et analysées au fur et à mesure de la démarche. Au début de chaque rencontre, les partenaires universitaires rapportaient leur analyse de la rencontre précédente de manière à la valider et à prendre des décisions collectives pour la poursuite des discussions.

TABLEAU 1 : Les participants à la recherche collaborative

Pseudonymes Type d’école Années d’expérience

Enseignants du premier cycle du secondaire

Ginette Publique 2 ans (non permanente)

Véronique Publique 4 ans (non permanente)

Pierrette Publique 5 ans

Évelyne Publique anglophone 15 ans

Philippe Privée 20 ans

Enseignants du premier et du deuxième cycle du secondaire

Audrey Publique Stagiaire 4e année du BES

Richard Publique 19 ans

Enseignants du deuxième cycle du secondaire

Arthur Publique 14 ans

Victor Privée 20 ans

Jacques Publique 21 ans

Équipe de recherche - Université de Sherbrooke

Ophélie 5 ans enseignante / 4 ans conseillère pédagogique / 1 an étudiante maîtrise

Léonie 5 ans enseignante à l’éducation des adultes / 16 ans, fondements de l’éducation, U de S Oscar 24 ans enseignant au secondaire / 12 ans, didactique, U de S

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 59 Courtine Sinave et Jutras

Le cadre de recherche collaborative permet un rapprochement des chercheurs et des praticiens en vue de prendre en compte des incontournables de la réalité du terrain et de la compréhension qu’on s’en fait dans un espace réflexif partagé (Bednarz, 2013). Certes enseignants et chercheurs partagent des analyses et des réflexions, mais ils n’ont pas les mêmes visées. Ici les enseignants ont voulu profiter de cet espace de réflexion pour mettre en commun certains problèmes, certaines réticences et surtout, pratique oblige, certaines orientations concrètes pour leurs actions en classe. Au-delà de leur participation aux discussion sur un sujet pertinent pour les enseignants, les chercheurs ont la responsabilité de rendre compte du distinguer produit tant dans la communauté scientifique que professionnelle (Bednarz, 2013). Pour les fins d’analyse des traces d’indicateurs de la laïcité dans les discussions, l’ensemble des transcriptions a d’abord été traité pour dégager des extraits significatifs (Paillé et Mucchielli, 2012). Un travail de codification et de caté- gorisation des données a été réalisé dans un premier temps au moyen d’une grille d’analyse élaborée en fonction de la thématique étudiée : les valeurs, la citoyenneté, la société, la culture et l’identité. Dans un second temps, les extraits retenus ont été analysés en fonction du cadre que nous avons dégagé par la recension des écrits : les indicateurs de la laïcité qui se dégagent des valeurs générales et des principes sous-jacents à l’idéal laïc et à la cité laïque. Nous devons rappeler que la notion de laïcité ne constituait pas le fil conducteur de la recherche, mais qu’il est apparu nécessaire de rendre compte de cette thématique importante au plan social actuellement.

LES RÉSULTATS L’analyse des données permet de dégager des éléments indicateurs de la laï- cité dans certains des propos tenus lors des discussions sur l’éducation à la citoyenneté.

La notion de valeur : une notion embarrassante Victor et Oscar mentionnent l’évolution de la conception de la vie bonne au Québec, qui est passée de bons chrétiens à personnes ayant des qualités. Cependant, Oscar spécifie qu’il existe des valeurs plus universelles : équité, justice, liberté, égalité. De même, Victor pose que l’éducation à la citoyenneté vise certains aspects universels, « amener les jeunes à regarder plus loin que leur nombril, à voir qu’il y a des choses, des valeurs plus grandes ». Par contre, Pierrette revient sur le constat qu’aujourd’hui être un bon citoyen, « c’est être une bonne personne, responsable de ses gestes, de ses pensées ». Ophélie ajoute que cela peut impliquer des restrictions pour préserver les valeurs communes sociétalement acceptées. Elle donne l’exemple du groupe qui voulait instaurer la Charia en Ontario : il ne voyait pas que cela allait « à l’encontre d’une valeur communément acceptée, qui est un principe démocratique ». Cependant,

60 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Éléments indicateurs de la laïcité si on peut discuter et apporter des nuances sur l’éducation aux valeurs, ce sont les craintes exprimées sur la subjectivité du jugement de valeur qui res- sortent le plus du discours des enseignants. Jacques insiste sur la relativité et la subjectivité des valeurs : « Au Québec, est-ce que je suis un meilleur citoyen que quelqu’un qui vit en Irak, quelqu’un qui vit en France, que quelqu’un qui vit en Afghanistan ? » Pierrette ajoute : « Qu’est-ce qui me dit que, toi, ta valeur est meilleure que la mienne ? C’est complètement nébuleux pour moi ». Richard confirme : « L’éducation à la citoyenneté, à 90 %, c’est du jugement de valeur ». Cela mène à une préoccupation pour l’évaluation : « Comment est-ce que je vais faire pour évaluer que mon élève est un bon citoyen, même si j’ai défini l’élève citoyen ? », se demande Pierrette. Pour résoudre ce prob- lème, la responsabilité professionnelle de l’enseignant est interpellée. On peut évaluer des valeurs traduites en comportements ou attitudes : « Il faut qu’il y ait de l’action. Je pense que c’est ça qu’on peut évaluer, parce qu’évaluer des valeurs… tu peux avoir des valeurs bien différentes. Tu sais, quand on parle de l’action citoyenne, c’est quoi l’action citoyenne ? C’est la personne qui va s’impliquer dans sa société ». Jacques et Victor confirment : « C’est plus évaluable en tout cas que des valeurs parce que des valeurs… c’est subjectif ». Cependant, Léonie fait remarquer qu’à l’ère de la consommation, les actions posées peuvent être très utilitaires et pas nécessairement représentatives d’un idéal citoyen : « Est-ce que le citoyen aujourd’hui n’est réduit qu’à son statut de consommateur ? » La question des valeurs et d’éducation aux valeurs demeure un souci pour les participants qui se rendent compte de son importance et de sa complexité. Si les participants disent pouvoir assumer leur rôle d’évaluation de l’aspect quantifiable de l’action visible ou des comportements, ils sont aussi interpellés par la portée de ces actions dans le contexte réel et sensibles à la portée universelle de certaines valeurs. La dualité des valeurs fondamentales et universelles liées à l’idéal et au réalisme de l’action citoyenne posée dans un contexte précis est perceptible et fait écho à la dichotomie des valeurs que nous avons posée dans le phénomène de laïcisation.

Les principes et valeurs sous-jacents à l’idéal laïc Plusieurs propos des participants sur la diversité religieuse et la tolérance, l’égalité de droit, la fraternité et l’émancipation recoupent certains principes de l’idéal laïc tel que caractérisé dans la recension des écrits. Le principe de liberté : diversité religieuse et tolérance. Les participants ne parlent pas directement de la liberté de conscience ou de religion. Ils l’abordent sous l’angle du rapport à la diversité culturelle, incluant la religion comme une de ses dimensions. La question de l’intégration des immigrants est posée car elle interpelle la notion d’identité, mais le peu d’intérêt des élèves sur ces questions ou plutôt leur réticence à les aborder est relevé. La question de la liberté est avant tout posée comme celle d’être soi dans le rapport de soi à soi, de soi aux

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 61 Courtine Sinave et Jutras autres et de soi aux structures sociétales, dans une société de droits individuels et collectifs. La question de la complexité de la notion de liberté est reconnue et l’importance d’en débattre dans la salle de classe est soulevée. Mélissa avoue ne pas traiter de la question des différences en classe, pas plus que de celle de partager des ressemblances. Pierrette remarque par ailleurs le peu d’intérêt de ses élèves pour l’affirmation identitaire québécoise, imprégnés qu’ils sont dans la culture américaine : « Ils sont loin d’être des ennemis des Américains. Au contraire, s’ils ont des jeux vidéos et qu’ils écoutent des bons films la fin de semaine, c’est parce qu’ils ont des amis américains. » Cependant, Oscar fait remarquer que la question de la diversité culturelle ne doit pas être éludée en classe d’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté car elle fait partie de la réalité québécoise. Il rappelle les compétences qui doivent être développées : En secondaire un et deux, c’est construire sa conscience citoyenne. En trois et quatre, c’est exercer sa conscience citoyenne. Mais si tout le monde laisse tomber ces éléments-là… [les élèves] n’auront jamais exercé cette compétence à débattre, à discuter ou à confronter des idées d’une façon efficace. Léonie ajoute que, depuis le rapport Bouchard et Taylor, le sujet de la diversité occupe de la place dans l’espace public : « Les gens prennent la parole dans la vie ordinaire…, [avec] la radio ou le journal, probablement aussi [dans] des discussions sur Internet ». Léonie clarifie ce rapport à la diversité culturelle en le liant à la quête de reconnaissance : « le sens que… chacun d’entre nous, on a de notre propre valeur, de notre dignité, du respect qu’on a par rapport à soi-même, c’est lié à la reconnaissance que les autres ont de notre singula- rité ». Cependant, le lien entre les droits individuels et les droits collectifs est questionné : La primauté des droits individualistes, le pluralisme et la demande de reconnaissance participent à une certaine difficulté par rapport à se reconnaître comme des citoyens qui appartiennent à un tout qui est plus large et qui engloberait les différences des uns et des autres. À travers ces propos, on dénote un questionnement sur la tension entre la liberté individuelle et la liberté du groupe communautaire ou sociétal. Le principe d’égalité de droit : la primauté des droits fondamentaux humains. Les participants se préoccupent particulièrement du sens de la notion de démocratie en lien avec l’exploration des enjeux sociaux qui sont au cœur du programme d’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté. Ils y donnent un sens universel en l’arrimant aux droits fondamentaux dont l’égalité est l’un des principes. Oscar rappelle que les principes fondamentaux de la démocratie et de l’État de droit font partie du programme d’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté. En ce sens, le programme véhicule des concepts sur les droits, le suffrage universel, les valeurs de justice, d’égalité, de liberté, de même qu’il propose des activités qui soutiennent la participation, la prise de position, la prise de conscience des enjeux démocratiques. Victor remarque qu’on doit aussi penser à la dimension

62 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Éléments indicateurs de la laïcité universelle de ces principes : « Les bases actuelles, dans l’époque où on vit, la démocratie, les lois… de grands, grands thèmes qui survolent tout. Regardez le programme, c’est ça la démocratie, on en parle, les droits humains ». Le principe de l’égalité par rapport à l’universalité des droits fondamentaux est mis de l’avant, tant dans les discussions que dans le programme. Le principe de fraternité : le rapport à l’autre, un principe de socialisation plus que de fraternité. Les participants ont le souci de trouver la source du lien social puisque, selon eux, l’intégration sociale constitue l’un des objectifs du programme d’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté. Leurs propos vont dans le sens que les personnes doivent se considérer comme appartenant à la famille humaine. La consolidation du lien social peut prendre différentes formes : la célébration de fêtes religieuses et de fêtes commémoratives, la création de lieux de rassemblements qui soutiennent le développement du sentiment d’appartenance des élèves à l’école ou encore qui intègrent les parents comme lors de spectacles et d’activités parascolaires, ainsi que la consommation qui constitue une forme importante de participation à la vie sociale. Victor donne l’exemple de la fête du 150e anniversaire de la fondation de l’établissement où il enseigne. Même si aucun membre de la communauté religieuse fondatrice n’y enseigne maintenant, il a relevé le lien fort de la communauté religieuse envers l’établissement et ainsi le sentiment d’appartenance qui peut subsister à travers le temps. Léonie tente alors d’élargir la réflexion au phénomène de l’intégration des immigrants afin de traiter du sentiment d’appartenance pour tous dans une perspective interculturelle. Elle propose aussi d’examiner la consommation comme assise du lien social : « Plusieurs personnes se demandent si c’est, au-delà de la participation à la vie sociale par le travail et par des activités diverses, si ce n’est pas la consommation qui est la plus grande participation à la vie sociale ». Dans ces discours, l’assise du lien social semble liée essentiellement à la gestion du social dans une perspective très pragmatique et non au niveau de l’idéal. Le principe d’émancipation : le rapport au changement et la construction de la conscience citoyenne. L’éducation à la citoyenneté peut-elle conduire à l’émancipation des règles instituées si son objectif est l’intégration sociale dans un cadre déter- miné ? Deux perspectives se dessinent dans le discours des participants, celle de la possibilité de participer au changement par des moyens de pression et celle de connaitre le contexte social pour mieux vivre ensemble et surtout faire des affaires ensemble. Ils considèrent que le programme d’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté, à travers des activités pédagogiques développant des habiletés comme la prise de décision et la responsabilisation, laisse de la place à l’émancipation. Oscar mentionne que les élèves peuvent développer leur liberté de pensée : « S’ils pensent autrement que certaines personnes, ils ne mourront pas pour ça. Déjà c’est une bonne affaire ». Il enchaîne avec la liberté d’association qui permet de s’associer à d’autres personnes pour lutter ensemble en faveur d’une cause et « avoir éventuellement gain de cause. C’est

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 63 Courtine Sinave et Jutras un petit tout cela les lobbies, les moyens de pression ». Le programme prévoit que les enseignants fassent des liens entre ce qui se passe ici et ailleurs. À ce sujet, Léonie mentionne la mondialisation économique, politique, altermondi- aliste. Adoptant plutôt la seconde perspective sur le respect des normes, Pier- rette répond que, selon l’âge des élèves, la façon d’aborder la citoyenneté peut varier, de même que leur conception de la citoyenneté. Un élève de première secondaire, croit-elle, est un « citoyen à l’échelle de la communauté actuelle. Parce que si on va voir ailleurs ce qu’il se passe, je ne suis pas sûre qu’il va se sentir aussi interpellé que si c’est dans son milieu immédiat ». Un aspect pédagogique est alors posé : les enjeux sociaux à débattre doivent-ils être con- textualisés ou généralisables ? On discute alors de l’application du programme d’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté. Ophélie mentionne l’importance de l’école pour contribuer à former des citoyens capables d’engagement social et capables de participation sociale, « c’est-à-dire ne pas en faire des citoyens passifs qui vont seulement aller voter à tous les quatre ans ». Oscar renchérit sur les visées du programme : « Il faut traiter de la question de l’inclusion sociale, de l’engagement social, de la solidarité, de la participation à la vie démocratique ». Le programme soutient la critique sociale et la prise de conscience des inégalités. Et justement, sachant qu’on a des droits, des responsabilités, qu’on a des lieux prédéterminés, que le changement social est tributaire de l’action humaine, que ça soit au niveau de l’actualisation ou bien au niveau des inégalités, il y a moyen de faire des affaires ensemble. Et c’est une préoccupation qu’on devrait avoir. Puis si on se le dit dès le primaire, puis si on continue au secondaire, éventuellement, cette espèce d’état de cynisme qui nous anime va s’estomper un petit peu. En dernier lieu, les participants considèrent que le développement de la pensée sous différentes formes peut favoriser l’émancipation. Selon Victor, on doit fournir des outils méthodologiques aux élèves. Parfois, il peut s’agir d’une petite réflexion, d’autres fois ce sont des connaissances qui permettent de changer de perspective. On relève également la résolution de problème, la réflexion lors du questionnement, l’expression orale, l’entraide, la collaboration. Une certaine forme d’idéal est présente dans le discours des participants, notamment en ce qui concerne les droits fondamentaux, mais l’aspect pragmatique de la gestion du social prédomine encore. Le débat porte sur l’appréciation des visées du programme d’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté et leur permet de penser qu’elles pourraient inclure la laïcité. La perspective adoptée par l’enseignant est primordiale, des variations dans l’application du programme peuvent en être une conséquence.

Les principes et valeurs sous-jacents à la cité laïque Les règles de l’activité sociale dans la cité laïque répondent à plusieurs principes, par exemple, ceux de séparation, de société de droit, d’ordre politique juste, et donnent un rôle particulier à l’école.

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Le principe de séparation Église / État, privé / public, un clivage flou. Le principe de séparation est le principe le plus structurant de la cité laïque. Cependant, les participants ne parlent pas directement de la séparation de l’Église et de l’État, ni même de l’État. Ils font référence à la nation, au gouvernement et à l’impact de la mondialisation. La constitution de la nation semble les interpeller. En effet, Richard parle de nationalisme inclusif : Ça veut dire qu’on est dans une société moderne où il y a des immigrants qui s’en viennent. Comment on peut faire pour que la société québécoise ait un nationalisme et que les gens qui s’en viennent de l’extérieur puissent se sentir intégrés dans notre société ? Par contre, Jacques s’interroge sur la tendance assimilationniste sous-jacente à ce nationalisme inclusif : « Uniformisation ? Est-ce que c’est ça qu’on vise ? » Les participants aux discussions n’ont pas traité de la séparation du public et du privé, même s’ils se sont interrogés sur l’éducation dans les écoles privées et les écoles publiques. Ils remarquent plutôt une forme de désintéressement de la chose publique qui pourrait conduire à un abandon dans la participation à l’élaboration du droit. Un flou reste manifeste dans leur discours sur la notion d’État. Cela pourrait peut-être s’expliquer par le statut fédéral du Canada dans lequel l’organisation de la communauté locale reste une préoccupation première. Le principe de société de droit, la question de son élaboration et le rapport à la démocratie. La notion de société de droit est omniprésente dans le discours des participants. Ils s’arrêtent sur différents aspects, l’évolution du droit, l’observance du droit, l’élaboration du droit. Par exemple, Victor analyse l’évolution du droit à travers l’histoire et considère qu’on peut l’enseigner de manière vivante et significative en partant du passé et faire des liens avec le présent, par exemple, de mettre en évidence les défis actuels. Il reste que les enseignants doivent présenter des situations et donner des exemples de personnes « qui ont pro- posé des actions pour arriver à ce que c’est aujourd’hui ». Richard, Philippe et Fannie s’arrêtent aux divers aspects du droit dans la vie quotidienne et font le lien entre droit et action citoyenne. Ils donnent des exemples de thèmes à aborder en classe à cet égard : le droit de vote, les droits du travail, les droits du travailleur, des gestes à poser. Cela permet de discuter de ce qu’est un citoyen, des droits qu’il possède et qu’il doit connaître. La connaissance du droit leur paraît importante et ils se préoccupent du cadre directeur qui permet d’apprendre le processus démocratique de l’élaboration du droit et des moyens pédagogiques adéquats pour le faire. Oscar rapporte des orientations pour les démarches pédagogiques : rechercher des fondements de son identité sociale, qualifier la participation à une vie collective, comprendre l’utilité des institutions politiques, établir l’apport des réalités sociales à la vie démocratique, débattre des enjeux de société, inculquer aux élèves qu’ils peuvent « changer le cours des choses » s’ils participent à la chose publique. Richard s’arrête plus particulièrement sur le rôle de l’histoire dans l’apprentissage de la démocratie : des exemples de la démocratie directe et de la démocratie indirecte peuvent

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être étudiés, de même que des aspects du militantisme dans la démocratie. La notion de souveraineté populaire est abordée indirectement sans toutefois faire de différence entre souveraineté directe et indirecte et, de ce fait, statuer sur les manifestations populaires. Cependant, Victor s’inquiète des difficultés qu’ont les enseignants du secondaire à aborder des thèmes complexes où de nombreux aspects doivent être approfondis, où plusieurs principes peuvent paraître stéréotypés ou peu pertinents. À ce sujet, Pierrette et Philippe restent prudents, craignant une possibilité d’éparpillement, d’éclatement conduisant à perdre l’essentiel de vue : Notre rôle à nous, c’est de dire : « Tel droit, quand l’humanité l’a-t-elle gagné ? » « Quand notre société est-elle devenue un véritable acquis ? » Leur montrer aussi que l’histoire a aussi comme fonction de mettre en évidence la fragilité des droits. Il faut rester vigilants. Les droits acquis, ça peut disparaître. Mais, ça serait intéressant qu’on les définisse. Il est à noter que les participants ont conscience de la nécessité du droit dans une société démocratique ; cependant, même s’ils parlent du fonctionnement gouvernemental, la séparation des pouvoirs et le rôle du législateur ne sont pas mis en évidence. Le principe d’un ordre politique juste, un questionnement inévitable. Le discours des participants fait consensus sur les difficultés de la classe politique et ils justifient de la sorte l’utilité du programme d’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté. Concernant plus spécialement la politique, les participants s’insurgent contre une classe politique intimidée et indécise, lieu du politiquement correct et qui a perdu toute fierté. Les scandales politiques sont devenus des contre- exemples. Ils notent également la crise des institutions politiques, la baisse de la participation aux élections, le manque de courage politique, la préséance des droits individuels sur les droits collectifs et l’impact de la mondialisation sur la crédibilité des institutions publiques, voire le danger de dissolution des États. En ce sens, les enseignants sont convaincus de l’importance de l’édu- cation à la citoyenneté et du développement de la « conscience citoyenne » décrite dans le programme.

Le statut de l’école et sa mission, la pertinence du programme d’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté Les participants donnent beaucoup d’importance à l’école, non dans sa dimension de reproduction sociale, mais dans l’éveil aux enjeux sociaux. En effet, en tant qu’enseignants, ils considèrent que la responsabilité de l’école est grande de nos jours. Ils énumèrent toutes sortes de demandes adressées à l’école et en particulier à l’enseignement de l’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté : rechercher les fondements de l’identité sociale ; qualifier pour participer à la vie collective ; comprendre l’utilité des institutions politiques ; établir l’apport des réalités sociales à la vie démocratique; débattre des enjeux sociaux ; dével- opper des habiletés sociales et cognitives comme la participation, la prise de

66 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Éléments indicateurs de la laïcité décision, l’esprit critique, la réflexivité ; utiliser des approches pédagogiques interactives et dialogiques pour débattre sur des enjeux sociaux controversés, enjeux en lien avec le présent. Ils considèrent que tout cela amène l’école à façonner l’identité et à être un lieu de vie, d’appartenance, de rassemblement. Dans ce contexte, le débat sur la laïcité peut trouver sa place. Cependant, les participants se questionnent sur les limites de leur rôle d’enseignants. Si des grands enjeux éducatifs peuvent être abordés, que se passe-t-il dans le cas où les visées scolaires vont à l’encontre des visées éducatives des familles ? Jacques se demande comment l’élève peut concilier les deux visées. Qui a raison : « C’est le prof ou c’est mon père ? » Il dit se questionner beaucoup à ce sujet : « Comment j’adapte en fonction du milieu social auquel je fais face ? » Pour Richard le problème c’est le manque de temps. Sa solution, c’est de faire des activités très significatives afin que l’élève vive des expériences qui restent gravées dans sa mémoire. Victor trouve que l’école concerne toutes les dimensions de l’élève et que l’enseignant est en mesure de former des démocrates : « On s’autorise, on se donne le droit de faire de notre classe un lieu public réel, et non plus seulement un lieu pour recevoir une information ». Oscar insiste sur l’importance du lien entre les finalités poursuivies et les moyens mis en œuvre : « La question est importante. On en a du matériel. On pourrait prendre le côté très axé sur des pratiques, mais il faut aussi comprendre le sens, le pourquoi, tant le pourquoi que le comment qui sont vraiment liés ensemble ». Les efforts de clarification des participants se portent sur cette cité de l’ici et du maintenant où le rôle de l’école est primordial dans la gestion du social, tout en questionnant les grands principes qui sous-tendent le débat démocratique. Le clivage entre un certain idéal des droits fondamentaux cités dans l’idéal laïc et le contexte de l’école comme lieu de la gestion du social est perceptible, quoique des éléments interfèrent d’un secteur sur l’autre. Cependant on peut relever dans ce discours des propos, notamment sur la primauté du droit, l’émancipation, l’importance de l’espace public et le rôle prédominant de l’école comme lieu privilégié de débat des enjeux sociaux controversés, qui montrent la possibilité d’ouverture à une discussion sur l’enjeu social de la laïcité.

LA DISCUSSION Dans les discussions des participants à une recherche collaborative sur les perspectives relatives à l’éducation à la citoyenneté, des points d’arrimage entre les discours tenus sur l’éducation à la citoyenneté et la laïcité ont été relevés. Le cadre d’analyse a été élaboré en fonction d’une vision dichotomique de la laïcité, c’est-à-dire sur les valeurs et principes de tendance universelle rassemblés sous le vocable d’idéal laïc et de ceux de tendance beaucoup plus pragmatique, reliés aux réalités des situations en lien avec la cité laïque. Cependant, comme les discussions n’ont pas porté directement sur l’ensemble des dimensions relatives à la laïcité, les propos ont été analysés à partir des thèmes qui s’y rapprochaient dans leur discours.

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Les principes structurants de l’enseignement, un ajout pour le traitement de la notion de valeur associée au terme de laïcité Dans la recherche de Courtine Sinave (2004), interrogés sur le phénomène de laïcisation comme enjeu sous-jacent à l’éducation à la citoyenneté, les étudiants de formation initiale à l’enseignement ont plus volontiers défini les valeurs du bon citoyen, associant laïcité et débat sur les valeurs. Se rapportant au discours des participants de la présente recherche, on peut remarquer tout d’abord que les participants, embarrassés par la question des valeurs et surtout hantés par le relativisme du jugement de valeurs, se rattachent plus facilement aux notions et aux principes comme cadre structurant de leur enseignement. Ainsi, même s’ils acceptent de soumettre à la discussion plusieurs enjeux sociétaux, ils sont soucieux de découvrir un cadre structurant leur permettant de savoir ce qui est discutable en classe de ce qui ne l’est pas. Généralement les discussions portaient plus sur le caractère universel de l’humain et la construction de l’autonomie de sa pensée, ce que Kintzler (2008) a considéré comme un élément important de la pensée laïque. Dans le discours des participants à la recherche collaborative, la question se situe plus au niveau du jugement professionnel de l’enseignant. Se référant à une perspective selon laquelle l’homme est un être pensant, fonctionnel et apte à construire un savoir approprié en situation, ils se situent en cohérence avec la réforme de l’éducation, le programme d’histoire et éducation à la citoyen- neté et les orientations de la formation initiale et continue à l’enseignement.

Le principe de la tolérance, principe laïc reconnu dans un cadre structurant Les participants nomment certes la plupart des indicateurs que nous avons clarifiés dans notre cadre d’analyse, mais ils ne les traitent pas véritablement en fonction de la laïcité. Le principe d’égalité dans une société de droit est très présent et sera repris régulièrement. Le principe de liberté est associé aux droits fondamentaux, mais sans approfondissement. Cependant, les participants perçoivent bien les deux perspectives décrites par Ragache (2011), celle où la liberté ne s’exerce que dans le cadre de la loi qui en limite l’exercice et celle où l’être humain, un être pensant doué de raison, est doté par la nature d’une liberté sans limites comme la liberté de conscience. Rien dans les discussions ne permet de vérifier, comme l’a mentionné Delfau (2011), si la laïcité devient une élabora- tion collective privilégiant la liberté de conscience sur la liberté de religion, indubitablement liée à un processus démocratique. Les concepts de fraternité, de solidarité et de socialisation sont explorés en fonction du lien social. Ces perspectives interpellent la notion de tolérance, facteur déterminant selon Milot (2008). En effet, les participants abordent plus facilement le principe de la tolérance, pilier de la laïcité, et toute la complexité de son application. Ils posent certaines limites, notamment lorsqu’ils traitent de l’application de la

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Charia. Ils considèrent que des principes structurants sont importants. Ils sont assez proches de l’interprétation positive de Morfouace (2011) selon lequel la tolérance est un concept important pour analyser la cohabitation conflictuelle et violente des religions. L’appréciation positive qui induit l’acceptation de la diversité des façons de vivre, suggère le refus de l’autorité d’une religion sur la vie publique et implique la séparation entre les pouvoirs temporels et la liberté de conscience.

La perception de la complexité du social, une approche globale pertinente pour l’analyse du concept de citoyenneté et de celui de laïcité Une prise de conscience de la complexité du social qui interpelle le débat autour de la laïcité dans sa globalité se révèle dans les trois niveaux d’analyse possible des discussions des participants sur l’éducation à la citoyenneté : l’universel, le collectif et l’individuel. Au niveau universel, la primauté des droits fondamentaux humains est reconnue, notamment l’égalité de droit et le processus démocratique basé sur la reconnaissance de la souveraineté populaire, quoique cette terminologie ne soit pas employée, mais plutôt remplacée par la notion de participation citoyenne preuve de la volonté populaire. Comme mentionné, le thème de la fraternité est absent, mais on peut penser qu’il est remplacé par ceux d’appartenance et de socialisation. La consolidation du lien social constitue une véritable préoccupation, répondant sans doute aux finalités de cohésion et d’intégration sociales du programme d’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté. Au niveau collectif, la préséance des droits individuels par rapport aux droits collectifs est déplorée. Ainsi, il semble qu’un vide est ressenti au niveau de contraintes collectives. Concernant la politique, les participants s’insurgent contre une classe politique intimidée et indécise, lieu du politiquement correct et qui a perdu toute fierté. Si, nous reprenons les spécificités de la laïcité nom- mées par Kintzler (2008), l’autonomie du jugement, la séparation du public et du privé, la contingence des religions, l’absence de religion officielle ou de dogme civil, la non-reconnaissance d’intermédiaires comme les communautés puisque celles-ci ne sont pas reconnues comme des acteurs politiques, et la non-nécessité de fondements religieux à l’existence de la cité, les deux derniers points ne peuvent s’appliquer au Canada sans changements constitutionnels. Au niveau individuel, comme enseignants, ils considèrent que les compétences de leurs élèves se manifestent dans le développement cognitif sous différentes formes, permettant un changement de perspective par la connaissance et par de outils pédagogiques appropriés. On pourrait reconnaître là la visée de formation de l’autonomie de jugement.

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La notion du consensus dans l’amalgame citoyenneté-identité, un arrimage difficile avec le phénomène de laïcisation Dans ce contexte canadien où la loi du multiculturalisme est appliquée, le concept de laïcité semble volontairement flou, car il est pris à la confluence des droits individuels et des droits collectifs. Il n’est pas interprété dans une conception particulière du rapport à l’État, le souci restant l’intégration et la cohésion sociales dans une perspective consensuelle.3 Certes, ces principes consensuels néolibéraux qui avantagent l’individu conviennent à l’exercice des accommodements raisonnables énoncés dans le rapport Bouchard et Taylor. Mais ils fragilisent l’autorité de l’État, même si l’unité des institutions est reconnue. L’amalgame citoyenneté-identité exacerbe le débat sur la laïcité et induit un contexte où le jugement est directement interpellé et prend tout son sens.

La notion de séparation, une notion à introduire dans l’analyse de la citoyen- neté et une allergie à contrôler pour permettre le débat sur la laïcité Si la notion de séparation indéniablement liée à la question de la laïcité (Har- scher, 1996 ; Milot, 2008) est suggérée dans le traitement de l’individuel, du collectif et de l’universel, on ne peut pas dire que les participants abordent directement la notion de séparation entre l’Église et de l’État. Il faut dire que leurs discussions n’ont pas porté directement là-dessus. Mais ils ont la préoc- cupation de travailler sur la notion de passerelle et sur les espaces mitoyens comme l’interdisciplinarité ou l’interculturel. Il faut se rappeler que Ouellet (1988), pionnier de la recherche interculturelle au Québec, a suggéré un processus en cinq étapes pour bien intégrer la primauté de la différence dans le cadre d’une approche interculturelle.4 Mais par la suite en 1995, Ouellet reprendra cette conception, en y ajoutant certaines interrogations que soulève l’adaptation au pluralisme, notamment les effets pervers de l’ethnocentrisme.5 De plus, on pourrait même percevoir un peu de ressentiment de la part des participants d’avoir à débattre d’enjeux sociaux que la classe politique a décidé d’éviter. Cependant, une certaine forme de séparation entre l’idéal laïc et la cité laïque, décrite dans notre cadre conceptuel, pourrait être discernée. C’est à travers quelques propos sur la diversité religieuse que cet idéal est abordé. Mais, si les principes de la tolérance, de l’égalité de droit et de l’émancipation sont traités, c’est plutôt en fonction de la fraternité ou de la socialisation que les participants le font. Quand ils réfèrent à la liberté de conscience ou de religion, c’est sous l’angle du rapport à la diversité religieuse et à la tolérance qu’implique une inclusion positive des immigrants. Par rapport à la cité laïque, bien que les participants ne discutent pas directement de la séparation de l’Église et de l’État, ni même de l’État, ils font référence à la nation, au gouvernement et à l’impact de la mondialisation. Toutefois, le discours sur le nationalisme inclusif laisse percer une préoccu- pation concernant des visées assimilationnistes et uniformisantes, même s’ils s’insurgent contre la primauté des droits individuels sur le collectif. Selon

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Ducomte (2001, p. 21), la notion de séparation est un élément essentiel de la laïcité : « Reposant sur une égalité de droits et sur l’affirmation d’une liberté absolue de conscience, la laïcité est garantie par la séparation de l’espace public et de l’espace privé, contrôlée par l’État ». On peut remarquer là un manque de compréhension de la notion de séparation, notamment entre l’Église et de l’État, de même qu’une méconnaissance politique dans la séparation des pouvoirs et du processus démocratique.

Souveraineté populaire et processus démocratique dans l’étude de la citoyen- neté et de la laïcité : le rapport au changement et une critique sociale de l’empowerment Avançant le principe d’égalité de droit, les participants laissent cependant percevoir un certain scepticisme concernant cette égalité de droit et la pérennité des droits en faisant allusion aux affaires de corruption. Ils notent une crise au niveau des institutions politiques et une baisse de la participation citoyenne aux élections, soulevant ainsi le problème de la validité de la souveraineté populaire et posant indirectement un questionnement sur la démocratie directe et indirecte. Cet aspect indivisible de la souveraineté du peuple, point important défendu par Pena-Ruiz (2005), est alors peut-être posé et, ainsi, l’intérêt général primerait sur l’intérêt individuel, donnant la préséance du droit collectif sur le droit individuel. Cependant, le déplacement de la source de légitimité de l’État et de l’Église à la souveraineté du peuple, tel que mentionné par Milot (2008), ne peut véritablement s’appliquer puisque l’État comme concept n’est pas abordé et donc toute question sur sa légitimité ne peut être posée quoique la déconfessionnalisation de la société civile québécoise ait été constatée. Concernant l’égalité, Porcet (2011) soutient que l’égalité des droits ne peut se faire que dans la laïcité et qu’il s’agit véritablement d’une question d’éthique. L’égalité des droits suppose l’égalité entre les personnes dans un monde qui aspire à la justice et qui inclut la notion de patrie, lieu privilégié de liberté et d’égalité et, par conséquent, de bonheur. Il reste que, du fait de sa naissance dans la société, l’individu est placé devant l’obligation de respecter ses lois mais, en échange, la société a des devoirs envers lui : elle se doit de réduire les inégalités et les injustices. Ainsi, le pacte social qui assure la validité de l’égalité et la réciprocité des parties est nécessaire au bon fonctionnement de la société dans une perspective éthique, non seulement dans ses applications, mais aussi dans ses fondements. Cependant, si la notion de contrat social est complète- ment évacuée, la notion de société de droit est omniprésente dans le discours analysé, faisant un lien très fort entre droit et action citoyenne. Ce point est essentiel. Ainsi, conscients de la complexité de l’enseignement de l’éducation à la citoyenneté, les participants se préoccupent d’avoir des cadres directeurs pour faire apprendre le processus démocratique de l’élaboration du droit par des moyens pédagogiques adéquats collés à la réalité sociale. Ils assument une ouverture sur une discussion des principes structurants de la société dans un

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 71 Courtine Sinave et Jutras cadre régi par des droits fondamentaux. Cependant, on ne peut discerner le pourquoi du comment et, de ce fait, on peut constater la possibilité d’un dérapage du débat des valeurs sociétales au développement d’habiletés pour favoriser le vivre-ensemble. Même si la notion de critique sociale est évoquée par certains, le débat se situe plutôt au niveau de l’empowerment6 qui est un terme de management du social.

Le terme ambigu de conscience citoyenne, un élément d’émancipation lié au débat laïc La notion de conscience citoyenne, une expression tirée du programme d’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté, reste ambigüe mais essentielle dans le débat sur l’éducation à la citoyenneté comme sur celui sur la laïcité. Deux perspectives se dessinent dans le discours des participants concernant l’émancipation, un autre indicateur de la laïcité : la participation au changement par des moyens de pression et le militantisme dans un cadre permis et la dérogation à l’ordre public. L’appel à l’engagement social est récurrent et, de ce fait, permet de déceler deux aspirations : l’éducation à la citoyenneté vise non seulement un idéal de justice, mais aussi elle se matérialise de manière pragmatique, par exemple, dans des manifestations populaires contrôlées. Le débat est posé pour certains et embarrassant pour d’autres. Nous ne pouvons discerner cependant s’ils réfèrent ici à la liberté de conscience ou à la liberté rejetant toute contrainte ou examen, ce qui, selon Eyschen (2011), empêche la pensée de se mouvoir, s’ils rejettent de l’argument d’autorité comme l’a mentionné Coignet (2011) ou encore s’ils contestent les structures comme l’a relevé M. Cerf (2011). C’est surtout comme enseignants qu’ils sont sensibles aux aspects potentiellement éducatifs du fait de traiter ou non de sujets controversés en classe comme, par exemple, celui de l’intégration des immigrants dans la société québécoise, pour amener les élèves à débattre ou à confronter des idées de façon efficace. L’efficacité de l’action est toujours visée. Le débat apparaît ainsi rapidement comme un moyen pour développer les compétences de leurs élèves. Quoique cela soit intéressant et susceptible de rejoindre les propos de Kintzler (2008) sur l’autonomie de la pensée, ils sont soucieux de donner un sens pédagogique au débat afin de développer des compétences ou des habiletés. Cependant, la notion de décentration empruntée à la perspective du praticien réflexif de Schön (1994), exercice métacognitif par excellence, pourrait leur permettre d’explorer plus avant ce concept de conscience citoyenne en se préoccupant et en se responsabilisant des conséquences de l’agir professionnel. Ce processus pourrait conduire à l’autonomie authentique décrite par Pena-Ruiz (2003).

Un point de convergence essentiel entre éducation à la citoyenneté et laïcité, le rôle de l’école dans la société civile Dans ce contexte, le lieu de rencontre entre citoyenneté et laïcité est celui du rôle de l’école dans l’éveil par rapport aux enjeux sociaux. Ce rôle primordial pourrait permettre de traiter du concept de la laïcité dans le contexte social

72 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Éléments indicateurs de la laïcité actuel. Comme les discussions portaient sur l’éducation à la citoyenneté, le terme de laïcité n’est pas directement abordé. Cependant certains aspects périphériques à ce concept permettent de situer l’intérêt de se pencher sur la laïcité comme composante de la réflexion actuelle sur la citoyenneté en évitant la dérive du débat idéologique. Reprenant le fait avancé par Harcher (1996) que le terme de laïcité a évolué sur plusieurs générations en France, nous devons rester à l’écoute de sa maturation au Québec.

CONCLUSION Ainsi que l’a mentionné Coignet (2011), l’éducation ne peut plus consacrer les opinions établies, mais elle doit les soumettre à l’examen libre des générations de plus en plus éclairées. Comme certains indicateurs de la laïcité ont été retracés dans les discussions de chercheurs et d’enseignants du secondaire sur l’éducation à la citoyenneté, il semble pertinent que le milieu de l’éducation se penche sur ce sujet. À l’école, il se dégage que le cadre de l’enseignement de l’histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté est propice pour aborder la thématique de la laïcité, non dans un débat sur les rites religieux, mais plutôt comme un art de vivre. Si on se rapporte à l’essence de la laïcité, cette analyse permet aux uns et aux autres d’apprendre des processus dynamiques pour libérer la pensée. Pour E. Cerf (2011), comprendre la laïcité ne peut se restreindre à une simple neutralité puisque la laïcité véhicule ses valeurs propres et universelles. Cependant, si la liberté est sans limites sur le plan de l’universel, elle est restreinte dans la société et tributaire de l’ordre social, impliquant même, d’après Morfouace (2011), de limiter la tolérance pour créer des espaces de liberté. Cet ordre social doit s’appuyer sur des règles de droit. Si la notion de société de droit est une notion récurrente dans le discours soumis à l’analyse, elle pourrait revenir comme leitmotiv puisque ses assises sont profondes et que la participation citoyenne aux élections est sans cesse interpellée. Ainsi, tablant sur les éléments concernant la primauté du droit, l’émancipation, l’importance des espaces où se construit le lien social et sur le rôle prédominant de l’école, il importe d’intégrer plus explicitement l’éducation à la laïcité à l’éducation à la citoyenneté car le vivre-ensemble dans une société pluraliste en dépend. Cette recherche a permis de circonscrire plusieurs points à considérer pour l’éducation à la laïcité : 1. cibler des lieux de convergence entre le débat de la citoyenneté et celui de la laïcité, notamment la tolérance ; 2. mettre l’accent sur l’autonomie de la pensée et sur l’importance de la formation du jugement ; 3. dégager la notion de principe structurant reposant sur le droit comme base du débat sur la laïcité plutôt que de celui de valeur ; 4. démontrer la pertinence de continuer l’exploration de la laïcisation de la société civile québécoise dans une perspective d’analyse et non de démagogie ; 5. cibler le rôle de l’enseignant dans un cadre structuré comme partie prenante de la perception du débat sur la laïcité.

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Ayant postulé que l’examen de la relation entre la laïcisation de la société civile et l’éducation à la citoyenneté peut s’avérer utile, il apparaît important de travailler maintenant sur le concept de laïcité comme enjeu sociétal sous- jacent à l’éducation à la citoyenneté et même d’explorer ce concept par rapport aux responsabilités professionnelles des enseignants. En effet, conscients et préoccupés de leur rôle, les participants cherchent peut-être à mieux les définir afin de se permettre de traiter d’enjeux controversés adéquatement.

NOTES

1. Les auteures remercient le Conseil de recherche en sciences humaines du Canada pour le financement de la recherche (subvention CRSH L’éducation à la citoyenneté au secondaire : savoir professionnel et clarification conceptuelle). 2. Il s’agit d’une définition qui illustre un rapport à la diversité culturelle en fonction de la notion d’intégration sociale. En ce sens, l’interculturalisme constitue un rapport parmi d’autres : l’orientation assimilationniste, la cohabitation identitaire, l’orientation conciliatrice, l’intégration additive, l’orientation transculturelle et l’orientation de la conscientisation (Courtine Sinave, 2004). 3. Déjà en 1991, Pagé avait avancé quatre principes pour établir un consensus dans la construction d’un espace commun permettant à la fois droits individuels et cohésion sociale : 1) la majorité qui confère la légitimité aux décisions prises démocratiquement doit être la plus large possible et ne pas se limiter au groupe majoritaire ni à quelques groupes minoritaires ; 2) le principe d’intervention minimale de l’État doit être appliqué, suivant lequel il ne légifère que dans les domaines où son intervention maintient la cohésion sociale pour laisser le plus large champ possible sous le contrôle des libertés individuelles ; 3) une unité des institutions doit être maintenue pour favoriser une interaction créatrice d’horizons communs entre les citoyens de toutes catégories ; 4) une responsabilisation collective de tous les individus doit être demandée pour qu’ils ne se contentent pas de réclamer le respect de leurs droits et libertés individuels. 4. Cette démarche signifie : a) prendre au sérieux la culture des autres ; b) situer les dimensions culturelles dans l’ensemble de la dynamique économique, sociale et politique dans laquelle s’inscrivent les groupes qui la portent ; c) apprendre à se situer soi-même par rapport à sa propre culture et à la dynamique sociale dans laquelle elle s’inscrit ; d) apprendre à s’orienter dans la tension décrite par Simard entre « sagesse de la certitude et sagesse de l’incertitude » ; e) saisir la complexité des problèmes que pose le maintien de rapports harmonieux entre les groupes dans une société pluraliste. (Ouellet, 1988, p. 119-122) 5. Les effets pervers de l’ethnocentrisme rapportés par Ouellet (1995, p. 41) sont : l’enfermement des individus dans une identité culturelle fixe, immuable qui les prive de leur liberté de choisir leur « formule culturelle » ; le renforcement des frontières entre les groupes, l’accentuation des risques d’intolérance et le rejet de l’Autre ; la perplexité paralysante qui risque de s’emparer du maître relativiste, qui ne sait plus ce qu’il a le droit d’enseigner, s’il veut respecter la culture des élèves des minorités ; la stigmatisation et la marginalisation des élèves des minorités qu’on assigne à une identité socialement défavorisée ; la réification et la folklorisation de la culture, qui cesse d’être une réalité vivante en la réduisant à un mode d’emploi de la vie ; la fragmentation des programmes scolaires sous l’impact des revendications particularistes. 6. La logique de l’empowerment est complexe. Cette notion fluctue sur un continuum entre fonctionnement et émancipation.

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Milot, M. (2008). La laïcité. Ottawa, ON : Novalis. Ministère de l’Éducation du Québec. (2004). Programme de formation de l’école québécoise. Québec, QC : Gouvernement du Québec. Morfouace, D. (2011). Tolérance. Dans M. Cerf et M. Horwitz (dir.), Dictionnaire de la laïcité (pp. 307- 310). Paris, France : Armand Colin. Ouellet, F. (1988). Quelques enjeux d’un virage interculturel en éducation. Dans F. Ouellet (dir.), Pluralisme et école. Jalons pour une approche critique de la formation interculturelle des éducateurs (pp. 107- 123). Québec, QC : Institut québécois de recherche sur la culture. Ouellet, F. (1995). L’éducation interculturelle au Québec : l’émergence d’une approche distincte. Dans F. Ouellet (dir.), Les institutions face aux défis du pluralisme ethnoculturel (pp. 21-45). Québec, QC : Institut québécois de la culture. Pagé, M. (1991). Gouverner le pluralisme ethnoculturel par des institutions démocratiques. Dans M. Lavallée, F. Ouellet et F. Larose (dir.), Identité, culture et changement social (pp. 133-125). Paris, France : L’Harmattan. Paillé, P. et Mucchielli, A. (2012). L’analyse qualitative en sciences humaines et sociales (3e éd.). Paris, France : Armand Colin. Pena-Ruiz, H. (2003). Qu’est-ce que la laïcité ? Paris, France : Gallimard. Pena-Ruiz, H. (2005). Histoire de la laïcité : genèse d’un idéal. Paris, France : Gallimard. Porcet, C. (2011). Égalité / inégalité. Dans M. Cerf et M. Horwitz (dir.), Dictionnaire de la laïcité (pp. 151-152). Paris, France : Armand Colin. Ragache, J.-R. (2011). Liberté. Dans M. Cerf et M. Horwitz (dir.), Dictionnaire de la laïcité (pp. 217- 221). Paris, France : Armand Colin. Rey, A. (1998). Le Robert : dictionnaire historique de la langue française. Paris, France : Dictionnaires Le Robert. Schön, D. A. (1994). Le praticien réflexif : À la recherche du savoir caché dans l’agir professionnel (traduit par J. Heynemand et D. Gagnon). Montréal, QC : Logiques. Sellès-Lefranc, M. (2011). Fraternité. Dans M. Cerf M. et M. Horwitz (dir.), Dictionnaire de la laïcité (pp. 178-179). Paris, France : Armand Colin. Tardif, J. (2006). L’évaluation des compétences. Documenter le parcours de développement. Montréal, QC : Chenelière Éducation. Weil, P. (2007). Introduction : La loi de 1905 et son application depuis un siècle. Dans P. Weil (dir.), 15-02-18 (pp. 9-43). Paris, France : Presses universitaires de France.

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SYLVIE COURTINE SINAVE est docteure en sciences de l’éducation, maître ès arts en histoire et chargée de cours dans le cadre de projets intégrateurs visant l’appropriation de la démarche de médiation interculturelle dans le programme interfacultaire de maîtrise en médiation interculturelle de l’Université de Sherbrooke. Son postdoctorat porte sur le concept de laïcité dans le cadre d’un projet de recherche subventionné par le Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines (CRSH). Sylvie Courtine Sinave s’intéresse aux enjeux sous-jacents à l’éducation à la citoyenneté, plus particulière- ment à celui de la laïcité dans une perspective de construction de savoir en situation complexe d’interculturalité. [email protected]

FRANCE JUTRAS est docteure en philosophie de l’éducation et professeure titulaire en Fondements de l’éducation au Département de pédagogie de l’Université de Sherbrooke. Elle s’intéresse au rôle des valeurs personnelles, professionnelles et sociales dans le développement professionnel des enseignants. Son cadre de référence se situe dans une perspective d’éthique appliquée et d’éducation à la citoyenneté. France.Jutras@ USherbrooke.ca

SYLVIE COURTINE SINAVE holds a PhD in education and a master’s in history. She is part-time lecturer in a course related to integrated projects that aim to adopt the process of intercultural mediation in the interdisciplinary Intercultural Mediation Master’s Program at the Université de Sherbrooke. Her postdoctorate on the concept of secularism is part of a SSHRC project. Sylvie Courtine Sinave is interested in the challenges of civic education and, in particular, the construction of knowledge about secularism in the complex context of interculturality. [email protected]

FRANCE JUTRAS holds a doctorate in the philosophy of education and is full professor in Educational Foundations in the Department of Pedagogy of the Université de Sherbrooke. She works on the role of personal, professional, and social values in the professional development of teachers within the framework of applied ethics and civic education. [email protected]

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78 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Evil, Agency, and Citizenship Education

EVIL, AGENCY, AND CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION KENT DEN HEYER & CATHRYN VAN KESSEL University of Alberta

ABSTRACT. We all have a sense of evil, but many of us do not ponder its nature or the ways in which our beliefs about evil shape what we teach and learn about the actions of citizens in historical or contemporary times. We argue that the word and concept of evil can be detrimental to the development of good citizens when it is used as a political and educational shibboleth to shut down critical thought about traumatic historical and contemporary events. Read through the work of Hannah Arendt and Alain Badiou, however, a pedagogical engagement with our understandings of evil offers an opportunity to learn from difficult events in a way that might inform contemporary action towards a less violent future.

LE MAL, LE SENTIMENT DE POUVOIR ET L’ÉDUCATION À LA CITOYENNETÉ RÉSUMÉ. Nous possédons tous une conscience du mal. Or, plusieurs d’entre nous ne réfléchissent pas à sa nature ou aux manières dont celui-ci influence ce que nous enseignons ou apprenons sur les actions citoyennes, dans un contexte historique ou contemporain. Nous croyons que le mot et le concept du mal peuvent nuire au développement de bons citoyens. En effet, ce mot et ce concept peuvent être utilisés comme muselière politique et éducative (shibboleth), mettant un terme à toute pensée critique exercée envers des faits historiques ou des événements contemporains traumatisants. Cependant, à la lumière des ouvrages d’Hannah Arendt et Alain Badiou, allier l’engagement pédagogique à notre compréhension du mal offre la possibilité d’apprendre des événements difficiles de manière à potentiellement influencer les actions d’aujourd’hui, dans l’optique d’un avenir moins violent.

EVIL, AGENCY, AND CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION Despite the frequent use of “evil” in political rhetoric and as a popular theme across the entertainment landscape, research communities in history and citizenship know very little about how understandings of evil frame what students or teachers learn from historical and contemporary events. The invocation of evil

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 1 den Heyer & van Kessel in a simplistic fashion by politicians can all too easily serve as a tool to delimit what citizens might otherwise analyze and critique. Furthermore, notions of good and evil also colour the ways we read and learn from the presence of the traumatic in difficult events studied in school or encountered in museums and other places of remembrance. In this article, we examine evil as a social idea that requires research and pedagogical attention. In the context of citizenship, there is an opportunity to engage with philosophical understandings of evil in order to foster citizens who think critically about the world around them, avoid the processes that create evil, and act independently with an expansive circle of concern. Such citizenship education defines a good citizen as one who takes “action” in the sense of Hannah Arendt (1958/1998) to avoid the ordinary processes of evil as defined by Alain Badiou (1998/2001). Through such engagements, the future becomes more or less imaginable as a closed or relatively open time-space. This sense of future possibilities, then, shapes the extent to which those in a society believe that they can prevent or combat systemic violence.

Biesta and the aims of education Gert Biesta (2010) noted that the notion of the public in the Euro-American tradition carries an expectation that teachers and schools work with students towards three distinct but interrelated aims: “qualification,” “socialization,” and “subjectification.” The public expects schools to qualify students for public- private competency, ranging from acquiring specific training for a particular skill or job to more generalized preparation such as life skills or political and cultural literacy. Qualification thus tends to link the schooling system to economic justifications for public funding. A second and overlapping function, socialization, involves initiating students into existing, dominant orders of thought, ranging from ways of speaking and behaving to disciplinary “ways of knowing” (e.g., thinking like an historian or scientist) that are held to be necessary for effective citizenship. Such initiation can be judged as positive or negative, intentional or unintentional, depending on who does the judging. Drawing on the work of Hannah Arendt, Biesta (2010) posited subjectification as a third aim of education, one that has been neglected in contemporary discussions of schooling. By subjectification, Biesta refers to a process by which we take a critical distance from dominant orders of thought into which we have been qualified and socialized so as to become a subject to ourselves and our learning lives. In this realm, we should expect schools to help students become more unique (rather than alike) within a collective web of evolving contemporary and historically based social relations. Because the educational aim of subjectification involves unpredictability and the potential to create something new, the form this takes cannot be known by either teacher or student until it actually happens (Badiou, 1998/2001; den Heyer, 2009).

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In The Human Condition (1958/1998), Arendt articulated a conception of politics based on an innate human capacity to do something new, something unexpected — a political subjectification that both initiates and further refines the process of becoming subjects. Arendt (1958/1998) dubbed this “action.” Action, work, and labour form a triad of characteristics of the human condition, where “labour” entails what humans need to do in order to sustain our biological life and “work” is what we need to do to create and maintain a human world (pp. 7-8). Action, which most concerned Biesta, involves people doing what is unexpected: interrupting their routine and private activities to create a new public space. In this space, which can serve as an exemplar for future action, freedom is claimed or reclaimed. Biesta connected this notion of action to subjectification for two reasons. As he detailed, the question of “what is educational about education?” is largely absent in mainstream Euro-American discussions about public education, and subjectification constitutes a compelling response to this question: I take the position that subjectification should be an intrinsic element of all education worthy of the name…. It is… a normative statement expressing the belief that education becomes uneducational if it only focuses on socialization — i.e., on the insertion of “newcomers” into existing sociocultural and political orders — and has no interest in the ways in which newcomers can, in some way, gain independence from such orders as well. (Biesta, 2010, p. 210) We explore this idea of subjectification further below, extending its formulation through the work of Arendt (1963/2006) and Alain Badiou (1998/2001). For now, we emphasize that the domains of qualification, socialization, and subjectification are not necessarily antithetical to each other nor exist in a zero-sum relationship. In each of the overlapping domains of qualification, socialization, and subjectification, the word and concept of evil demands attention; however, engaging with the idea of evil is particularly crucial to the potential for subjectification. Citizens can undertake a process of qualification by becoming politically literate regarding politicians’ divisive use of “evil” in rhetoric while becoming socialized into a social and political web of relations from which they derive their sense of identity. Through action, however, we are called upon to articulate more inclusive circles of concern and, potentially, enter a process or subjectification as “becoming subjects” taking up the insufficiencies of those inherited divisions learned through qualification and socialization for our new and emerging sense of the world (Badiou, 1998/2001).

QUALIFICATION AND SOCIALIZATION Politicians use the term evil for public opinion management, as a political weapon functioning to eliminate further analysis and discussion (Dews, 2008). By labeling an enemy as evil — internal or external to the state — leaders encour-

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 3 den Heyer & van Kessel age the citizenry to think in false binaries to support either their leadership or the evil / enemy. There is no room for middle ground, alternative perspectives, or shades of grey. There are many examples of this phenomenon by political leaders in both the United States and Canada. In the United States, in a speech intended to discourage decreasing the United States’ nuclear arsenal, President Reagan called the Soviet Union in 1983 an “evil empire.” President George W. Bush used the phrase “axis of evil” in 2002 to rally support for the United States’ war in Iraq. Current U.S. President Obama has labeled the organization ISIS as a “brand of evil” with which there can be no reasoning or negotiation, a statement that encourages military action to destroy the enemy rather than engaging in public analysis about how and why a group like ISIS has emerged (Borger & Wintour, 2014). Former Canadian Prime Minister Harper linked Nazism, Marxist-Leninism, and terrorism as reinventions of a similar evil that seeks to destroy “human liberty” (Perkel, 2014), a framework that the Canadian government deployed in their recent geopolitical dealings with Russia. Such rhetorical appeals to evil seek to encourage us to sacrifice our own rights as well as those of the “enemy” as forms of necessary collateral damage in the war against evil (Stern, 2004). These political incantations of evil also apply to how the writers of curricula and textbooks frame historical events, movements, and people as having been either with us or on the side of evil. What happens, then, when the narrative becomes more complex? According to Schär and Sperisen (2010), the Swiss witnessed changes in the political literacy required for qualification and socialization into the Swiss political community. These scholars examined the oscillating internal interpretations of the country’s role in the Holocaust from a neutral nation resisting evil to a complicit one faced with “moral challenges” (Schär & Sperisen, 2010, p. 650). Schär and Sperisen’s concern (2010) lies with political uses of history and collective memory. The Swiss grappled with the switch from learning about the actions of their government as the best they could have been under the circumstances to critically examining the (in)actions of the Swiss people as a whole: a moral discourse of what the Swiss government, businesses, and ordinary citizens might have done differently in response to the Nazi regime. Whether they study the newer or older narrative about the Swiss role during the Second World War, students examine a problem already defined and determined by how the curriculum writers and textbook authors frame it; students work toward either vindicating their government’s role or prescribing a particular alternative to that role. Yet, their capacities for “action” and subjectification through thinking about both the individual and collective implication and responsibility that contribute to acts and regimes later deemed evil — the very thing that might help a citizen during a crisis like war and genocide — remain unconsidered.

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Carlson’s (1985) examination of the ideological teachings of the Cold War in the United States revealed how the use of the concept of evil adversely affects political literacy even while it also emphasizes a very particular kind of socialization. Carlson (1985), like Schär and Sperisen (2010), saw the semantic power of “evil” as preventing critical examination of history as a form of complex, often contradictory, storytelling. He issued a strong critique of the simplistic curricula about U.S.-Soviet relations in U.S. school history textbooks: Whether there is some validity to these charges [e.g., Communist plots for world domination] is not at issue here. What makes these texts primarily ideological is their intent to simplify and distort a complex situation since events are presented in an uncontested, taken-for-granted manner. (Carlson, 1985, p. 58) As with the contemporary use of evil by politicians to create simple binaries in a complex world, this ideological simplification of history delimits the qualification and socialization functions of students’ political literacy and thus of their capacity to respond to a problem or concern that has been predetermined by curricula and textbooks.1 Ravitch (2002) counter-argued that the United States needs more, not less, ideological teaching and thus advocates for lessons about patriotism and recognizing the presence of evil in the post-9/11 world: Part of our postmodern view of the world has required us as educators to assert that good and evil are old-fashioned terms and somehow obsolete. We have now seen acts of wanton evil, akin to what earlier generations saw perpetuated by the Nazis and Communists… As educators, we have a responsibility to the public, to the children in our schools, and to the future. The public expects the schools to equip students with the tools to carry on our democracy and to improve it. (pp. 7-9) Ravitch (2002) thus made the claim that ideological teachings are vital to the socialization of democratic citizens. To socialize students into the sort of ideological use of evil that Ravitch (2002) supported, a sense of a priori evil is required because being a good person lies in our proper responses to a pre- existing evil. By a priori evil we mean the notion that evil exists naturally on its own as an ontological reality that exists independently of human creation. Assuming that there is such a thing as “evil” out in the world entails that schooling works to counter that evil. In this way of thinking, being a “good” educator of democratic citizens would necessitate teaching in a way that re- acts to those acts labeled as evil — terrorism. Such an assumption relies on a Kantian sense of radical evil, which stands in stark contrast with how Arendt (1963/2006) and Badiou (1998/2001) conceptualize evil. Ravitch’s work war- rants a necessary tangent into Kant’s philosophical thinking before engaging with the contrasting thoughts of Arendt and Badiou.

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Kant and radical evil For Kant (1793/1838), humans have a propensity for evil and self-love over moral law because we are sensuous beings: “Every human, even the best” has this propensity (6:36). For Kant, “propensity” is deeper than an “inclination,” which Miller (2015) explained through the analogy of having an inclination towards lollipops because of his propensity for sweets (p. 41). Humans possess inclinations either to subordinate moral law to self-love or to the opposite, and so ethically, we are good or evil (but not both), depending on whether or not we subscribe to moral law. Someone may be inclined towards evil because of: a frailty, a sort of weakness of will (e.g., they cannot resist the lollipop); an impurity, which means doing the right thing for the wrong reason (e.g., buying a child lollipops not to make them happy but so that you can have one, too); or a perversity, a selfish sort of wickedness to prioritize self-love over moral law (Kant, 1793/1838, 1:24-26). Perversity will result in wrongdoing when self-love conflicts with moral law, such as wanting so many lollipops that you demand more production from a factory reputed to have horrific working conditions due to the quest for maximum profit. Continuing our lollipop example, the management of the factory would be evil, not because of their self-love, but rather for their treatment of workers solely as “laborans,” those who function towards an already determined end. Kant did not seek to prove a transcendental evil (e.g., he does not examine the Devil); rather, he examined situations in which humans prioritize natural desires, or the propensity and inclinations for self-love, over the moral law to which he posits rational beings also ascribe. Although we may not choose our propensity for good or evil, we can control whether or not we act upon our inclinations. We can reform our character through a revolution in our mode of thought to follow moral law. Radical evil for Kant, thus, was not “extreme;” rather, it was radical because it is at the “root of human action, the fundamental choice of maxim that subsequently influences our choice of particular maxims” (Miller, 2015, p. 30). Self-love is our propensity to use our subjective reference point as an objective determining ground of a general will. In other words, humans can easily fail to see the world from other subjective perspectives (self-love over mutual recognition and respect). This state of affairs can be destructive when combined with evil inclinations. For Kant, however, humans can overcome this situation through their attention to moral law. Stated differently, evil exists as part of the natural order of things, and thus being “good” requires that we combat radical evil through adherence to an idealized rational morality.

Radical evil and socialization Once the label of “evil” is applied to someone or something, little to no discussion is needed regarding broader socio-political processes; rather, we can simply discard the evil as a result of an incomprehensible force paired with a lack

6 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Evil, Agency, and Citizenship Education of individual rationality. In our view, Kant’s call to socialize individuals into moral responses to radical evil delimits the good citizen to one who exercises self-control rather than takes action on the hopes and desires for better collective life (however “better” is defined). Furthermore, radical evil as applied to historical figures, movements, and events reduces their contemporaries, and by extension, citizens today, to spectators without any layered sense of their distributed agency across the social and cultural realms in which they live(d). Doing so allows us to avoid the necessary study of the more mundane social, cultural, and political sequences contributing to such events. Fortunately, several scholars have directed our attention to these sequences. The work of Simon and Eppert (1997) and Simon (2005) offered a sense of an a priori evil, not, as with Kant, from an ontological basis, but rather as an epistemological question regarding how best we might respond to traumatic historical legacies. This work also differed substantially from forms of education, driven by qualification and socialization aims, into particular cultural agreements about what and who constitutes evil (see Ravitch, 2002, above and the Swiss example). These scholars instead called for the creation of communities of remembrance wherein, through witnessing the testimonies of social violence like genocide, colonialism, and slavery, ethical obligations potentially give rise to new forms of sociality. The hope animating such work is the potential for practices that can help transform society by “affirm[ing] life in the face of death” (Simon & Eppert, 1997, p. 189). The work of Levinas (as cited in Simon & Eppert, 1997) provided the ground upon which this pedagogical orientation proceeds: To speak to testimony means to attend to the limits displayed when recognition of another’s experience lies in the mis-recognition of that experience as something one already knows. In the confrontation with such limits lies the possibility of experiencing what Levinas (1969) refers to as the “traumatism of astonishment” (p. 73), the experience of something absolutely foreign that may call into question what and how one knows. (Simon & Eppert, 1997, p. 180) The ethical obligation here lies in working through the event in a self-reflexive way and in being attentive as both judge and apprentice (Simon & Eppert, 1997, p. 180). Encounters with the traces of past others create opportunities to imagine a present and future potential of human society: While remembrance does not ensure anything, least of all justice, it can concretize human aspirations to make present a world yet to be realized, thus present us with claims of justice and the requirements of compassion. (Simon, 2005, p. 102) Simon (2005) eloquently navigated an ethical response to pre-existing historical examples of evil by calling upon students and teachers to both witness and respond to historical trauma. As with Kant, this approach proceeded with the positing of evil from which good might be redeemed.

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Simon and Eppert (1997), Simon (2005), Carlson (1985), and Ravitch (2002) have all debated within the confines of qualification and socialization rationales for what the good or effective citizen needs to know and be able to do. We also read in both Carlson and Ravitch a call to engage the notion of evil in its ideological usage, either as a question students should study (Carlson, 1985) or as the basis for studying already decided formulations about who is / is not evil (Ravitch, 2002). Another way of reading the work of Carlson (1985), Simon (2005), and Simon and Eppert (1997), however, is via Arendt’s notion of “action.” In their challenge to any simple formulation of an evil enemy and in their calls to disrupt the content and/or form of how we have been socialized to engage the past, these authors show a concern for subjectification. We read these scholars, however, as primarily concerned with a study of the past in ways they hope will inform future thinking. In these works, “the imaginative generation of future probabilities” is a hoped for by-product rather than an explicit object of study (den Heyer, 2009, p. 447). We see a need, instead, to attend more directly to a future dimension involved in processes of subjectification. This dimension is accessible through the writings of Arendt (1963/2006) and Badiou (1998/2001).

PHILOSOPHIES OF EVIL AND AGENCY IN SUPPORT OF “SUBJECTIFICA- TION” Hannah Arendt (1963/2006) and Alain Badiou (1998/2001) returned evil to its secular realm. For Arendt, evil manifested in particular thought or desire for non-thinking (thoughtlessness). For Badiou, human capacities for good have become distorted into particular kinds of evil through a set of political sequences we examine further below. Arendt (1963/2006) and Badiou (1998/2001) both offered alternative ways to take up the ethical as that which begins when moral maps inherited through qualification and socialization processes fail to offer an adequate response to the question: What should be done?

Arendt, agency, and subjectification In her book, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil, Arendt (1963/2006) examined the Nazi logistical manager who facilitated the Holo- caust, not as a demonic force, but rather as a thoroughly mediocre bureaucrat. In this case, the actions of a painfully ordinary citizen had massive repercussions. For Arendt, evil is not only organized, industrial-level violence against targeted groups, but also the bureaucratic and banal “non-thinking” routines that underlie such violence:

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Indeed, her indictment of Eichmann reached beyond the man to the historical world in which true thinking was vanishing and, as a result, crimes against humanity became increasingly “thinkable.” The degradation of thinking worked hand in hand with the systematic destruction of populations. (Butler, 2011, para. 10) As such, we are either passively or actively implicated in that which becomes thinkable. Being passive, or the desire to remain unaware of the repercussions of our actions or inactions is just as destructive as active participation. Indeed, for Arendt (1963/2006), evil resided in the lack of thinking exemplified by Eich- mann: “The longer one listened to him, the more obvious it became that his inability to speak was closely connected with an inability to think, namely, to think from the standpoint of somebody else” (p. 49). When we assume that evil is an obvious presence, such as its embodiment in the devil or in historical individuals like Eichmann, study need not proceed to its more mundane manifestation as actions and inactions that facilitate industrial-level atrocities: The trouble with Eichmann was precisely that so many were like him, and that the many were neither perverted nor sadistic, that they were, and still are, terribly and terrifyingly normal. From the viewpoint of our legal institutions and of our moral standards of judgment, this normality was much more terrifying than all the atrocities put together, for it implied [that this new type of criminal] commits his crimes under circumstances that make it well-nigh impossible for him to know or to feel that he is doing wrong. (Arendt, 1963/2006, p. 276) If there had been no Eichmann, someone else could have easily filled his shoes: in that situation, Eichmann himself was not exceptional. Although a controversial argument for Arendt to make at the time, she refused to ascribe genocidal evil to religious or a priori grounds. In her work on Eichmann, Arendt was at pains to point out that we are not dealing here with transcendent evil but with the banal everyday choices to not question or think: “a failure to take distance from the requirements that law and policy imposed upon him [Eichmann]; in other words, she faults him for his obedience, his lack of critical distance, or his failure to think” (Butler, 2011, para. 12). We must take seriously the implications of Arendt’s observations: our potential to retreat from thinking about or engaging with the plight of others in ways that allow atrocities to start or continue. Arendt noted how communities of citizens took thoughtful action against the Nazis, who “possessed neither the manpower nor the will power to remain ‘tough’ when they met determined opposition” (1963/2006, p. 165). When the Nazis encountered resistance from the fully informed Belgian Jews or the majority population of Denmark, the extermination of Jews in those areas- was thwarted (Arendt, 1963/2006, pp. 166-175). The Danes, in particular, revealed the power of civil disobedience to authority, even one as ruthless as

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 9 den Heyer & van Kessel the Nazi regime, as most Danish Jews escaped the Holocaust. The sense of agency among many Danes — their sense that they could do something about their situation — was their strongest weapon against the Nazi plan for Jewish annihilation.

Badiou, agency, and subjectification Like Arendt, Alain Badiou (1998/2001) posited a banal sense of evil. As with Arendt, Badiou refused to simplify evil as a demonic force or an a priori fact. Rather, evil becomes only possible as the result of human capacities to engage (or not) in the good of “truth processes” or “procedures” (Badiou, 1998/2001). This is a complicated argument that requires that we first explain Badiou’s notion of the good that makes evil possible. However, we will arrive back, in Arendtian fashion, to an evil that results from the failure to think well about “what is in the interest of all.” Badiou began with an ontological premise: “since differences are what there is, and since every truth is the coming-to-be of that which is not yet, so differences then are precisely what truths depose, or render insignificant” (Badiou, 1998/2001, p. 27). Differences are simply the state of affairs: self-evident and more in the realm of trivia than of thought. For Badiou (1998/2001), as many differences exist between him and his cousin in Lyon as between “the Shi’ite ‘community’ of Iraq and the fat cowboys of Texas” or between “myself and anybody at all, including myself. As many, but also, then, neither more nor less” (p. 26, emphasis in original). The arrangement of differences in the form of in-groups and out-groups and the ways in which some differences count more than others are what Badiou names as “the situation,” those concentrically overlapping social territories through which we gain an identity and orientation towards the world. These sites of socialization range from family to State to economic relations wherein we learn to act, desire, and dream appropriately or identify ourselves as belonging to one but not another grouping. Truth procedures defy and traverse these given spaces of learned difference. This potential for truth, however, requires us to see evil as secular and as either a failure to uphold, or a perversion of, a truth procedure. By truth procedure, Badiou named the process of engaging with a situation once the images and ideals we have learned about such situations have been shattered via an “event.” Badiou asked that we secularize evil and think about ethical subjectivity (as an educational aim) in relation to the “without-one” that is the Lacanian “void” at the heart of all situations built out of differences: “The multiple ‘without- one’ — every multiple being in its turn nothing other than a multiple of multiples — is the law of being. The only stopping point is the void” (Badiou, 1998/2001, p. 25). In short, there is no One. The “void” lies at the heart of all knowledge claims: At any given and unpredictable moment, one may en-

10 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Evil, Agency, and Citizenship Education counter a person, a thought, or a question that causes an “event” that utterly voids the legitimacy of what we just had thought or desired about ourselves or anything in particular (e.g., falling in love shatters everything we thought about “our” situation as an any-“one” minding our own business before the “event”-ful “fall”). Encountering the void via an event shatters the legitimacy of what we had previously been socialized to believe as common sense or “just the way it is.” On this point Arendt, too, was concise: The new always happens against the over-whelming odds of statistical laws and their probability, which for all practical, everyday purposes amounts to certainty; the new therefore always appears in the guise of a miracle… Like action… in the language of natural science, it is the “infinite improbability which occurs regularly.” (Arendt, 1958/1998, pp. 178, 246) As becoming subjects seek to articulate (via their truth procedures) what the event will have meant, they produce residue (e.g., books, art, manifestos, policies, challenges to existing laws) that can alter the material and symbolic situation. Indeed the logic which provides the situation legitimacy can also be altered, for example: Pluto is considered as a planet one day, the next day not; “boys will be boys” justifies actions deemed unacceptable at other times; anti-miscegenation at one time passed legislative muster; and the former “common sense” view that women did not belong in certain professions is now challenged. In this way, something new, or beginnings, emerge from within the very status quo situation that leaders deny can produce anything new. Here, a crucial basis of this ethic must be stated: as with Arendt’s (1958/1998) notion of action, for Badiou, “beginnings will be measured by the re-beginnings they authorize” (as cited in Bartlett, 2011, p. 118). In encountering an event, we are confronted with the question and task of “fidelity” which is where, for Badiou, the question and work of ethics, and we suggest subjectification, begins: There is always only one question in the ethic of truths: how will I, as someone, continue to exceed my own being? How will I link the things I know, in a consistent fashion, via the effects of being seized by the not-known? (Badiou, 1998/2001, p. 50) The ethical maxim is to “keep going!”, in the sense of “thinking and practis- ing” to articulate what the “event”-ful encounter will have meant (Badiou, 1998/2001, p. 52). In this process, a becoming subject embodies a “disinterested interest” in inherited opinions and instead attempts to articulate what is in the interest of all, regardless of identification, concern for status, or self-interest: All my capacity for interest, which is my own perseverance in being, has poured out into the future consequences of the solution to this scientific problem, into the examination of the world in the light of love’s being-two, into what I will make of my encounter, one night, with the eternal Hamlet, or into the next stage of the political process, once the gathering in front of the factory has dispersed. (Badiou, 1998/2001, p. 50)

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An event potentially changes the trajectory of our thinking and actions without foreclosing other ways of knowing, leaving the future open to encounter new articulations that constitute the material remains of a truth procedure (Badiou, 1998/2001, p. 70). Evil, then, is a perversion of a truth procedure and can occur in three forms: simulacrum / terror, a false pretense pursued as if it were a truth; betrayal, the failure to continue to articulate what an event will have meant via a truth procedure; and disaster, the imposition of a truth assumed to be objective and universal. Thus, “there can be Evil only in so far as there proceeds a Good” (Badiou, 1998/2001, p. 71). Badiou explored what constitutes a simulacrum of an event through reference to the German Nazis of 1932–1945. In their political takeover and subsequent actions in Germany (and beyond), we have what looks like an “event” that appears to break apart the then-existing “situation.” However, the Nazi takeover was the simulacrum of an event as they embraced a promised plentitude to come (i.e., the German nation’s destiny for greatness) rather than the “void” of the existing situation. However, the Nazis tapped into the same sort of petty nationalism ubiquitous in Euro-American history since the 1800s. Nothing new was created; there was no real break with what had previously been conceptualized or actualized. Based on a falsely posited German “soul, [with] its blood, and its race,” the Nazi pursuit of truth really was nothing more than the “continuity with [that which came] before… faithful only to the alleged national substance of a people” (Badiou, 1998/2001, p. 73). As Badiou writes, “when a radical break in a situation convokes not the void but the ‘full’ particularity or presumed substance of that situation, we are dealing with a simulacrum of truth” (Badiou, 1998/2001, p. 73, emphasis in original).2 Much like infatuation is not love, the couplet of racism and nationalism does not constitute a break with history prior to the 1930s. As part of their simulacrum of truth, Nazis invoked “the Jew” to avoid the void of the situation they promised to actualize. After all, just as no such thing has ever existed as a single German soul, blood, or teleological destiny, so too has there never been such a thing as “the-Jew-as-One.” Rather, “the-Jew-as-One” served to provide a name to cover the void at the heart of the promised German destiny and to designate a group whose disappearance through extermination would complete the political sequence and fulfill the fantasy, viz., the terror (Badiou, 1998/2001, p. 75). Betrayal is the second type of evil according to Badiou. Betrayal, in a sense, is the opposite of simulacrum. While simulacrum involves adherence to the promise of what is to come through any means necessary, betrayal is the absence of fidelity to a truth procedure instigated by an event, avoiding fidelity (with its inherent risk) to endure a truth procedure instigated by an event. The reasons for betrayal can be for such ordinary reasons as corruption, exhaustion, or social discouragement to continue. Following a new path can be frighten-

12 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Evil, Agency, and Citizenship Education ing to a becoming subject and the effort required to maintain a new way of thinking is no easy task. Adding to the difficulty can be opposition from the community who might disapprove of thinking in new ways and would rather hold fast to the existing norms of socialization. Returning to the example of love, betrayal can be simply ignoring the event due to emotional fatigue or family-societal opinions as to who is and is not an appropriate partner: a plot familiar from Romeo and Juliet. Disaster constitutes Badiou’s final category for understanding evil. This evil consists of the imposition of a truth out of arrogance: the attempt to make this truth objective and absolute for everyone. Like the victims of the mythological figure of Procrustes, who forced his houseguests to fit the guest bed through the tortures of stretching or amputation, populations can be seriously harmed through the imposition of the One-Truth that fits all. When we confuse a subjective truth with the final point, we negate the continuance of a truth procedure’s necessary trajectory. Charlemagne provides another example as he forced people to convert to Christianity or die by the sword. Assuming that your “truth” is the One-Truth constitutes a failure to continue to think in relation to the voiding event. Such a failure too often births desire and actions for either the correction of the offending or their annihilation. In short, disaster “is terror directed at everyone… the pure and simple reduction of all to their being-for-death” through the denial of everyone’s capacity to encounter an event-truth procedure-trajectory and its substitution with a final, single, and terrorizing Truth-Point (Badiou, 1998/2001, p. 77). For Badiou (1998/2001), it is not a matter of resisting evil but preventing it. Maintaining fidelity to a truth procedure despite hardships and with a mind alert to the dangers of simulacra and hubris works against the creation or continuation of evil. Thus, evil is not an entity in itself, nor is good the human response to evil; rather, evil exists only as a perversion of the always present human capacity to engage in the good of articulating truths. The process of subjectification, then, entails a sense of agency to “keep going” after an “event” in our articulations of what is “in the interest of all.” Evil is failing in this ethical endeavour. The implications of embracing Badiou’s calls for thought and fidelity to be returned to the socio-political realm cannot be overstated. Returning to the Nazi example, a study of the political sequences that led to the extermination camps via Badiou’s evils of simulacrum / terror and disaster might open up thought to similar procedures at play in contemporary society. Such insight allows us to engage with groups often neglected, those who are positioned as abject to those who proclaim themselves the norm. Badiou (1998/2001) draws explicit connections in this regard between the state of affairs in France during the Second World War and that country’s contemporary situation.

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Vichy France passed a law that regulated the status of Jews based on their supposed threat to society. Today, in France, as elsewhere, there are those pushing for similar laws against illegal immigrants, advocating that they are viruses sickening the economic-political body of Our-One people-nation (Ba- diou, 1998/2001, p. 33). Badiou (1997/2003) asks how the “noxious question ‘What is a French person?’ come[s] to install itself at the heart of the public sphere” (p. 8). This mirrors the questions that the Nazis asked: What is a German person? There are those who are “arbitrarily designated” as not belonging — not French, not German, not “us” (Badiou, 1997/2003, p. 8). Such an “us-as-one versus (through expulsion or extermination) them-as-one” mentality can easily pervade socio-political discourse in Canada and the United States regarding those underserved in our contemporary situation, including those without adequate housing, Indigenous peoples, and those dubbed as “youth-at-risk” or “illegal aliens.”3 While powerful interests run their presses to support such noxious opining, the opinions and actions of ordinary people perpetuate these situations through a failure to think about what is in the interest of all. Of course, distinct socio- political processes play out in every given historical situation. We avoid critically examining such processes when we attribute the characteristics of a Kantian a priori evil to others, coupled with the simulacrum of the We-The-One. Thus, it is vital to rethink evil in the context of banal politics and procedures while still maintaining a fidelity to all people’s capacity for “action.”

IMPLICATIONS FOR EDUCATION Teachers who wish to foster a sense of political efficacy here in Canada require examples that implicate us as Canadians, such as the still on-going political processes we refer to as the Indian Residential Schools. Rather than simply labeling residential schools and then dismissing past, present, and future concerns of those directly affected, thought about evil in the sense of Arendt and Badiou requires an examination of the more banal types of non-thinking that made those operations seem sensible to both those in the past and those who excuse the effects of this system in the present. According to the executive summary of the Truth and Reconciliation Com- mission (TRC, 2015), “it will take many heads, hands, and hearts, working together, at all levels of society to maintain momentum [for reconciliation] in the years ahead” (p. 8). Banal processes account for the evil of residential schools and thus the healing must similarly be in the realm of ordinary, average Canadians. Such a call is clear in the TRC report: The Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal youth of our country have told the Com- mission that they want to know the truth about the history and legacy of residential schools. They want to understand their responsibilities as parties to the same Treaties — in other words, as Treaty people. (TRC, 2015, p. 239)

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Moving into the future with the knowledge that all Canadians are Treaty people and the understanding of residential schools as terror and disaster instead of a force of otherworldly evil implicates us all in the quest for reconciliation to think well. The educational goal of subjectification and becoming subjects comes into play because concepts like evil and agency offer the actual content, rather than mere abstractions, to implicate students in their own thinking about their role as citizens. Examining a sense of agency through Arendt and Badiou’s conceptualizations of evil provides not only an existential engagement but also a highly political one. Particular forms of non-thought (e.g., betrayal, simulacrum / terror, and disaster) distort the good, which makes evil possible. Thus, the study of evil as citizenship education entails fostering citizens who are willing both to think and to take action independently and with the public good in mind. In this existential vein, a necessarily secularized engagement with evil requires a set of questions that potentially extend our educational conversations beyond what might constitute good inquiry practices into the past or what qualities constitute the good citizen. For example, while it is imperative to learn about Indian Residential Schools and their continuing effects, we also need to ask about the extent to which we are influenced by a still-present worldview that made these schools and their practices appear reasonable (den Heyer, 2009). Here, several questions might be considered: What beliefs and logic from both the various treaty First Nations and the Canadian government made Indian Residential Schools desirable? This question acknowledges that the elders representing treaty First Nations requested education into the newcomers’ ways but that its implementation (i.e., the forced removal of their children, the beating out of “The Indian” within the child and the various forms of sexual, physical, and psychic abuse) were likely, for most elders, unforeseen or unimaginable. This leads then to another question: To what extent does the logic expressed by the Canadian government and those charged with delivering education in Indian Residential Schools still continue today? In what ways might we take up our responses to this question to guide our thinking about a better future for Indigenous-non-Indigenous relations?

CONCLUDING REMARKS Depending on which interpretation of evil is foregrounded, students’ sense of citizenship and agency in the socio-political sphere will be affected differently. An understanding based upon a radical or otherworldly evil can foreclose an exploration of our implications in terror and disaster. Arendt argues that this was the case with Eichmann. For example, if we dismiss historical figures as pure evil, then the political processes leading to history’s disasters will be left unexplored. If, however, we engage with a more mundane and secularized

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 15 den Heyer & van Kessel sense of evil, students might see the ways in which past horrors and those possibly in the future could have been and can be prevented through a kind (of) thinking which proceeds in relation to the void. History is wrought by violent events, including wars and genocides. We would benefit from asking how teaching history can both face up to these difficult pasts while maintaining a sense of present-future efficacy (Osborne, 2000). Dissecting students and teachers’ conceptualizations of evil opens up the potential to affect historical thinking and avoid fatalism, fostering agency and hope. Biesta (2010) saw good education as promoting active participation in a deliberative democracy. A students’ sense of agency in the face of present and future evils is part of what shapes active political and social participation. Despite the potential for “evil” to enhance subjectification as part of citizenship education, there is a distinct paucity of scholarship in this area. By engaging with the philosophies of Arendt and Badiou regarding evil in the context of history and citizenship education, we can examine historical and contemporary events (such as the Holocaust and Residential Schools) in a way that fosters both agency in our everyday situations and our potential for becoming subject to what is in the interest of all.

NOTES

1. While a topic of encyclopedic proportions, we understand ideology to be the necessary simplification of unfathomable complexity to more manageable categories, stereotypes, and funneled desires to enable human functioning within particular cultures that serve some social interests in those cultures more than others. See our description of Badiou’s notion of “situation” in the section titled “Badiou, Agency, and Subjectification.” 2. The idealization of North American citizenship discourse is instructive here: when we finally get our conceptualizations right, our methods straight, and our goals aligned, then, and only then, will we fulfill the democratic potential of our founding principles for the promised plentitude to come. This is however a topic for another paper. 3. Since this manuscript was accepted, such a situation has indeed been present regarding the Syrian refugee crisis.

REFERENCES

Arendt, H. (1998). The human condition (2nd ed.). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. (Original work published in 1958) Arendt, H. (2006). Eichmann in Jerusalem: A report on the banality of evil. New York, NY: Penguin. (Original work published in 1963) Badiou, A. (2001). Ethics: An essay on the understanding of evil. (P. Hallward, Trans.). London, United Kingdom: Verso. (Original work published in 1998) Badiou, A. (2003). Saint Paul: The foundation of universalism. (R. Brassier, Trans.). Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. (Original work published in 1997) Bartlett, A. J. (2011). Badiou and Plato: An education by truths. Edinburgh, United Kingdom: Edin- burgh University Press. Biesta, G. (2010). Good education in an age of measurement: Ethics, politics, democracy. Boulder, CO: Paradigm.

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Borger, J. & Wintour, P. (2014, September 24). Obama vows to destroy Isis’s ‘brand of evil’ as Iraq requests help from Britain. The Guardian. Retrieved from http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/ sep/24/obama-isis-brand-of-evil-uk-air-strikes-iraq Bush, G. W. (2002, January 29). State of the Union address. Presidential Speeches Archive. Charlot- tesville, VA: Miller Center. Retrieved from http://millercenter.org/president/gwbush/speeches/ speech-4540 Butler, J. (2011, August 29). Hannah Arendt’s challenge to Adolf Eichmann. The Guardian. Retrieved from http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2011/aug/29/hannah-arendt-adolf-eichmann- banality-of-evil Carlson, D. (1985). The Cold War in the curriculum. Educational Leadership, 42(8), 57-60. den Heyer, K. (2009). Education as affirmative invention: Alain Badiou and the purpose of teaching and curriculum. Educational Theory, 59(4), 441-463. Dews, P. (2008). The idea of evil. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Kant, I., (1838). Religion within the boundary of pure reason (Trans. J. W. Semple). Edinburgh, United Kingdom: Thomas Clark. (Original work published in 1793) Miller, E. N. (2015). Kant’s religion within the boundaries of mere reason. London, United Kingdom: Bloomsbury. Osborne, K. (2000). Our history syllabus has us gasping: History in Canadian schools — past, present, and future. Canadian Historical Review, 81(3), 404-436. Perkel, C. (2014, May 30). Harper goes on full-scale verbal attack against ‘evil’ communism. The Canadian Press. Retrieved from http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/harper-goes-on- full-scale-verbal-attack-against-evil-communism/article18938819/ Ravitch, D. (2002). September 11: Seven lessons for the schools. Educational Leadership, 60(2), 6-9. Reagan, R. (1983, March 8). “Evil empire” speech [Transcript]. Presidential Speeches Archive. Charlot- tesville, VA: Miller Center. Retrieved from http://millercenter.org/president/speeches/speech-3409 Schär, B. C. & Sperisen, V. (2010). Switzerland and the Holocaust: Teaching contested history. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 42(5), 649-669. Simon, R. (2005). The touch of the past. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Simon, R. & Eppert, C. (1997). Remembering obligation: Pedagogy and the witnessing of testimony of historical trauma. Canadian Journal of Education, 22(2), 175-191. Stern, J. (2004). Fearing evil. Social Research, 71(4), 1111-1126. Truth and Conciliation Commission. (2015). Honouring the truth, reconciling for the future: Summary of the final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. Retrieved from http://www.trc. ca/websites/trcinstitution/File/2015/Findings/Exec_Summary_2015_05_31_web_o.pdf

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KENT DEN HEYER is an Associate professor in the Department of Secondary Educa- tion, University of Alberta. He has published extensively on history and social studies education, thinking education through the work of Alain Badiou and related topics in curriculum theory and teacher education. [email protected] CATHRYN VAN KESSEL is a doctoral candidate at the University of Alberta. Her research focuses on youth conceptualizations of evil and social studies education. She explores not only how evil might be defined in historical and contemporary contexts, but also the effects evil as a word and concept has on our sense of agency. [email protected]

KENT DEN HEYER est professeur agrégé au département d’enseignement secondaire de l’Université de l’Alberta. Il a publié plusieurs articles portant sur l’enseignement de l’histoire et des sciences sociales, repensant l’éducation en s’inspirant des travaux d’Alain Badiou et de concepts similaires portant sur la théorie des programmes et la formation des maîtres. [email protected] CATHRYN VAN KESSEL est doctorante à l’Université de l’Alberta. Ses recherches portent sur les conceptualisations qu’ont les jeunes du mal et sur l’enseignement des sciences sociales. Elle s’intéresse non seulement à la manière dont l’on peut définir le mal dans des contextes historiques et contemporains, mais également aux impacts que le mal peut avoir sur notre sentiment de pouvoir, comme mot et comme concept. [email protected]

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QALLUNAALIAQTUT: INUIT STUDENTS’ EXPERIENCES OF POSTSECONDARY EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH THIERRY RODON Université Laval

FRANCIS LÉVESQUE Université du Québec en Abitibi-Témiscamingue

SHEENA KENNEDY DALSEG Carleton University

ABSTRACT. The purpose of this study was to learn from the experiences of post- secondary Inuit students from Canada. Through surveys, interviews, and focus groups, we realized that despite the challenges associated with pursuing post- secondary education in the South, most respondents perceived their experience to be positive. Lack of access to sufficient and equitable funding was perceived by respondents to be a significant barrier, as was the lack of readily available information for prospective students from Inuit Nunangat. We conclude with a brief discussion of possible actions for improving access to university education in Inuit Nunangat, notably that governments should not only focus on training and should develop programs that reflect Inuit students’ needs and aspirations.

QALLUNAALIAQTUT: L’EXPÉRIENCE DES ÉTUDIANTS INUITS DANS LES ÉTABLISSEMENTS POSTSECONDAIRES DU SUD RÉSUMÉ. L’objectif de cette étude est de mieux comprendre l’expérience des étu- diants inuits du Canada. Au moyen d’enquêtes, d’entrevues et de groupe focus, on constate qu’en dépit des défis importants rencontrés par ces étudiants, leur expérience est globalement positive. Les participants ont toutefois noté que le manque de financement et le manque d’information sur les études postsecondaires étaient les obstacles les plus importants. En conclusion, on explore les actions qui permettraient d’améliorer l’accès aux études postsecondaires dans l’Inuit Nunangat, en insistant notamment sur le fait que l’on ne doit pas se concentrer uniquement sur les programmes professionnels, mais que l’on doit aussi répondre aux besoins et aspirations des étudiants inuits.

The complex and interconnected political and economic challenges facing the four regions of Inuit Nunangat,1 including the staffing and running of relatively new Northern governments, pressing social and environmental policy issues,2 and an increasing focus on non-renewable resource development in the Arctic require creative and innovative solutions, beginning with the people who call

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 1 Rodon, Lévesque & Kennedy Dalseg the region home.3 Having equitable access to the full spectrum of educational opportunities that support the self-determined policy and development objectives of Inuit communities and their governments is critical. In this context, the absence of an accessible university-level post-secondary institution in the Canadian Arctic is disquieting (Poelzer, 2009). Since the mid-1980s, Inuit students from Nunavut, Labrador, and the North- west Territories have had access to post-secondary education in their home communities through territorial and regional college systems, offering a range of post-secondary and trades programs geared primarily towards labour market needs. In Nunavik, no such colleges exist, thus, students who wish to pursue post-secondary education must do so by distance or must leave their region. Under these circumstances, it should not be surprising that access to post- secondary education is a concern across Inuit Nunangat. Since 1981, high school and college completion levels have risen (Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami & Research and Analysis Directorate, 2006); however, the percentage of Inuit who have completed a university degree has remained quite low (from 1.6% in 1981 to 2.7% in 2006). More significantly, the gap between non-Inuit and Inuit has widened since the percentage of non-Inuit who have completed a university degree has increased from 6.4% in 1981 to 16.5% in 2006 (Penney, 2009; Richards, 2008). The lack of improvement in university level attendance and completion rates may be explained by a number of interrelated factors rooted in the legacies of state-imposed residential and federal day schools (Berger, 2001; Hicks, 2005; McGregor, 2012a, 2013) and significant differences between Inuit and Euro- Canadian educational philosophies (Rasmussen, 2001). The quality of high school education in Inuit Nunangat (Hicks 2005), a lack of relevant curriculum that recognizes and incorporates Inuit language and culture (Poelzer, 2009), and the absence of a university in the North are also factors contributing to low university participation rates. Silta Associates (2007) concluded that university participation rates would be higher if “programs [were] developed, delivered and administered by Inuit educators or non-Inuit who have lived and taught successfully in Inuit communities, and who support student-centered learning and understand the nature of Inuit education and culture” (p. 25). They also highlight the importance of accessible funding. Although every Inuit region in Canada has regained control of education (Nunavik in 1978, the Inuvialuit Settlement Region in 1990, Nunavut in 1999, and Nunatsiavut in 2005), a great deal of work is needed in order to develop education systems that reflect the needs and priorities of Inuit communities and citizens (Daveluy, 2009; McGregor, 2010, 2011, 2012a, 2012b, 2013). In recent years, education has become a focal point in policy and development

2 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Qallunaaliaqtut: Inuit Students’ Experiences of Postsecondary Education discussions across the North, and initiatives have been undertaken by Northern governments, Inuit leaders, and educators to improve access to post-secondary education and to adapt education systems to reflect Inuit culture and objectives.4 In order to support these efforts further, it is important for decision makers and educators to have access to research on the experiences of Inuit students in post-secondary programs. Research on the factors contributing to post- secondary success in the North (see Silta Associates, 2007, for one study) and elsewhere in Canada (see Parent, 2014, for a study about the high school to university transition of Aboriginal people5) is limited. At present, very little statistical data or analysis on Inuit participation in post-secondary programs is available (Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, 2008; Lewthwaite & McMillan, 2010). The objective of this paper is to address this knowledge gap by presenting and discussing the results obtained during the first two years of the ArcticNet- funded project Improving Access to University Education in the Canadian Arctic (2010-2015). We will begin by explaining the origins, purpose, and methodology of the project, followed by a summary of results. In particular, we focus on issues related to language fluency, reasons for pursuing post-secondary education, preparing for post-secondary education, and the difference between post-secondary experience in the South and in the North. We will conclude with a brief discussion of possible actions for improving access to university education in Inuit Nunangat.

METHODOLOGY The research team was composed of both Inuit researchers and Southern-based researchers with long experiences working with Inuit and in Inuit Nunangat. The project stemmed from conversations with former Inuit students who had experienced difficulties finding adequate post-secondary programs when they were looking to pursue post-secondary education. Data for this project were gathered through surveys, interviews, and focus groups. The interviews and focus groups provided qualitative data that complemented the quantitative data collected through the surveys. In total, 68 surveys were administered with current and former Inuit post-secondary students from different institutional settings: (1) three programs designed for Inuit students (the Nunavut Certificate offered by Carleton University, Nunavut Sivuniksavut, and the Master’s in Education at the University of Prince Edward Island [UPEI]); (2) one program (CEGEP Marie-Victorin in Montréal) where Nunavik Inuit students have some classes on their own but are otherwise mixed with the general student population; and finally, (3) students attending regular university programs (Carleton University and University of Ottawa) without special courses but with some additional support. We decided to survey participants who, in addition to having pursued post- secondary in the North, had also attended programs outside of Inuit Nunangat,

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 3 Rodon, Lévesque & Kennedy Dalseg thus allowing us to compare their experiences. The Southern programs were chosen to encompass a good cross-section of programs attended by Inuit students. Survey questions touched on personal motivation and goals, curriculum and program delivery, and asked participants to compare their experiences with post-secondary education in the South and in the North.6 Follow-up interviews were conducted with nine of the survey respondents.7 The interviews allowed respondents to answer in-depth questions regarding their post-secondary experiences and to elaborate on topics that were raised in the surveys. Inter- view participants were asked to describe their post-secondary experiences, any hardships they experienced, and challenges they had to overcome, as well as the benefits and opportunities they gained from this. Three focus groups were organized with former Inuit students to aid in interpretation of the survey and interview data. The first took place in Iqaluit, Nunavut during Nunavut Sivuniksavut’s 25th anniversary reunion celebrations (June 2010). The second was organized during the National Inuit Youth and Elder Summit in Inuvik, Northwest Territories (August 2010), and finally, the third was organized with Saputiit Youth Association and took place in Kuujjuaq (March 2011). In addition to helping the research team understand our results, these focus groups gave participants an opportunity to share and learn from one another’s personal experiences. This survey sample is relatively small but the follow-up interviews and the focus groups have allowed us to corroborate and refine the findings from the survey. However, since only students with experience in post-secondary education in the South were interviewed, our conclusion should not be extended to Inuit students who have only experienced post-secondary education in the North. Two workshops were also organized: the first, held in Ottawa in March 2011, gathered stakeholders and Inuit students, plus Southern and Northern educators with experience in post-secondary education in Inuit Nunangat. Participants were asked to share their experiences about post-secondary programs (Rodon, Lachapelle, & Ruston, 2011). In November 2011, a second workshop was organized in Kuujjuaq with Nunavut and Nunavik stakeholders to explore post- secondary program delivery in the Eastern Arctic (Nunavik and Nunavut) and the creation of a university in the North (Rodon & Lévesque, 2012). During these workshops, the survey’s preliminary results were presented and discussed, and participants contributed to the interpretation of the data collected.

WHAT HAVE WE LEARNED?

Demographics and education history Many respondents had participated in more than one post-secondary program prior to the ones listed in Table 1, which shows the distribution of survey respondents.

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TABLE 1. Distribution of respondents

Program Frequency % Nunavut Certificate 7 10.3 Nunavut Sivuniksavut 44 64.7 UPEI Masters of Education 3 4.4 Carleton / U of Ottawa 3 4.4 CEGEP, Kativik School Board (KSB) 11 16.2 Total 68 100.0

Seventy-nine percent of respondents were female. The vast majority of them — also 79% — were between 17 and 25 years old when they pursued their post-secondary programs. The majority (62%) of respondents came from Nunavut, 15% from Nunavik, and the remaining from larger centres such as Yellowknife and Ottawa. English was spoken fluently by 82% of respondents, and 60% said they were fluent in Inuktitut. The language fluency of Inuit students in different programs varied and this variability likely affected perceptions of the importance of the Inuktitut language, as will be discussed below. For example, close to 100% of former Nunavut Sivuniksavut students reported they spoke English fluently compared to 27% of UPEI students. However, all CEGEP-KSB and UPEI students said they were fluent in Inuktitut, compared to 55% of former Nunavut Sivuniksavut students. Figure 1 summarizes language fluency by program.

FIGURE 1. Language fluency by program Notably, 96% of respondents reported that they had completed high school, which is significantly higher than the territorial figures for Nunavut and Nun- avik. For example, in 2011, about 67% of Inuit in Nunavut had not completed

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 5 Rodon, Lévesque & Kennedy Dalseg high school (Statistics Canada, 2013). As of 2004, 54% of Nunavik Inuit had no high school diploma (Duhaime, 2004, p. 11). High school completion rates were well over 85% across all programs in our study with the exception of the UPEI M.Ed students, which stood at 67%. The lower rate of high school completion may be attributed to the fact that the Master’s in Education is offered by experienced Inuit educators and administrators who obtained their teaching credentials (Northern / Nunavut Teaching Education Program and Bachelor of Education) but may not necessarily have completed high school. Forty-one percent of respondents reported that they were the first members of their family to pursue post-secondary education. Close to 81% of respondents had completed at least one certificate, diploma, or degree. Seven respondents who had not yet obtained a certificate, diploma, or degree were still enrolled in post-secondary programs at the time of the survey. Altogether, respondents reported having pursued 46 different courses and/or programs in various CEGEPs, colleges, vocational institutes, and universities prior to the current one. Programs undertaken were incredibly diverse. For example, seven respondents took management studies at college, two pursued a hair styling / esthetics program in a vocational school, one started a BA in English and History, three more took the Nunavut Teacher Education Program, and two undertook the Intégration et exploration — Inuit at CEGEP. Survey respondents attended post-secondary courses and/or programs at twenty-five different institutions, located in fifteen different towns and cities across Canada. One respondent also attended an international university. The majority (52%) of students took the course or program onsite, with the remaining taking their course online, or in a combination of the two.

Educational objectives Respondents were given a list of reasons they could choose from as to why they decided to pursue post-secondary education. While some indicated they took classes because they were encouraged by their peers, others identified an interest in the material, enjoying going to school, wanting to serve as an example for others, or wanting to obtain a promotion or a better job. How- ever, respondents overwhelmingly answered that their main motivation was to achieve personal educational goals. The most common of the educational goals identified was to “complete a university program,” followed by “training toward employment,” “act as a leader or mentor for others,” and lastly, “register for more university courses.” It is noteworthy that one third of respondents pursued post-secondary courses or programs because they were made available by their employers. Figure 2 summarizes the reasons why respondents decided to pursue post-secondary education and the educational goals they wanted to achieve.

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FIGURE 2. Personal and educational goals All Nunavut Certificate students cited personal educational goals as the primary reason for undertaking the program. All of the other reasons were deemed considerably less important, with serve as an example to others and interested in the material being the least important. Well over three quarters of Nunavut Sivuniksavut respondents cited personal educational goals as the primary reason for taking a course. Interest in the material and enjoy learning were given as the second and third most important reasons. Employment or promotion were seen as a reason to take a course by only a third of respondents. Carleton and University of Ottawa students reported that personal education goals, enjoy learning, and an interest in the material were the top three reasons they chose to pursue further education. Kativik School Board students offered more varied responses to the question. Of all the groups, they had the highest percentage of respondents who said they pursued post-secondary education to secure a job or obtain a promotion. During focus groups, students identified similar educational objectives. One student said that she wanted to pursue post-secondary education “to have a positive impact” and to “contribute to decisions that affect the community” (12462-12704).7 Listening to the advice of their parents was also a motivation for many Inuit students. Only one said that the reason he was studying was because “you can’t get a job otherwise” (6441-6673). These findings suggest that the decision to attend post-secondary comes from a combination of personal motivation and support from others (family members, employers, etc.).

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Preparing for and accessing post-secondary education Respondents were asked to identify some of the elements they feel helped them prepare for post-secondary education, based on their personal experience and the experience of others they know. The top six elements (cited by at least 40% of respondents) identified were: 1. Strong support by others (74%) 2. Strong interest in course material (66%) 3. Relevant work / life experience (61%) 4. Strong high school background (57%) 5. Knowledge of classmates (44%) 6. Incorporation of cultural values (41%). They were also asked to identify the factors that they felt impacted Inuit Nunangat-based learners’ access to post-secondary courses or programs. The top six factors (cited by at least 40% of respondents) were: 1. Motivation (79%) 2. Level of Education (74%) 3. Personal responsibilities (67%) 4. Personal preparedness (61%) 5. Cost (42%) 6. Technology (40%). These responses highlight the relationship between student preparation for and access to post-secondary education. The most obvious example is the relationship between strong support and personal motivation. Support is one of the key factors contributing to the success of post-secondary students. Level of education obtained was cited as the second most important factor impact- ing access to post-secondary education. Over half of respondents reported that a strong high school background is important to prepare students for post-secondary studies. Yet, many participants also said during focus groups they did not feel Northern high schools prepared them well for the challenges awaiting them during their post-secondary courses. The fact that the “educational level in secondary school [in the North] is not to the same standards to what is offered in the South” (6636-6671) is a concern, said one participant. The same participant said that “when [Inuit students] arrive here, they have to deal with factors of moving to the city, adapting to this new pace of life and infrastructure — it’s such a different world down here. They have to catch up on top of that for their education and preparedness, and I think that’s a pretty significant aspect of determining whether they will succeed and goes into those other things: preparedness, motivation, and language” (6636-8063).

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Previous work and life experience were also considered important to prepare students for post-secondary education. This might be explained by the fact that for Inuit-Nunangat students, pursuing post-secondary education is more than just going to school. It often requires that students make dramatic changes to their lives, including moving away from home, leaving relatives and friends behind, and adapting to a new cultural environment. In that context, it is not hard to understand why having work and life experience and being as prepared as possible to go through these changes is a factor that impacts students’ access to college or university.

Post-secondary experiences Despite these challenges, the majority (86%) of respondents reported that their experience with post-secondary education was generally positive. Survey respondents were asked what they valued most in their educational experience. Overwhelmingly, respondents reported that having an instructor with knowledge of the North was important, whether he or she were Inuit or not. Community-based and/or Inuit instructors were also seen as important, as well as having access to other students with whom to share the experience, and to work through the course material. Student support — including academic, family, and employer support — was another crucial element valued by respondents. Although language did not feature at the top of this list, it is important to mention, as we will see below that 72% of survey respondents reported it was “extremely important” that Inuktitut be included in courses offered to Inuit students. Figure 3 summarizes these results.

FIGURE 3. Valued elements of learners

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During the workshop discussions, similar themes were examined. Kuujjuaq workshop participants discussed the importance of having instructors who were accustomed to, or ready to learn about the North and Inuit culture and language. Two former students of the Akitisiraq Law School, which operated in Iqaluit between 2001 and 2005, mentioned that their experience was positive because their instructors, most of whom came from Southern universities, were dedicated to learning Inuit customs and adapted their teaching material and style to make more relevant for Inuit students. Kuujjuaq workshop participants also discussed the importance of having support, which might come in many forms: the program itself can offer support through its instructors or through personnel whose work it is to facilitate the adaptation of Inuit students. But participants also said that having the support of their families and of their fellow students was particularly significant since it gave them confidence. Workshop participants also mentioned that they put great value on having programs more relevant to Inuit students — those that include Inuit content and those that allow more flexibility in the schedule and in the types of evaluations. A workshop participant said that this was important because “when mainstream ways of doing things are imposed, it generally doesn’t work out well.” Programs that have been adapted to Inuit needs like the Akitisiraq Law School, UPEI M.Ed., Nunavut Sivuniksavut or the Certificate in Nunavut Public Service Studies at Carleton University, and the Nunavut Teacher Edu- cation Program (NTEP) at Nunavut Arctic College have seen a great many of their students graduate. Students identified other factors they felt were integral to their success. For example, 53% participants mentioned that being part of a close learning community contributed positively to their experience. Figure 4 summarizes the factors contributing to program success.

Close Learning Community Personal Development Inuit Speciﬁc Courses Access to Instructors / Peers (online) Learning Support Planning for the Future Small Class Size Can Prepare Be>er in Advance (online) Convenience (online) Community / Language Relevant Course Material Learning From Experiences

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60%

FIGURE 4. Factors contributing to program success

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During the Ottawa workshop, participants said that being part of such a close learning community was essential to their success. Two participants said that this allowed them to build relationships with people who could relate to their experiences. Another one added that it reduced cultural displacement by allowing them to speak their own language, to study together, and to live according to their own values. In short, they said being part of a close learning community increased their confidence and their likelihood of success. A participant in the Ottawa workshop who studied by herself at McGill Uni- versity said that she felt isolated, especially because her husband and child remained behind in the North. The isolation she experienced nearly caused her to abandon her studies and return home. Therefore, the success of Inuit students seems to increase when they are part of programs attended by other Inuit, but is made more difficult when they take programs in which they may not have Inuit peers. Thirty-eight percent of respondents mentioned that one of the most important contributing factors to the success of a program was the personal development and growth they could achieve while attending it. Moreover, 26% of survey respondents said that learning about their own culture and history was re- warding and contributed to their personal development. Inuit-specific courses were particularly important to Carleton and Ottawa University students, yet they were not deemed important by any of the Kativik School Board students surveyed. Similarly, respondents were asked to rank the importance and use of Inuit languages (Inuktitut or Inuttitut) in their post-secondary courses or programs, and to assess the impact that use (or lack thereof) of Inuit languages had on their learning experience. The incorporation of Inuit languages in post- secondary curricula was at least somewhat important to 97% of respondents. The majority (72%) considered it to be extremely important. Again, there was a marked difference between programs. While 81% of Nunavut Sivuniksavut students reported that it was extremely important for them that programs incorporate Inuit language, only one Kativik School Board student felt this way. Students from the Nunavut Certificate program had the highest percentage of respondents who reported that the use of Inuktitut in post-secondary programs is not important. Figure 5 summarizes the perceived importance of Inuit languages in course delivery, by program.

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Carleton / U of O

UPEI M.Ed.

Nunavut Cer.ﬁcate

KSB

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

Extremely Important Somewhat Important Not Important

FIGURE 5. Importance of Inuit languages in course delivery, by program The difference between programs concerning Inuit-specific courses and the incorporation of Inuit languages into the curricula may seem striking at first but can be explained by the educational objectives and cultural background of students attending the programs. Students taking the Nunavut certificate are Government of Nunavut employees who want to learn more about public administration. Their primary objective is professional development leading to a promotion or a new job. Kativik School Board students come from an environment where Inuktitut is widely spoken and traditional economic activities are important. All of them are fluent in Inuktitut and might not feel the need to attend courses in that language. Also, as mentioned above, of all the students who participated in this project, the highest percentage of respondents who said they pursued post-secondary education to secure a job or obtain a promotion were from the Kativik School Board. Students attending other programs like Nunavut Sivuniksavut or those studying at the Universities of Ottawa or Carleton tend to be younger, are not as fluent in Inuktitut, and are not as focused on pursuing further education for the purpose of obtaining a promotion or a job. Although respondents reported the use of Inuktitut to be important, 64% of respondents reported that Inuit languages were rarely or never used in their post-secondary classes (0 to 25% of the time). According to 16% of respondents, Inuit languages were used up to 50% of the time, while seven percent reported use between 50% and 75% of the time. Only 11% said Inuit languages were used more than three quarters of the time. The main ways in which Inuktitut was incorporated into the courses were through instructors, assignments, elders, guest speakers, course texts, and lectures.

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Respondents were also asked to assess the impact that the use of English or French as the primary language of instruction had or has on their learning experience. Nearly three-quarters reported that they were positively impacted by the use of English or French as the primary language of instruction. Respondents explained that even though the incorporation of Inuit languages is important to their learning experience and contributes to their success, they were not negatively impacted by having English or French as the primary language of instruction for three main reasons: they felt they were fluent enough in English (36%), that English is easier to understand (24%),9 and that knowing English or French is important or necessary (21%).

Comparing Northern and Southern-based post-secondary education Participants were asked to compare the advantages and disadvantages of attending post-secondary in the North and in the South. They said that the advantages of a Northern-based post-secondary education were that it allowed them to remain in a familiar environment with access to important cultural activities and practices, maintain easy access to a network of people who offer support, live close to relatives, be in classes with few students, learn in Inuktitut, and have access to Arctic foods (i.e. seal, caribou, Arctic char, etc.). The disadvantages mentioned were the limited program options, the lack of academic challenges, the lack of facilities, the difficulties of finding adequate housing, and the high cost of living. The perceived advantages of a Southern-based post-secondary education were that Inuit students could learn to be independent; experience new things; have access to more amenities, activities, resources, and facilities; and meet new people. Many also said that they appreciated the larger number of programs and courses. However, many said that moving away from the North to study in the South, and learning to live in a new environment without appropriate support was extremely challenging. Some of the reported disadvantages of a Southern-based education included: the lack of a support network; lack of access to Inuit-language speakers, cultural practices, and country foods; leaving relatives behind; feeling isolated; and having to manage personal finances. Adapting to higher education standards and overcoming the latent institutional racism were also identified as important challenges by several workshop participants (Rodon & Lévesque, 2012). Big classes and the irrelevance of certain aspects of course curriculum were also considered problematic. The lack of learner support specifically geared to Inuit was also identified by several participants, who said Northern students needed support programs to succeed such as workshops, tutors, instructors with knowledge of the North, as well as support for relatives who stayed in the North. Table 2 summarizes the advantages and disadvantages of a Northern and a Southern-based education.

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TABLE 2. Northern- and Southern-based post-secondary education (PSE): Advantages and disadvantages

Northern-based PSE Southern-based PSE Close to home and family / friends Learning independence Access to land and country food Experience something new In a familiar environment More amenities and activities Advantages Close to community / Support More resources / better facilities network Meet new and different Easier to identify with people and people / build relationships society Limited resources and options Far from home Lack of facilities Away from family / friends Might not leave home and experience Disconnected from the land Disadvantages new things Disconnected from Inuit and High cost of living Inuit culture Community / family obligations and Homesickness distractions

It is worth noting that the elements identified by respondents are mostly symmetrical. That is, Northern-based education advantages are symmetrically opposed to Southern-based education disadvantages, and vice-versa, suggesting that there are significant trade-offs involved in decisions regarding post-secondary education for Inuit students.

Preferred course delivery methods Respondents were asked to rank their preferences with respect to methods of course delivery. The results displayed in Figure 6 are based on the number of times a delivery method was selected as a first choice.

FIGURE 6. Ranking of course delivery preferences

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Clearly, onsite delivery is the preferred method of course delivery, with more respondents choosing an Inuit Nunangat-based course, followed by one delivered onsite in the South. Despite the findings reported above that many respondents perceive attending post-secondary in the North to be a disadvantage, it is obvious that many would still prefer to remain in the North given the choice. Most students would prefer not to leave home and be separated from their support networks. Interestingly though, respondents preferred courses delivered onsite in the South to online courses they could take from their homes in the Arctic. This makes sense given the importance respondents placed on academic and personal support. Programs delivered onsite in the South that are designed specifically for Inuit students tend to operate on the cohort model, meaning a group of Inuit students will study together for the duration of the program and will thus benefit from the support of their peers. Nunavut Sivuniksavut, UPEI Nunavut Master of Education, and the Akitsiraq Law School are examples of programs that have been successful using this approach. Online programs do not offer this kind of support, and are seldom adapted to Inuit and Northern realities. Internet connectivity and bandwidth limitations in the North make distance education even more challenging.

Other challenges During workshops, interviews, and focus groups, participants identified three challenges that affected their post-secondary education, which were not identified by the surveys. These are summarized here. First, many students who undertake post-secondary education are parents with young children. For those who must leave their home communities for larger centres in the North (i.e. Yellowknife or Iqaluit) or cities in the South (i.e. Edmonton, Ottawa, or Montreal), this proved to be extremely challenging. Even students who studied in their home communities and had their children with them felt it was challenging to balance family life with academic studies. They all said that they needed extra support from their families to complete their studies. Second, the challenge of finding housing both in the North and in the South was raised by participants. In the North, although there are a limited number of housing units available for students and their families, this number is not sufficient. Many students do not have access to these units and must find other accommodations. As one participant noted, “when you have a child, it’s difficult to share a room with another student” (12972-12074). Students who are not married and/or do not have children do not have access to priority housing. Moreover, they do not have access to subsidies, so even if they can find a vacant unit, they have to pay market rent, which is often well above $2,000 per month. The only way for students to pay such high rent is to find work, which can be detrimental to their academic success. Those who live in public housing encounter other kinds of problems. For example, public hous-

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 15 Rodon, Lévesque & Kennedy Dalseg ing policies stipulate that residents must give up their unit if they move out of their community to go back to school, which means they have nowhere to go when they graduate and move back. One participant explained that he felt he had to choose whether to “give up an education for [his] home or give up [his] home for education” (13120-13434). This is a common problem, especially in Nunavut, where 57% of the population occupies public housing (Nunavut Housing Corporation, 2012). Students pursuing post-secondary education in the South also face housing issues. There is limited non-profit housing for Inuit in Southern cities, so they must either stay in student residences or rent rooms or apartments off campus. The costs associated with these options are often prohibitive for those students relying primarily on funding to cover their tuition and living expenses. Finally, funding has proven to be a constant concern among students. Par- ticipants discussed the lack of funds they are able to access, the inequity and inconsistency of funding opportunities between Arctic regions, and the difficulties associated with applying for funding. Many said that student loans were insufficient and made it difficult to make ends meet. Others mentioned it was nearly impossible for them to travel back home during the holidays to see their relatives and friends. Most felt loans were not sufficient to cover expenses, and thus they needed to find work, which might jeopardize their academic success. Other students experienced cuts to their funding when they reduced their course load either because they felt they could not succeed in a course, or to accommodate their work schedule. Not all students said funds were insufficient, however. At least one said that “definitely government should try to show more support,” but that Inuit tend to think that “government should sort of be there for us and give everything on a silver platter” (13528-15001). Depending on where they are from, Inuit students have access to different funding programs. Because of this, students from certain regions have better funding than others, which creates inequalities among Inuit students. Students from the Kativik School Board said they received significant financial support throughout their studies (2965-3117). In Nunavut, some students said it was unfair that FANS, Nunavut’s Student Financial Assistance Program, gave the same amount of money for everyone, even those who resided where the cost of living was higher (25991-26072). In the Northwest Territories, students get only $700 a month, which barely covers the cost of an apartment and forces them to find part-time jobs. This, coupled with a cap on earning for those with funding, makes it difficult for students to meet even the most basic financial obligations (9701-9975). It should also be noted that all three university programs delivered in Nunavut were fully paid by the governments (Federal and/ or Government of Nunavut) and involved no cost for the students.

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DISCUSSION This research identifies many issues faced by Inuit post-secondary students. Access is a significant problem. Not only do many Inuit students feel that their high school education did not prepare them adequately for post-secondary education but also that, even after they graduate, their options for post- secondary education are limited. The fact that there is no university in Inuit Nunangat means that post-secondary students either have to choose among the limited number of vocational programs at one of the Northern colleges or move away from the North to study in a Southern college or university, where more options are available but where they face other barriers and challenges. Furthermore, Southern universities seldom offer programs adapted to Inuit culture and needs. Courses do not necessarily have a Northern focus and are not taught in Inuktitut, two elements identified as particularly important by participants. Our research suggests that most Inuit students do not study in order to prepare for future careers or to meet the needs of the Arctic job market. They pursue post-secondary education to achieve personal goals, because they enjoy learning, they want to become role models and contribute to their communities, and they are looking to improve their academic and life skills. This research shows that post-secondary education is often an all-encompassing experience for many Inuit students, academically, socially, and culturally. For this reason, as participants highlighted, academic and social supports are crucial for achieving success. Students benefit from counselling and orientation, but they also need support from their instructors and classmates, and from their family and friends. It has been shown that the cohort model used by Nunavut Sivuniksavut and the UPEI Masters of Education, where many Inuit students undertake the same program at the same time, is successful because it allows students to support each other on both a personal and academic level. Inuit post-secondary students also face other issues. For example, the availability of housing is a determining factor when students make decisions about where to pursue post-secondary education. A lack of student specific housing means that many Nunavut students must work to cover their expenses, putting a strain on their academic pursuits. Funding is also an issue, since not all Inuit have access to the same funding programs, and funding arrangements can be inconsistent and tenuous. While some funding programs are more generous than others, none of the students said their funding covered their needs. Students and educators have identified several solutions to make post-secondary education more sustainable and better adapted to Inuit needs and desires. First, program design and delivery should be more reflective of Inuit realities. This would mean developing programs in partnership with students. These programs might focus on Inuktitut, be field-based, or include Inuit elders, for example. Continuous research and evaluations of teachers, educators, and programs are also needed to ensure the quality of programs remains consistent and that the programs are meeting students’ needs.

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Given the importance of family support for student success, a strategy should be put in place to encourage parents to support their children in their educational pursuits. The difficult historical relationship between Indigenous peoples and the formal education system in Northern Canada cannot be forgotten or erased but contemporary efforts to make post-secondary education more accessible to Indigenous students through the involvement of Inuit communities, leaders, students, and educators in designing and carrying out education programs are important steps upon which we can build. Funding opportunities should be adapted to reflect the particular needs of Northern students. Participants noted the difficulty students have finding information related to funding and program applications, as well as other aspects of the post-secondary experience. Many participants recommended that an online portal could be a place where they could get this information. In 2013, the Tukiktaarvik Inuit Student Centre was launched to respond to this need for increased access to information about post-secondary education. Tukitaarvik creates an online community of current, former, and prospective students across Inuit Nunangat. As a member of the Tukitaarvik community, one can learn about post-secondary programs, access a handbook for post- secondary students, and connect with other students and mentors. This is an important development in helping to improve access to post-secondary education, but it is just the beginning.10

CONCLUSION This research shows that in spite of the numerous challenges associated with pursuing post-secondary education in the South, most Inuit students who participated in this study considered their experience to be positive, this is particularly true for those who attended Nunavut Sivuniksavut and the UPEI Master’s in Education. Three of the most important elements contributing to their positive experience were the incorporation of Inuit language and culture, the availability of instructors who are familiar with the North, and access to academic and personal supports. These findings corroborate other research concerning Inuit post-secondary education (Poelzer, 2009; Silta Associates, 2007). Lack of access to sufficient and equitable funding was perceived by participants to be a significant barrier, as was the lack of readily available information for prospective students from Inuit Nunangat. While the 2006 Conciliator’s Final Report (Berger, 2006) points to education as a key element in the success of the Nunavut government, this conclusion can be applied to all Inuit regions, where education levels remain very low relative to the rest of Canada. In Inuit Nunangat, the university education “deficit” is growing despite a steady increase in Inuit students attending universities. In fact, the gap between Inuit and the rest of Canadians in terms of university completion is widening. The explanations for this gap are manifold: the

18 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Qallunaaliaqtut: Inuit Students’ Experiences of Postsecondary Education impact of residential schools and the colonial roots of the public education system, lack of funding, uneven quality of schooling, and the absence of a university in Inuit Nunangat, to name a few. Under the pressure of resource development, Northern governments are choosing to emphasize training for the short-term needs of the job market, often at the expense of longer-term social and economic development objectives for the North (Sabin & Kennedy, 2012). Given the link between education and political development, improving access to post-secondary education is a critical issue for northern and Inuit governments to address. The federal government has a clear fiduciary responsibility to invest more in education and an Arctic university would be a good starting point. Our research shows that students want more access to post-secondary education, not only training, in order to have the same opportunities as the rest of Canadians.11 For now though, this is not the case.

NOTES

. 1 Inuit Nunangat refers to the four Inuit regions of Canada: the Inuvialuit Region in the Northwest Territories, Nunavut, Nunavik in Arctic Quebec, and Nunatsiavut in Labrador. 2. For example, suicide, housing, healthcare delivery and cost, low level of education, high unemployment, preservation of Inuit language and culture, climate change, and resource development. 3. The authors wish to acknowledge the contribution of Melissa Ruston and Marise Lachapelle, who provided expert research assistance for this project. We want to thank the Inuit students who agreed to participate in the survey. Finally, we also wish to thank the two anonymous reviewers who offered both critical and constructive advice, thus contributing greatly to improving this paper. However, please note that the content as well as any factual errors are the sole responsibility of the authors. This project has been funded by ArcticNet, a Network of Centres of Excellence of Canada. 4. In 2008, Nunavut adopted its Education Act (S.Nu. 2008, c.15.). See, for example, First Canadians, Canadians First: National Strategy on Inuit Education, (Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, 2011), and the Northwest Territories’ Education Renewal and Innovation Framework: Directions for Change, (Department of Education, Culture, and Employment, 2013). For a collection of articles focusing on innovations in education in Inuit Nunangat, also see the special issue of Northern Public Affairs magazine (Gladstone, Kennedy Dalseg, & Sabin, 2014). 5. Parent (2014) examines four early Aboriginal university promotion initiatives and three Aboriginal university transition programs in British Columbia. Many of her conclusions are similar to those identified in this paper; for example, the need for post-secondary institutions to provide Indigenous learners with better support and resources. Parent also discusses the importance of framing transition to university in terms of self-determination and encourages universities to promote the goals of self-determination for Aboriginal students as parts of their recruitment strategies, an aspect which has not yet been analyzed in Inuit Nunangat. 6. The survey provides invaluable data but also has limitations. Sixty-five percent of survey respondents were former Nunavut Sivuniksavut students. In two of the programs, only three former students are represented (University of Prince Edward Island Masters in Education, Carleton University, and University of Ottawa). Where the findings are disaggregated by programs, care should be taken when interpreting figures for the University of Prince Edward Island, Carleton, and Ottawa university students.

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. 7 The demographics of interviewees and focus group participants are similar to those of survey respondents. Workshop participants show a little more diversity because, apart from the past and current post-secondary students, Northern stakeholders and decision makers also attended (i.e., Kativik Regional Government, Nunavut Arctic College, Kativik School Board, Iqaluit mayor, and Kuujjuaq vice-mayor), as well as university researchers from Carleton University, Université Laval, and UPEI. 8. Interviews and focus group discussions were referenced in Dedoose to facilitate analysis. This software generates identification numbers used here to preserve participants’ anonymity. 9. This was understood by the research team to mean that different languages are more useful or appropriate in certain settings. 10. This preoccupation actually led to the creation of the web site Tukitaarvik: Inuit Student Centre (http://www.tukitaarvik.ca/). See also McAuley & Walton (2011). 11. By same opportunities, we mean equal opportunities, in the context of Inuit Nunangat. These opportunities have to take into account this specific context to provide Inuit with what they need.

REFERENCES

Berger, P. (2001). Adaptations of Euro-Canadian schools to Inuit culture in selected communities in Nunavut. (Unpublished master’s dissertation), Lakehead University, Thunder Bay, ON. Berger, T. (2006). The Nunavut project. Conciliator’s final report: Nunavut land claims agreement implementation contract negotiations for the second planning period 2003-2013. Retrieved from https://www. aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/DAM/DAM-INTER-HQ/STAGING/texte-text/nlc_1100100030983_eng.pdf Daveluy, M. (2009). Inuit education in Alberta and Nunavik (Canada). Études / Inuit / Studies, 33(1-2), 173-190. Department of Education, Culture, and Employment. (2013). Education renewal and innovation framework: Directions for change. Yellowknife, NT: Government of the Northwest Territories. Retrieved from https://www.ece.gov.nt.ca/files/ERI/eri_framework_tabled.pdf Duhaime, G. (2004). Social and economic situation of Nunavik and the future of the State. Retrieved from http://www.chaireconditionautochtone.fss.ulaval.ca/documents/pdf/108.pdf Education Act S.Nu. 2008, s.15. Retrieved from http://www.gov.nu.ca/sites/default/files/gnjustice2/ justicedocuments/Statutes/633639155154181546-353475780-e2008snc15.pdf Gladstone, J., Kennedy Dalseg, S., & Sabin, J. (2014). Revitalizing education in Inuit Nunangat. [Special issue]. Northern Public Affairs. Retrieved from https://www.itk.ca/front-page-story/revitalizing- education-inuit-nunangat Hicks, J. (2005). Education in the Canadian Arctic: What difference has the Nunavut government made? Indigenous Affairs, 1(5), 8-15. Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami. (2008). Report on the Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami education initiative: Summary of ITK summit on Inuit education and background research. Inuvik. Retrieved from https://www.itk.ca/ system/files_force/2008FinalEducationSummitReport.pdf?download=1 Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami. (2011). First Canadians, Canadian first. National strategy on Inuit education 2011. Retrieved from https://www.itk.ca/system/files_force/National-Strategy-on-Inuit-Education-2011_0. pdf?download=1 Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, & Research and Analysis Directorate. (2006). Gains made by Inuit in formal education and school attendance, 1981-2001. Ottawa, ON: Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development and Federal Interlocutor for Métis and Non-Status Indians. Lewthwaite, B., & McMillan, B. (2010). ‘She can bother me and that’s because she cares’: What Inuit students say about teaching and their learning. Canadian Journal of Education, 33(1), 140-175. McAuley, A., & Walton, F. (2011). Decolonizing cyberspace: Online support for the Nunavut M.Ed. International Review of Research in Open and Distance Learning, 12(4), 17-34.

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McGregor, H. E. (2010). Inuit education and schools in the Eastern Arctic. Vancouver, BC: UBC Press. McGregor, H. E. (2011). Education and schools in the Eastern Arctic. Vancouver, BC: UBC Press. McGregor, H. E. (2012a). Nunavut’s Education Act: Education, legislation, and change in the Arctic. The Northern Review, 36(Fall), 27-52. McGregor, H. E. (2012b). Curriculum change in Nunavut: Towards Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit. McGill Journal of Education, 47(3), 285-302. McGregor, H. E. (2013). Situating Nunavut education with Indigenous education in Canada. Canadian Journal of Education, 36(2), 87-118. Nunavut Housing Corporation. (2012). Igluliuqatigiilauqta. ‘Let’s build a home together’. Framework for the GN long-term comprehensive housing and homelessness strategy. Iqaluit, NU: Nunavut Housing Corporation. Parent, A. (2014). Bending the box: Learning from Indigenous students transitioning from high school to university. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC. Penney, C. (2009). Formal educational attainment of Inuit in Canada, 1981-2006. In J. P. White, J. Peters, D. Beavon, & N. Spence (Eds.), Aboriginal education: Current crisis and future alternatives. Toronto, ON: Thompson Educational Publishing. Poelzer, G. (2009). Education: A critical foundation for a sustainable North. In F. Abele, T. Courch- ene, F. Seidle, & F. St-Hilaire (Eds.), Northern exposure: Peoples, powers, and prospects for Canada’s North (pp. 427-467). Montreal, QC: Institute for Research in Public Policy. Rasmussen, D. (2001). Qallunology: A pedagogy for the oppressor. Canadian Journal of Native Education, 25(2), 105-116. Richards, J. (2008). Closing the Aboriginal / non-Aboriginal education gaps (C.D. Howe Institute Back- grounder No. 116). Toronto, ON: C.D. Howe Institute. Rodon T., Lachapelle, M., & Ruston, M. (2011). Improving access to university education in the Canadian Arctic: Learning from past experiences and listening to Inuit student experiences. Pan-Canadian Workshop, Carleton University, March 2011. Retrieved from http://fss.ulaval.ca/cms_recherche/upload/dev_nord/ fichiers/unconference_report_light.pdf Rodon, T., & Lévesque F. (2012). Improving access to university education in the Canadian Arctic: Learn- ing from past experiences and listening to Inuit student experiences. Kuujjuaq Workshop November 2011. Retrieved from http://www.fss.ulaval.ca/cms_recherche/upload/dev_nord/fichiers/report_kuu- jjuaq_light.pdf Sabin, J., & Kennedy, S. (2012, October). The economic legacies of colonial state institutions: Can territorial governments foster economic wellness? Paper presented at Pathways to Prosperity: Northern Governance and Economy Conference, Yellowknife, NT. Silta Associates. (2007). Post-secondary case studies in Inuit education: A discussion paper. Ottawa, ON: Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami. Statistics Canada. (2013). Nunavut (Code 62) (table). National household survey (NHS) Aboriginal population profile. 2011 National household survey. (Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 99-011-X2011007). Retrieved from http://www12.statcan.gc.ca/nhs-enm/2011/dp-pd/aprof/index.cfm?Lang=E

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 21 Rodon, Lévesque & Kennedy Dalseg

THIERRY RODON is Professor of Political Science, Université Laval and the holder of the Northern Sustainable Development Research Chair. [email protected]

FRANCIS LÉVESQUE is Director of the Aboriginal Training and Program Development Unit (ATDPU) at Université du Québec en Abitibi-Témiscamingue. francis.levesque2@ uqat.ca

SHEENA KENNEDY DALSEG is a PhD Candidate in the School of Public Policy and Ad- ministration at Carleton University. [email protected]

THIERRY RODON est professeur au département de science politique de l’Université Laval et, titulaire de la chaire de recherche sur le développement durable du Nord. [email protected]

FRANCIS LÉVESQUE est directeur de l’Unité de formation et de développement des programmes autochtones (UFDPA) à l’Université du Québec en Abitibi-Témiscamingue. [email protected]

SHEENA KENNEDY DALSEG est candidate au doctorat à la School of Public Policy and Administration de Carleton University. [email protected]

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NEO-COLONIALISM IN OUR SCHOOLS: REPRESENTATIONS OF INDIGENOUS PERSPECTIVES IN ONTARIO SCIENCE CURRICULA EUN-JI AMY KIM McGill University

ABSTRACT. Motivated by the striking under-representation of Indigenous students in the field of science and technology, the Ontario Ministry of Education has attempted to integrate Aboriginal perspectives into their official curricula in hopes of making a more culturally relevant curriculum for Indigenous students. Using hermeneutic content analysis (HCA), a mixed-method framework for analyzing content, this study examined how and to what extent Aboriginal content is represented in Ontario’s official science curriculum documents. Given that very little has been published in this specific area, this research sheds light on the current state of the representation of Aboriginal cultures in contemporary Canadian science curriculum.

LE NÉOCOLONIALISME DANS L’ENVIRONNEMENT PÉDAGOGIQUE: LA REPRÉSENTATION DES PEUPLES INDIGÈNES DANS LES PROGRAMMES DES SCIENCES EN ONTARIO RÉSUMÉ. Motivé par la sous-représentation marquante des étudiant(e)s indigènes dans les domaines de science et de technologie, le Ministère de l’Éducation d’Ontario essaya d’intégrer des perspectives autochtones dans leur programme officiel dans l’espoir de créer un environnement plus représentatif des particu- larités culturelles des étudiant(e)s indigènes. En employant l’analyse du contenu herméneutique, un encadrement de méthode mixte pour analyser du contenu, cette étude examina comment et jusqu’à quel point le contenu autochtone est représenté dans les documents officiels des programmes des sciences. Étant donné que très peu eut été publié dans ce domaine, la présente recherche fournit un éclairage sur l’état de la représentation des cultures autochtones dans les programmes contemporains des sciences canadiennes.

“What is Indigenous knowledge?” No short answer exists, since this is a question about comparative knowledge and no legitimate methodology exists to answer it…. It continues to be a difficult question for non-Europeans to answer because Eurocentric thought has created a mysticism around Indigenous knowledge that distances the outsider from Indigenous peoples and what they know. (Battiste & Henderson, 2000, p. 35)

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Over the past twenty years, discussions around integrating Indigenous perspectives into curriculum have become more predominant in the field of science education.1 The educational values of Indigenous knowledges and practice are increasingly recognized as they offer a more culturally relevant (responsive) curricula / pedagogies for Indigenous students (Aikenhead & Elliot, 2010). In Ontario, the province with the largest population of Aboriginal peoples in Canada, the Ontario Ministry of Education put forth the First Nations, Métis, and Inuit Education Policy Framework (FNMI Framework) in 2007. This framework suggested a need for “curriculum that reflects First Nation, Métis, and Inuit cultures and perspectives” as a way to enhance Aboriginal students’ learning in Ontario’s schools (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2007b, p. 7). Moreover, the province’s official science curricula (grades 1-8 published in 2007, and 9-10 and 11-12 published in 2008) formally acknowledged the educational value of Indigenous knowledges in science education and emphasized that “all students in Ontario will have knowledge and appreciation of contemporary and traditional First Nation, Métis, and Inuit traditions, cultures, and perspectives” (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2007a, p. 7). Given this recognition, one might expect that the Ontario science curricula reflect Indigenous-related content, including “contemporary and traditional” knowledge of Indigenous peoples in Ontario (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2007a, p. 7). However, no published study to date has examined the prevalence or representation of Indigenous-related content in Ontario’s current official science curricula. Examining the ways in which Indigenous-related content is presented within official curricula is important as it demonstrates how policymakers view Indig- enous cultures and knowledges, which in turn influences the ways in which teachers and students teach and learn. However, Indigenous scholars, notably Battiste and Henderson (2000), continue to show concern about the ongoing negative impacts of academic practices that promote the cultural appropriation of intellectual property from Indigenous communities. In this paper, I explore the current status (i.e., prevalence and representation) of Indigenous-related content in the official Ontario science curricula.

LOCATING MYSELF My point of entry is as a Korean-Canadian science educator, who has mainly been trained under the dominant Western model of science teaching. I was introduced to the knowledges and practices of Indigenous peoples during my undergraduate degree in biology as well as through community work. Through these experiences, I came to understand the importance and value of Indig- enous knowledges (IK) in the field of science. As a science educator who was trained and is certified in Ontario, I tried incorporating some Indigenous- related content in my high school science courses. However, I often found that students resisted seeing IK as a valid science. Students often perceived Indigenous-related content as relevant in history class rather than counting as scientific knowledge. In addition, Canadian science textbooks tend to highlight

2 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Neo-colonialism in Our Schools the cultural, traditional, and historical aspects of IK while diminishing Indig- enous peoples’ contemporary contributions to science and technology (Ninnes, 2000). Recognizing my students’ perceptions and the textbook portrayals of IK, I questioned whether the representations of IK reflected in the official curricula of the Ministry of Education were aligned with those constructed by textbook publishers. In Canada, textbooks used in classrooms usually cor- respond with the official curriculum documents published by ministries of education; teachers in Canada are expected to follow the official curriculum documents to plan their lessons and to evaluate students’ learning process. Therefore, I focused study on Ontario’s official science curriculum documents. Snively and Corsiglia (2001) have asserted that “since Aboriginal cultures have made significant contributions to science, then surely there are different ways of arriving at legitimate knowledge. Without knowledge, there can be no science, thus the definition of science should be broadened” (p. 8). I concur with Snively and Corsglia’s notion of science. I likewise reject the traditional ways of looking at science as a subject rooted only in Eurocentric values. Therefore, in this paper, science refers to methods that construct reality and that also consist of different sets of prior knowledge about the natural world and practices. When referring to the subject of science, I use the terms science curriculum, school science, or science education. This paper is based on Ogawa’s (1995) “science education in multiscience perspective,” which recognized that science is not universal but can exist in different forms stemming from the cultures and worldviews of different people (p. 583). Ogawa (1995) stated that “science in science education normally refers to Western modern science, which is only one of the sciences that civilization has produced” (p. 583). Therefore, I use the term Western modern science (WMS) to address the type of science that is anchored in Euro-Western cultures. To describe the form of science and knowledges that arise from culturally distinct groups of Indigenous peoples, I use the term Indigenous knowledges (IK). To refer to people of First Nations, Metis, and Inuit ancestry, the preferred collective name established by Indigenous scholars and the United Nations is Indigenous (Cajete, 1993; Saskatoon Public School Division, 2014). Meanwhile, current education documents in Ontario, including science curriculum documents, use the term Aboriginal. Therefore, I use the terms Aboriginal2 and Indigenous interchangeably in this paper. I also use the plural form when addressing Aboriginal peoples and their cultures and knowledges in Canada to acknowledge their diversity. I am not Indigenous nor a true expert of IK, but an ally. Here, a true expert refers to a knowledge holder and a community member who has received teaching directly from Elders and is recognized by Aboriginal communities. Before delving into the representation of Indigenous content within curricula, and in an attempt to provide a larger social and historical context for this study, I first provide a brief history of Indigenous education in Ontario as well as different perspectives on integrating IK into science education.

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HISTORICAL CONTEXT: INDIGENOUS EDUCATION IN ONTARIO The federal government of Canada has used education systems as an instru- ment of assimilation and oppression of Indigenous peoples in Canada since the early 1800s, when European missionaries established residential schools for Aboriginal children (Ledoux, 2006; Neegan, 2005). These residential schools were tools to attempt to eliminate worldviews, languages, and cultures of Aboriginal children “in a combination of powerful forces of cognitive im- perialism and colonization” (Ledoux, 2006, p. 269). The perpetuating effects of these residential schools (e.g., loss of sociolinguistic knowledge, parenting skills, etc.) have been thoroughly discussed and echoed by various scholars and survivors (Battiste & Henderson, 2000; Cherubini, 2010; Grant, 1996). The education of Canadian students became the responsibility of provincial jurisdictions with the enactment of the British North America Act in 1867. However schooling systems and education for Aboriginal children remained a federal responsibility and the attempted assimilation of Aboriginal children continued through residential school systems in Canada (Ledoux, 2006). In 1963, Hawthorn, an anthropologist, was commissioned by the federal government to examine the well-being of Aboriginal peoples in Canada. In his report (1966-67), he identified the destructive effects of assimilation education policies (especially residential schools) on Aboriginal peoples and demanded for a change in Aboriginal education policies. In the 1960s, even though the education of Aboriginal students on reserves remained the responsibility of the federal government, a substantial number of Aboriginal students attended public (provincially funded) schools. In 1967, the Ontario government introduced legislation permitting school boards to appoint an Indigenous member to represent Aboriginal students attending provincially funded schools (Gidney, 1999/2002). In addition, other policy initiatives, focused on curriculum and classroom issues, shifted from an approach of assimilation by segregation to assimilation by integration. This new approach emphasized creating more positive images of Aboriginal peoples in textbook and learning material, in which Indigenous peoples had previously routinely been portrayed as “savages” or “heathens” (Gidney, 1999/2002). How- ever, the curriculum remained Eurocentric, forcing Western ways of thinking and knowledge on Aboriginal students (Battiste, 1998; Neegan, 2005). There has also not been enough (if not a complete absence of) consultation with Aboriginal peoples in regard to curriculum development, which has led to a lack of preparation of teachers and curriculum that accommodates Aborigi- nal students’ learning in class (Ledoux, 2006). The integration approach to education — without proper involvement of Aboriginal peoples — continued to play a role in assimilating Aboriginal children and youth into Eurocentric culture and ways of thinking. When the 1969 federal White Paper advocated provincial control of Aboriginal affairs, including (and especially) education, Indigenous peoples responded quickly and, in 1972, First Nations groups in

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Canada obtained the right to operate their own schools. However, one of the funding criteria required that Indigenous-governed schools follow provincial curriculum (Battiste, 1998; Ledoux, 2006). Since 2008, the federal government of Canada has signed tripartite education memorandums of understandings (MOU)3 with some Canadian provinces, not including Ontario (Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development, 2014). Meanwhile, the numbers of identified Aboriginal peoples in Canada surpassed the one million mark in 2006, over one fifth (21%) of whom resided in On- tario, making the Indigenous population in Ontario larger than that in any other province or territory. In turn, in 2006, there were over 50,000 Aborigi- nal students enrolled in public schools across Ontario (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2011). Considering the growing population of Aboriginal students and the need for better education for Aboriginal students in the province, the McGuinty government published the Ontario’s New Approach to Aboriginal Af- fairs report in June 2005. Even though the Ontario government never signed a MOU, the McGuinty government expressed its commitment to building a relationship and collaborating with Aboriginal communities. The report also suggested various strategies and principles to “improve educational outcomes among Aboriginal children and youth” and the development of curricula to “create a positive learning environment at both the primary and secondary school levels” (Ontario Native Affairs Secretariat, 2005, p. 12). In 2007, the Ontario Ministry of Education (2007b) stated that they had collaborated with the Aboriginal Education Office in Ontario to publish a policy framework document for Aboriginal education, entitled the First Nation, Métis, and Inuit Education Framework. This framework also echoed the Ministry’s stated commitment to provide “a curriculum that facilitates learning about contemporary and traditional First Nations, Métis and Inuit cultures, histories and perspectives among all students and that also contributes to the education of school board staff, teachers and elected trustees” throughout elementary and secondary science education in Ontario (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2007b, p. 8). Indeed, the Ministry stated in their official science curriculum documents from 2007 that their science curricula have been integrated with content related to “the perspectives and worldviews of various cultures, including Aboriginal cultures, as they relate to scientific issues” (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2007a, p. 37). Statements from the FNMI policy framework as well as official science curriculum documents of Ontario have highlighted the Ministry’s commitment to integrating IK and practices into the curriculum. However, the integration of Indigenous-related content, including IK in science curricula, continues to be a subject of debate in the field of education, especially from the perspective of universalism versus multiculturalism in science education.

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INTEGRATION OF IK IN SCIENCE EDUCATION Integrating Indigenous perspectives into conventional WMS-focused science education has fuelled a fierce debate between universalists and multiculturalists in science education. Universalists argue that science is universal and is culture-, gender-, and ethnicity-free, thus the culture, gender, race, ethnicity, or sexual orientation of the knower does not influence the construction of scientific knowledge (Matthews, 2000; Siegel, 2001). In contrast, multiculturalists (i.e., pluralists) challenge the notion of universalism and suggest that science is socially constructed and thus can exist in different forms in different cultures (Lewis & Aikenhead, 2001; Snively & Corsiglia, 2001). The debate between universalists and multiculturalists in science education is part of a wider critique of science based on Kuhn’s (1970) arguments about the structure of scientific revolutions, accompanied by the emergence of poststructuralist and postmodernist philosophies (McKinley, 2005). Through a multiculturalist lens, scholars such as Cajete (1993), Snively and Corsiglia (2001), and Aikenhead and Michell (2011) underlined the legitimacy of IK and Indigenous ways of knowing nature (IWKN) as types of science that are different from conventional WMS. IK, considered to be distinctive knowledge, have their own place in science education (Kimmerer, 2012). First, IK help create a better learning environment for Indigenous students. Studies have shown that many Aboriginal students have a better grasp of Western-based school science when it is complemented by Aboriginal perspectives (Hatcher, Bartlett, Marshall, & Marshall, 2009). Hampton (1995) and Snively and Corsiglia (2001) suggested that a framework of integrative science (including both IK and WMS) would create a better learning environment for Aboriginal students to succeed in “both the white and the Native worlds” (Hampton, 1995, p. 7). The First Nations and Inuit lifelong learning models also emphasize learning both WMS and IK (Canadian Council on Learning, 2007b). Moreover, IK play important roles in contemporary science and technology education and careers. The World Commission on Environment and Devel- opment (1987) pointed out the importance of locally developed IK, as such knowledges can offer potential solutions for ever-increasing contemporary and future environmental problems, including global warming. Derived from long-term observational data and maintained through an oral tradition, IK systems build upon the experience of earlier generations and adapt to new technological and socioeconomic changes (Omura, 2005; Tsuji & Ho, 2002). The knowledges and experiences of Indigenous peoples provide insights on the relationships between living things in nature that are currently absent in WMS and that can be complemented with WMS and technology to provide a more holistic understanding of nature (Kimmerer, 2002).

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In particular, there is a growing recognition of the knowledges and practices of Indigenous peoples on sustainable development around the globe (Kim- merer, 2012; Nadasdy, 1999). In turn, environmental education that includes “activities that are by, with, or about Indigenous peoples, their environments, and the peoples’ relations to the living and non-living things around them” (Reid, Teamey, & Dillion, 2004, p. 238) is being increasingly promoted. For instance, UNESCO created the Teaching and Learning for a Sustainable Fu- ture: A Multimedia Teacher Education program as part of its Educating for a Sustainable Future project. This program underscored that when integrated in curricula, IK can enhance learning attitudes and values for a sustainable future. These recognitions from the UN and UNESCO are also reflected in the Council of Ministers of Education of Canada’s (CMEC, 2010) report, Educating for Sustainability, which stated that “Canada may want to play a role in the implementation of this [UNESCO’s sustainability project]” (p. 6).

CURRENT STATUS OF IK IN CANADIAN SCIENCE EDUCATION Despite their educational value, IK carry less importance than WMS in the field of science education (Omura, 2005). IK continue to be represented as primitive, wild, and natural, and evoke condescension from Western observers (Dei, Hall, & Rosenberg, 2000; Semali & Kincheloe, 1999). Historically, IK have been excluded from the school curriculum or offered minimal course time in lower status optional courses (Alsop & Fawcett, 2010). The results from a textual analysis on two key Australian and Canadian textbooks (used in grades 7-9 classes) suggested that these textbooks covered a substantial amount of IK (Ninnes, 2000). However, there are issues of essentialism and misrepresentation of Indigenous identities. Indigenous-related content was often associated with antiquity or primitive terms and was subordinated to or treated as peripheral in relation to Western knowledge (Ninnes, 2000). Kimmerer (2002) also pointed out that IK are unknowingly or knowingly ignored in curricula. Indeed, my previous study (Kim & Dionne, 2014) revealed that many Canadian jurisdictions showed either a lack of Indigenous-related content in their grades 7 and 8 science curricula (i.e., evidence of ignoring) and/or evidence of essentialism and appropriation of IK in their science curricula. However, unlike the other Canadian provinces and territories, Nunavut and Saskatchewan have made some headway in integrating IK into science curricula (Kim & Dionne, 2014). For example, rather than treat IK as add-on curricula, as Figure 1 shows, the official science curricula of the Saskatchewan Ministry of Education recognized IK “as a legitimate way to understand the physical world” along with disciplines developed by WMS (i.e., life science, physical science, earth and space science) (Aikenhead & Elliot, 2010, p. 329).

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FIGURE 1. The renewed Saskatchewan Science Framework (reproduced from Aikenhead & Elliot, 2010). Aikenhead and Elliot (2010) specified that the Saskatchewan curriculum renewal process required collaboration with Indigenous groups and scholars to ensure “the cultural and political validity of Indigenous knowledge[s] included in the curriculum”; in the process, Indigenous groups in Saskatchewan helped find connections between IK and the Pan-Canadian Science Frame- work4 published by the Canadian Minister of Education Canada (CMEC) in 1997 (Aikenhead & Elliot, 2010, p. 330). In turn, IK content was integrated throughout four foundation pillars of the Pan-Canadian Framework: 1) science, technology, society, and the environment (STSE); 2) attitudes; 3) skills; and 4) knowledge, with the goal of avoiding tokenism of IK within curricula (Kim & Dionne, 2014). Indigenous scholars, including Battiste and Henderson (2000), Simpson (2004), and Deloria and Wildcat (2001), have underscored the importance of the participation and involvement of Indigenous scholars and Elders in reclaiming their epistemic identities and empowering their IK to gain social value and status as a system of knowledge in contemporary society. In this light, a meaningful integration of IK requires content that does not also tokenize the involvement of Aboriginal Elders and scholars in the curriculum development and teaching (Aikenhead & Elliot, 2010; Neegan, 2005). Indeed, the development of the Saskatchewan curricula included both the involvement of Aboriginal individuals and also the establishment of specific pedagogical tools for teachers to work with knowledge keepers / knowledge holders, individuals who are recognized from local Indigenous communities (Aikenhead & Elliot, 2010). The Saskatoon Public School Division (2014)

8 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Neo-colonialism in Our Schools developed Enhancing School Science with Indigenous Knowledge: What We Know from Teachers and Research. This book offers different ways and the possibilities of the meaningful integration of IK into school science as a form of science rather than as cultural content.

METHODS

Research objectives As mentioned above, the purpose of this paper is to examine the treatment of Indigenous-related content, including IK, in Ontario’s official science curriculum documents. Here, treatment refers to the prevalence (i.e., the amount of coverage) as well as the representation (i.e., the portrayal of cultures, practices, and knowledge of Indigenous peoples). Johnston, Haines, and Wallace (2001) stated that the experience of students in secondary science classes has a significant impact on their perceptions and choices with regards to pursuing science and technology-related post-secondary studies. Recognizing this long-term impact of secondary science curriculum, I focused on the secondary (grades 7 to 12) curricula in this study, using the following guided questions: 1. What is the prevalence of Indigenous-related content within Ontario secondary science curriculum documents? 2. Within which learning domains (i.e., life sciences, physical sciences, and earth and space sciences) is Indigenous-related content found in the studied documents? 3. In what positive and negative ways has the Aboriginal perspective been represented in curriculum documents? I used hermeneutic content analysis (HCA) — a mixed method framework of content analysis — to explore these questions, as researchers can employ HCA to consider studied content through both quantitative and qualitative lenses. In this way, the data from a HCA can bring a more complete contextualized interpretation of the documents (Bergman, 2010).

Data sources Official Ontario science curriculum documents describe the knowledge and skills that students are expected to acquire, demonstrate, and apply in their classwork and investigations, on tests, and in various other activities upon which their achievement is assessed. The Ontario science curriculum consists of two sets of expectations: overall expectations and specific expectations (On- tario Ministry of Education, 2007a). Taken together, both sets of expectations make up the officially mandated science curriculum. While overall expectations describe “in general terms the knowledge and skills that students are expected to demonstrate by the end of each grade,” specific expectations describe “the expected knowledge and skills in greater details” (Ontario Ministry of Educa-

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 9 Kim tion, 2007a, p. 11). Specific expectations are usually accompanied by suggested examples, sample issues, or guiding questions in parentheses. These examples are not mandated curriculum but rather help teachers to elaborate their pedagogies to teach to the curriculum expectations. The overall and specific expectations of Ontario science curricula are both developed in ways that respect the interrelationship between the big ideas of science (i.e., fundamental concepts) as well as the three goals of science education in the provinces, as shown in Figure 2.

FIGURE 2. The Ontario Science Curriculum Framework (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2008). Specific expectations in curricula are categorized into the disciplines of biology, chemistry, physics, and earth and space education, corresponding to the goals of the science program, which are: 1) to relate science and technology to society, 2) to develop the skills, strategies, and habits of mind required for scientific inquiry and technological problem solving, and 3) to understand the basic concepts of science and technology. In this study, I reviewed all the specific expectations through the mixed method framework of hermeneutic content analysis (HCA), focusing on its association with types of disciplines and the goals of the science program.

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Hermeneutic content analysis (HCA) I adopted Bergman’s (2010) HCA framework, which consists of three steps (Figure 3): 1. A qualitative content analysis to identify meaningful codes according to the research question or theme; 2. A quantitative frequency analysis of themes and narrative components; 3. A qualitative re-contextualization of the quantitative data from step 2 through interpretation within the specific text and context.

FIGURE 3. Three-step analysis of sequential mixed methods content analysis (Bergman, 2010, p. 389). During the first qualitative phase, I reviewed curriculum documents and their contents. Here, the focus was twofold: 1) to identify specific expectations containing Aboriginal-related concepts and/or words and 2) to generate the descriptive categories (themes) that delineate the representations of Aboriginal topics and knowledge emerging from these specific identified expectations. Thereafter, I moved to the second (quantitative) phase, during which I conducted a frequency analysis on the identified concepts and words to investigate the prevalence of Aboriginal-related content categorized by the associated learning domains (e.g., biology, chemistry, physics, earth and space science and technology) as well as the frequency analysis of the appearance of generated themes throughout the documents. In the last phase, the results from the first and second phases were assembled to interpret (re-contextualize) the data for further discussion. Here, I also examined if any acknowledgement or recognition was given to local Aboriginal communities’ involvement in the curriculum development. In the third stage, with all of the data combined, I attempted to identify the current state of IK in curricula. To do so, I referred to Afonso Nhalevilo’s (2013) grounding framework (i.e., five stages of integration of IK systems) in science education (Table 1).

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TABLE 1. Five stages of the integration of IK systems

1. Colonization IK are not recognized as valued knowledge. 2. Decolonization Awareness of the value of IK starts to take place in debates on curriculum policies in education (i.e., a conduit for the assimilation of IK into the Western paradigm). 3. Neo-colonization Content integration: Process that undermines the cultural values of a society (e.g., integration that teaches Western science to Indigenous students and uses IK as a resource to clarify Western science). 4. Re-birth Researchers and educators interrogate the lenses through which IK are communicated, argue for the inclusion of IK, and question the way in which IK have been included / integrated. 5. Theorizing Researchers and educators are more concerned with justifying the claim for the co-existence of different discourses in school curricula and seek to address ontological, axiological, and epistemological issues in including IK in school curricula (i.e., how do we teach IK?).

This framework provides a tool that analysts can use to “reflect on curriculum changes and on programs of research into the cultural contextualization of science education and/or of Indigenous knowledge system inclusion in school curricula” (Afonso Nhalevilo, 2013, p. 25). Therefore, within this framework, I aimed to unveil embedded ideas that delineate the current representation of Indigenous-related content within the curriculum documents.

FINDINGS

Amount of coverage The analysis revealed that an average of 1.8% of each grade’s curricula was devoted to Aboriginal-related content and less than 5% of the content of all curricula across all grade levels was related to Aboriginal topics (see Table 2).

TABLE 2. Total calculated percentages of textbook dedicated to Aboriginal content by grade

Number of specific Estimated % of Total number of specific expectations in curriculum documents Grade expectations (i.e., learning curriculum with dedicated to Aboriginal outcomes) in documents Aboriginal content content Grade 7 66 1 1.5 Grade 8 57 1 1.8 Grade 9 118 5 4.2 Grade 10 126 3 2.4 Grade 11 383 8 2.1 Grade 12 463 4 0.9 Total 1,213 22 1.9

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Once identified, the specific expectations were categorized by related learning domains: biology, chemistry, physics, earth and space science, and technology. The technology category consisted of the content related to the science field, such as current medical technologies, disease-related technologies, as well as technologies related to workplace hazards. Content in this category is from the grade 12 university / college preparation science and grade 12 workplace science courses. In relation to the learning domain, most of the Aboriginal content was presented in the context of teaching earth and space science, while none was found within the physics domains (see Table 3).

TABLE 3. Total calculated percentages of curriculum documents dedicated to Aboriginal content in each teaching strand

Total no. of specific No. of expectations Estimated % of Learning domains expectations in in curriculum with curriculum dedicated documents Aboriginal content to Aboriginal content Biology 244 8 3.3 Chemistry 299 1 0.3 Physics 306 1 0.0 Earth & Space Science 211 10 4.7 Grade 12 Science 58 2 3.5 With regard to the low level of Indigenous content in physics and chemistry, the Saskatoon Public School Division (2014) explained that these subjects are not aligned with the holistic nature of Indigenous worldviews. While physical science topics such as chemistry tend to require reductionism (i.e., analyzing and breaking apart the concepts into smaller parts), life science topics such as ecology tend to be based on holism (i.e., looking at the relationship to a whole system). Thus IK-related topics are more likely to appear in the topics of life sciences, such as biology, than physical sciences, including chemistry and physics. I also examined the relationship between Indigenous-related content and the three goals of the science and technology program in Ontario. With regard to the goals of science and technology of the Ontario science curriculum (Table 4), Indigenous-related content found in the curricula was mainly associated with relating science and technology to society and the environment (STSE).

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TABLE 4. Estimated percentages of curriculum dedicated to Aboriginal content in relation to overall expectations

Estimated % of Total no. of specific No. of expectations curriculum dedicated Overall Expectation expectations in in curriculum with to Aboriginal documents Aboriginal content content Relating science and 101 16 15.8 technology to society and the environment Developing 286 2 0.7 investigation and communication skills Understanding basic 318 4 1.3 concepts NOTE: Grade 11 and 12 Chemistry, Grade 11 and 12 Physics, and Grade 12 Earth and Space Science were not included as part of the quantitative analysis process since no Aboriginal content was found in the related documents. This course content was mainly introduced in sample issues and questions related to an introductory activity or lesson to facilitate discussions around the topics of STSE rather than presented as a learning outcome. For example, one of the specific expectations from a grade 12 university prep biology course is to “evaluate, on the basis of research, some of the human health issues that arise from the impact of human activities on the environment” (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2008, p. 84). For this specific expectation, a few sample questions were given to teachers, such as: “In what ways have mining, forestry and hydroelectric developments affected the health of Aboriginal people in Northern Ontario?” and “What are the links between air pollution and respiratory disease such as asthma?” (p. 84). As seen in this example and as reflected throughout the official secondary curricula, Aboriginal topics were primarily discussed in the context of STSE, which shows the Ministry’s attempts to integrate the cultures and issues of Aboriginal communities. However, as shown in Table 5, very little Indigenous-related content was introduced as scientific concepts (1.3%) or skills to acquire (0.7%). I will elaborate on the notion of tokenism further in the next section. Meanwhile, five themes emerged with regards to the representation of the cultures and knowledges of Aboriginal peoples upon exploring the identified contents in the documents (Table 5).

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TABLE 5. Estimated percentages of Aboriginal content for thematic categories

No. of specific Theme Estimated % expectations Aboriginal knowledge portrayed in antiquity terms or as 3 13.6 primitive concepts WMS as a solution to issues in 10 45.5 Aboriginal communities Aboriginal peoples’ sciences and technologies portrayed 4 18.2 as alternatives IK recognized as concepts to learn 3 13.6 Aboriginal peoples seen as research subjects 2 9.1 Theme 1: Aboriginal knowledges portrayed in antiquated terms or as primitive concepts. The traditions and knowledges of Aboriginal peoples were often portrayed in the curriculum documents as primitive concepts or myths. They were often discussed in a pre-historic context, along with ancient Greek and Mayan civilizations. For example, in the grade 9 earth and space science strand, one of the specific expectations stated that students were required to describe various reasons that humankind has had for studying space (e.g., to develop calendars for agricultural purposes, to forecast weather, for celestial navigation, and for religious inspiration) and the conceptions of the universe held by various cultures and civilizations (e.g., Aboriginal cultures; ancient Greek and Mayan civilizations). (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2008, p. 55) Unlike ancient civilizations, which are no longer in existence and thus no longer progress, the cultures and knowledges of Aboriginal peoples continue to evolve and adapt to the changes in environment and society (Dei et al., 2000; Tsuji & Ho, 2002). By associating Aboriginal cultures with the ancient Greek and Mayan civilizations, the curricula evoke the idea that Aboriginal cultures and knowledges are primitive and inferior, inadequate for solving current scientific problems, and superseded by conventional scientific ideas (Ninnes, 2000). When seen through a postcolonial lens, such a representation creates “fragmented, negative, and distorted” pictures of Aboriginal peoples, whereby Indigenous knowledges and technologies are characterized as “primitive, backward, or superstitious” (Battiste & Henderson, 2000, p. 86). Such representations of IK also evoke condescension from Western observers and the subjugation of IK in curriculum (Battiste & Henderson, 2000; Ninnes, 2000). In turn, curricula that emphasize such ideas play a role in devastating the self-confidence of Aboriginal youth while promoting the supremacy of WMS ideologies, which are based on the notion that European cultures, knowledges, and practices are superior to Indigenous ways of living and thinking (Hickling-Hudson & Ahlquist, 2003; Poonwassie, 1992). Jegede (1999) examined the effects of Eurocentric curricula in the learning context. His collateral learning theory supports the idea that learning through highly

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Eurocentric content may impede the learning process of Aboriginal students because “learning something in one cultural setting that conflicts with their indigenous knowledge embedded in a different cultural setting (for example, Aboriginal students learning Western science)” could result in conflicting ideas in long-term memory of Aboriginal students (as cited in Aikenhead & Huntley, 1999, p. 5). Historically, Aboriginal-related content has been excluded from school curriculum or only offered in lower status optional courses (Alsop & Fawcett, 2010). While the educational and scientific value of IK is recognized to a certain extent in the policy framework and statements in Ontario curricula, the science curricula (rooted in the conventional WMS) continues to elicit antiquated images of Aboriginal peoples. In turn, this impedes teachers and students from understanding Aboriginal knowledges and technologies as potential tools to investigate current environmental problems. Theme 2: WMS as a solution to issues in Aboriginal communities. As shown in Table 5, 45.5% of the studied content discusses current scientific and environmental issues within Aboriginal communities. These issues include concerns for safe drinking water in First Nations communities and the loss of traditional lifestyles for the Inuit peoples in Ontario. While these issues were framed as problems of Aboriginal communities, the curriculum nevertheless conveys the idea that conventional Western science has been, and continues to be, the answer to the problems. For example, one of the specific expectations for the grade 11 environmental science course requires students to “analyse grassroots initiatives that are intended to reduce the impact of environmental factors on human health” (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2008, p. 156). The particular sample issue given for the expectation was: People from the Grassy Narrows Reserve in Northern Ontario were experiencing chronic health problems. They commissioned a study which found that many animals and fish that were part of a traditional diet were contaminated with mercury and heavy metals. Guidelines were proposed to limit consump- tion of the affected animals and thereby improve people’s health. (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2008, p. 156) While the sample excerpt introduces a current scientific issue in the Aborigi- nal community, it ignores the causes of contamination. Free Grassy Narrows (2010) stated that the Ministry of Natural Resource has been permitting logging companies to obtain natural resources in Grassy Narrows without the consent of the community. These logging companies have left vast amounts of mercury in the land and the river, as a result of which high levels of mercury have remained in the community’s water system. This problem stemmed from the government and the capitalist economic system, not from this Aboriginal community. However, by failing to mention the accurate cause of the problem, the curriculum gives the impression that the environmental problem first transpired from within the Aboriginal community. In addition, without mentioning non-WMS-based ways of healing that are currently being used in the community (e.g., holistic healing approach, herbal medicine) or any

16 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Neo-colonialism in Our Schools initiatives governed by the community, the curriculum states that to improve the health of the people in the community, the provincial government created guidelines for people to follow in an effort to resolve the health and environmental issues. Here, Western science and guidelines are seen as the answer to the problems in Aboriginal communities, showing the ways that the discourse of the science curriculum — being highly political — is anchored in WMS. Within a postcolonial framework, such representation follows an assimilationist trajectory, leading Aboriginal students to devalue their traditional science and praise Western science, which is portrayed as the solution to the problems in their respective communities. Consequently, this leads to the disengagement of Aboriginal students in learning school science and has devastating impacts on the self-confidence of Aboriginal youth (Poonwassie, 1992). Theme 3: Aboriginal peoples’ sciences and technologies portrayed as alternatives. Nearly 18% of all identified Aboriginal content was dedicated to introducing the scientific contributions of Aboriginal peoples in Canadian society and environment. The Ontario curricula often ask students to assess the effectiveness of human activity on long-term sustainability or alternative technologies, including the technologies and knowledges of Aboriginal peoples. An example can be seen in the grade 12 university / college preparation science course, which asks students to “identify a variety of alternative technologies and therapies used to diagnose or treat human health conditions (e.g., biofeedback, acupuncture, homeopathy, chiropractic, and Aboriginal healing practices) and assess the effectiveness of one such therapy” (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2008, p. 228). Multiculturalist-based understandings of science education recognize that there are many solutions to scientific problems and that Western scientists have utilized the knowledges and technologies of Aboriginal peoples (Snively & Corsiglia, 2001). However, students are asked to assess “the effectiveness” of Aboriginal peoples’ contributions and technologies (which are represented as “alternative”). This portrayal of Aboriginal knowledges and technologies as “alternative” and not yet validated by WMS conveys a message of uncertainty regarding the legitimacy of Indigenous knowledges and technologies. Battiste and Henderson (2000) stated that, in fact, the knowledges and technologies of Indigenous peoples are as, if not more, empirical and valid as Western scientific thought and technologies since Indigenous knowledges and technologies are continually being revised over time at the individual and community levels. Theme 4: IK recognized as concepts to learn. As seen in Table 3, 13% of the analyzed Aboriginal content was described as concepts students need to learn. IK have been recognized internationally as valuable knowledge systems to study how the environment has changed over time as well as to promote environmental stewardship (Aikenhead & Michell, 2011; Kimmerer, 2002; McKinley, 2005; Tsuji & Ho, 2002). Through the lens of the universalist view of science, the knowledges and practices of Aboriginal peoples are incommensurable to number- and formula-based science (i.e., factual science), such as the chemistry of

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 17 Kim physics (Siegel, 2001). Therefore, from this perspective, there seems to be no space for IK in current school science curricula. However, despite the argument that IK cannot be incorporated into physical sciences (such as chemistry and physics), the Ontario curriculum provides an example in the Grade 8 physics strand that introduced the Aboriginal clan system as a basic concept explaining the term system. It may seem to be a mere integration of IK but the concept of system is considered to be a “big idea” in science education and the application of the concepts and examples of Aboriginal clan systems in this example illustrates the possibility of integrating Aboriginal topics into the physical sciences. Indeed, when integrating IK into WMS-based curriculum, it is important to focus on the similarities as well as the differences between WMS and IK to be able to illustrate how a synthesis of both knowledge systems can work together to solve problems (Hatcher et al., 2009; Snively & Corsiglia, 2001). While the differences between WMS and IK have been emphasized in the field, the similarities of these two systems have also been discussed (Agrawal, 1995; Aikenhead & Michell, 2011). Both WMS and IK are generated through systemic experimental approaches and both share intellectual processes that include observing, questioning, interpreting, looking for patterns, inferring, and classifying. They both originate from the human impulse to understand the environment, thus the knowledge is continually being revised based on new observation and new data (Aikenhead & Michell, 2011). Despite these similarities, much more emphasis has been placed on the differences, as a result of which IK have been made to be peripheral and WMS has been placed in the center of the curriculum — therefore reproducing the broader social status quo within the curriculum. Scholars have suggested that these differences are due to political reasons rather than epistemic factors, as politics has played an important role in determining the status of IK in dominant Western society (Agrawal, 1995; Nadasdy, 1999; Tsuji & Ho, 2002). Omura (2005) affirmed that the perpetuated status quo and the differences between WMS and IK emphasized by scientists are “a result of the socio-political construction of otherness” (p. 339). The examples of constructing otherness are shown in theme 5. Theme 5: Aboriginal peoples seen as research subjects. Some learning outcomes involved sample cases that include Aboriginal peoples and communities as a subject to study. For example, one of the expectations for developing investigation and communication skills in the Grade 12 biology university preparation course requires that students study Aboriginal peoples by researching “the increase of Aboriginal compared to non-Aboriginal populations and the significant difference in average age between the two groups” (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2008, p. 12). As many Indigenous scholars such as Smith (2012) and Battiste and Henderson (2001) have suggested, Indigenous peoples often have been the subject of study. By studying “them” (Indigenous peoples), it

18 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Neo-colonialism in Our Schools often has been the case that Indigenous peoples’ knowledges and practices have been represented as primitive or inferior and needing to be advanced to the standards of Eurocentric values. Such representations have been a result of research conducted without consultation with Indigenous peoples. Without providing a possible context of study (e.g., Aboriginal peoples are the fastest growing population in Canada as suggested by Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada, 2010), the purpose of the above-mentioned comparative analysis between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal population growth using “laboratory inquiry or computer simulation” can be questioned. The purpose of the choice of two populations, Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2008, p.12), is also not clear. Is the comparison between these two groups the most effective way to either learn science- related concepts (e.g., population dynamics) or develop science-related skills (e.g., investigation and communication skills) suggested in the curriculum document? This inclusion of Aboriginal peoples in the curriculum does not serve any educational role but rather tokenizes Aboriginal peoples. Also, the curriculum expectations create a discourse of “us and them” and provide an example of othering the Aboriginal population and separating this specific population from the rest of the Canadian population. This is particularly poignant as Canada is often recognized as a “mosaic” consisting of many different cultures, including those of Aboriginal peoples. While the non-Aboriginal population includes diverse ethnic and linguistic populations including recent immigrants to Canada, Aboriginal peoples are put in a separate category despite the distinctiveness and diversity within Aborigi- nal communities. Indeed, there was also evidence of essentializing Indigenous peoples in the curriculum in Ontario. There was no mention of the diversity of the Aboriginal cultures and knowledges, and when Indigenous-related content was included, it represented Indigenous peoples as a homogenous population. The Mohawk people are referred to as “people from the Grassy Narrows reserve” in the earlier example (Ontario Ministry of Education, 2008) without giving the proper nation name associated with the people in the community. As such, the curricula not only fail to recognize the diversity existing within Aboriginal peoples but also other them from the rest of multicultural Canada. Here, other is defined by difference, typically marked by outward signs, such as race and gender, where difference indicates “some kind of weakness or superior strength or intellect depending on the sympathies of the dominant [i.e., Western] cultural voice” (Onbelet, 2012, p. 3). Learning through curricula that separates Indigenous cultures from the rest of Canada as well as silences or devalues Indigenous scientific knowledges and practices, Aboriginal students may feel excluded from broader Canadian society, which often leads to the disengagement of these students from science learning (Canadian Council on Learning, 2007a).

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Moreover, Aboriginal communities have their own way of examining that is not rooted in “laboratory inquiry or computer simulation,” as illustrated by Ferguson and Messier’s (1997) studies on IK about the population of Arctic tundra caribou. Such comparative analysis using only WMS-based technology to study Aboriginal peoples without recognizing the possibility of Aboriginal ways of studying a population is an example of educational and academic practices that perpetuate the asymmetric power relationships that exist between WMS and IK. Providing more detailed contexts and rationales as to why the comparison between the two groups is significant to learning either science concepts or skills and including examples of Aboriginal ways of studying populations would have helped to avoid tokenization and othering within the curriculum.

CONCLUSION Based on their commitment to creating a more integrative science curriculum, as highlighted in the First Nation, Métis, and Inuit Education Policy Framework, the Ontario secondary science curricula included Aboriginal-related content to a certain extent (see Table 2). Considering the amount of coverage and representation within the documents, the Ontario secondary science curriculum is at Afonso Nhalevilo’s (2013) stage of neo-colonization in regard to the integration of IK. In the neo-colonization stage, IK are included in the curriculum but are “decontextualized, expropriated and objectified” (Afonso Nhalevilo, 2013, p. 27). Traditionally, colonization refers to the occupation, control, and economic exploitation of one nation by another (Asher, 2010). Neo- colonization, in the context of curriculum, is a new form of colonization — “a process that undermines the cultural values of a society” (Ryan, 2008, p. 673). The neo-colonial stage of the integration of IK in curricula is further illustrated by Afonso Nhalevilo (2013). She suggested that content integration is a typical practice used in the neo-colonial stage where curricula include IK but fail to consider the paradigm associated with the knowledge. In turn, IK are included to “teach WMS to indigenous students… as a resource to clarify WMS, [and/ or] to name the subject IK but teach it within the Western science framework” (Afonso Nhalevilo, 2013, p. 28). Therefore, within neo-colonial curricula, IK are being assimilated into WMS. The integration of IK is based on the WMS agenda. As such, IK continue to be subjugated and misrepresented based on the WMS framework. The five themes generated from the representation of Aboriginal-related content suggest the presence of embedded salient colonial ideas within the Ontario curriculum, which in turn does not accommodate Aboriginal students’ learning and creates a stereotype of Aboriginal knowledge as antiquated. Carter, Larke, Singleton-Taylor, and Santos (2003) effectively illustrated the neo-colonial process within the science community. These authors referred to the science community as a special kind of “club” that has its own rules. If individuals or scientists are not willing to play by its rules, they are not

20 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Neo-colonialism in Our Schools welcome to join or even remain. In this way, rules and regulations are based on the traditions of Western science and universalism. An individual who wants to become a member of this “club” is expected to be an expert on the values, culture, and content of Western science. Based on findings from this study, I argue that Ontario’s secondary science curriculum has played a role in creating this exclusive “club” within their science education. Such curricula indoctrinate students to believe that WMS is the only valid way of constructing the world, while othering IK (Carter et al., 2003). Afonso Nhalevilo (2013) challenged the discourse and the context that frames this discourse of integrating IK within neo-colonial curriculum, stating that IK “is not just about artifacts or the phenomena occurring in the hearth or beyond. It is rather about the discourse we have in relation to these occurrences” (p. 29). Therefore, the context in which IK are introduced or integrated in science curricula must consider not only the WMS-based paradigm but also IK paradigms to avoid “epistemological dependency, viewing IK as dependent on the lens of Western Science” (Afonso Nhalevilo, 2013, p. 29). The integration of IK within IK paradigms must be done by Indigenous people. The Ontario curriculum documents (e.g., Ontario Ministry of Education, 2007b, 2008) made no mention of the participation of Indigenous scholars or educators in the curriculum development nor did any pedagogy suggest the involvement of community members. Here, I echo the importance of the involvement of Indigenous scholars and Elders, as this is an essential element of integrating IK. As mentioned in the literature review, collaborating with Aboriginal scholars and local knowledge keepers in regard to curriculum design and instruction would help avoid the misrepresentation of knowledge and create a curriculum that better serves Aboriginal students’ learning. As seen in Saskatchewan’s successful case (Aikenhead & Elliot, 2010; Kim & Dionne, 2014; Saskatoon Public School Division, 2014), the meaningful integration of IK can be accomplished by consulting with local Aboriginal knowledge holders and experts. Instead of being used as a tool to tokenize IK, the contributions and knowledges of Aboriginal peoples can be introduced across all teaching strands and grade levels in a respectful manner towards Indigenous peoples without misrepresenting them as primitive or inferior. Moreover, curricula should include pedagogies that involve community members. Cherubini (2010) problematized the current situation whereby non-Aboriginal educators “translate Aboriginal education curricula initiatives by their own understanding of pedagogical content and therefore situate their teaching from a personal narrative context” (p. 21). If ministries of education decide to integrate Aboriginal perspectives in curricula, Aboriginal scholars and members should be involved from the start, in the development as well as the delivery of the content. When integrating and teaching about Indigenous-related content, non-Indigenous people must recognize their role as allies rather than experts. In such a way, the effects of neo-colonialism within science teaching can be diminished and a more meaningful integration of IK within science curricula can be achieved.

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NOTES

1. I would like to thank the reviewers for their critical and constructive comments, which helped strengthen this article. 2. The term Aboriginal includes First Nations, Métis, and Inuit peoples. First Nations, Métis, or Inuit students are referred to specifically where appropriate to the context. 3. While there are some variations, each MOU represents an important long-term commitment to collaboration regarding K-12 education and frames joint initiatives pursued by the parties (Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development, 2014). 4. The Pan-Canadian Framework (1997) listed specific content and skills for science classrooms for each grade level; all Canadian curricula are required to follow this framework.

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Cherubini, L. (2010). An analysis of Ontario Aboriginal education policy: Critical and interpretive perspectives. McGill Journal of Education, 45(1), 9–26. Council of Ministers of Education Canada. (2010). Educating for sustainability: The status of sustainable development education in Canada. Retrieved from http://cmec.ca/Publications/Lists/Publications/ Attachments/9/environment.en.pdf Dei, S. J., Hall, B. L., & Rosenberg, G. D. (2000). Introduction. In G. Sefa, B. L. Hall, & G. D. Rosenberg (Eds.), Indigenous knowledge in global contexts: Multiple readings of our worlds (pp. 3–20). Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press. Deloria, V., & Wildcat, D. R. (2001). Power and place: Indian education in America. Golden, CO: Fulcrum Publication. Ferguson, M. A. D., & Messier, F. (1997). Collection and analysis of Traditional Ecological Knowl- edge about a population of Arctic tundra caribou. Arctic, 50(1), 1-28. Free Grassy Narrows (2010). Grassy Narrows clan mothers block NMR enforcement team. Retrieved from http://freegrassy.net/2010/08/25/grassy-narrows-clan-mothers-block-mnr-enforcement-team/ Gidney, R. D. (2002). From hope to Harris: The reshaping of Ontario’s schools. Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press. (Original work published 1999) Grant, A. (1996). No end of grief: Indian residential schools in Canada. Winnipeg, MN: Pemmican. Hampton, E. (1995). Towards a redefinition of Indian education. In M. Battiste & J. Barman (Eds.), First Nations education in Canada: The circle unfolds (pp. 5–46). Vancouver, BC: UBC Press. Hatcher, A., Bartlett, C., Marshall, A., & Marshall, M. (2009). Two-eyed seeing in the classroom environment: Concepts, approaches, and challenges. Canadian Journal of Science, Mathematics and Technology Education, 9(3), 141–153. Hickling-Hudson, A. R., & Ahlquist, R. (2003). Contesting the curriculum in the schooling of Indigenous children in Australia and the USA: From Eurocentrism to culturally powerful pedagogies. Comparative Education Review, 47(1), 64–89. Jegede, O. J. (1999). Science education in nonwestern cultures: Towards a theory of collateral learning. In L. M. Semali & J. L. Kincheloe (Eds.), What is Indigenous knowledge?: Voices from the academy (pp. 119–142). New York, NY: Falmer Press. Johnston, R., Haines, V. A., & Wallace, J. E. (2001). Do factors that differentiate science and non- science majors predict majoring in science? The Alberta Journal of Educational Research, 47(3), 280–284. Kim, E. A., & Dionne, L. (2014). Traditional Ecological Knowledge in science education and its integration in grades 7 and 8 Canadian science curriculum documents. Canadian Journal of Science, Mathematics and Technology, 14(4), 311–329. Kimmerer, R. W. (2002). Weaving traditional ecological knowledge into biological education: A call to action. BioScience, 52(5), 432–438. Kimmerer, R. W. (2012). Searching for synergy: Integrating traditional scientific ecological knowledge in environmental science education. Journal of Environmental Studies of Science, 2, 317–323. Kuhn, T. S. (1970). The structure of scientific revolutions. Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press. Ledoux, J. (2006). Integrating Aboriginal perspectives into curricula: A literature review. Canadian Journal of Native Studies, 26(2), 265–288. Lewis, B. F., & Aikenhead, G. S. (2001). Shifting perspectives from universalism to cross-culturalism. Science Education, 85, 3–5. Matthews, M. R. (2000). Constructivism in science and mathematics education. In D. C. Phillips (Ed.), National society for the study of education, 99th yearbook (pp. 161–192). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. McKinley, E. (2005). Locating the global: Culture, language and science education for indigenous students. International Journal of Science Education, 27(2), 227–241.

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Nadasdy, P. (1999). The politics of TEK: Power and the “integration” of knowledge. Artic Anthropol- ogy, 36(1–2), 1–18. Neegan, E. (2005). Excuse me: Who are the first peoples of Canada? A historical analysis of Ab- original education in Canada then and now. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 9(1), 3–15. Ninnes, P. (2000). Representations of indigenous knowledges in secondary school science textbooks in Australia and Canada. International Journal of Science Education, 22(6), 603–617. Ogawa, M. (1995). Science education in a multiscience perpective. Science Education, 79(5), 583–593. Omura, K. (2005). Science against modern science: The socio-political construction of otherness in Inuit TEK (Traditional Ecological Knowledge). Senri Ethnological Studies, 67, 323–344. Onbelet, L. (2012). Imagining the other: The use of narrative as an empowering practice. Retrieved from http://www.mcmaster.ca/mjtm/3-1d.htm Ontario Ministry of Education. (2007a). The Ontario curriculum: Grades 1-8: Science and technology. Retrieved from https://www.edu.gov.on.ca/eng/curriculum/elementary/scientec18currb.pdf Ontario Ministry of Education. (2007b). First Nation, Métis and Inuit education policy framework. Retrieved from http://www.edu.gov.on.ca/eng/aboriginal/policy.html Ontario Ministry of Education. (2008). The Ontario curriculum: Grades 9 and 10: Science. Retrived from https://www.edu.gov.on.ca/eng/curriculum/secondary/science910_2008.pdf Ontario Ministry of Education. (2011). Aboriginal postsecondary education and training policy framework. Retrieved from https://www.tcu.gov.on.ca/pepg/publications/APETPFramework.pdf Ontario Native Affairs Secretariat. (2005). Ontario’s new approach to Aboriginal affairs. Retrieved from http://www.chiefs-of-ontario.org/sites/default/files/files/New%20Approach%20to%20 Aboriginal%20Affairs.pdf Poonwassie, D. H. (1992). Aboriginal populations and equal rights in education: An introduction. In D. Ray & D. H. Poonwassie (Eds.), Education and cultural differences: New perspectives (pp. 41–44). New York, NY: Garland. Reid, A., Teamey, K., & Dillon, J. (2004). Valuing and utilizing traditional ecological knowledge: Tensions in the context of education and the environment. Environmental Education Research, 10(2), 237–254. Ryan, A. (2008). Indigenous knowledge in the science curriculum: Avoiding neo-colonialism. Cultural Studies of Science Education, 3, 663–683. Saskatoon Public School Division. (2014). Enhancing school science with Indigenous knowledge: What we know from teachers and research. Saskatoon, SK: Saskatoon Public School Division. Semali, L. M., & Kincheloe, J. L. (1999). Introduction: What is Indigenous knowledge and why should we study it? In L. M. Semali & J. L. Kincheloe (Eds.), What is Indigenous knowledge? Voices from the academy (pp. 3–58). New York, NY: Falmer Press. Siegel, H. (2001). Incommensurability, rationality and relativism: In science, culture, and science education. In P. Hoyningen-Huene & H. Sankey (Eds.), Incommensurability and related matters (pp. 207–224). Dordrecht, Netherlands: Kluwer (Boston Studies in Philosophy of Science). Simpson, L. R. (2004). Anticolonial strategies for the recovery and maintenance of Indigenous knowledge. American Indian Quarterly, 28(3–4), 373–384. Smith, L. T. (2012). Decolonizing methodologies: Research and indigenous peoples. New York, NY: Zed Books. Snively, G., & Corsiglia, J. (2001). Discovering Indigenous science: Implications for science education. Science Education, 85, 6–34. Tsuji, L. J. S., & Ho, E. (2002). Traditional environmental knowledge and Western science: In search of common ground. The Canadian Journal of Native Studies, 22(2), 227–260. World Commission on Environment and Development. (1987). Our common future. London, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.

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EUN-JI AMY KIM is a PhD candidate at McGill University. Her current research interests include Indigenous science education, STEAM education, and aesthetic experiences in Science Education. For her doctoral project, in particular, she is interested in exploring the ways in which Indigenous-related content is represented in the official science curriculum documents in British-descended settler countries, namely Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. She is unpacking the relation these curriculum documents have to a larger colonial historical legacy, and analyzing academics’ and policy makers’ views on Indigenous perspectives within science education. [email protected]

EUN-JI AMY KIM est une candidate au doctorat à l’Université de McGill. Sa recherche porte actuellement sur l’éducation scientifique des indigènes, l’éducation dans le cadre de STEAM (acronyme anglais signifiant science, technologie, ingénierie, arts, mathéma- tiques) et les expériences esthétiques dans l’éducation de science. Pour son doctorat spécifiquement, elle s’intéresse à explorer les façons par lesquelles le contenu lié aux indigènes est représenté dans les documents officiels des programmes des sciences dans les jadis colonies Anglaise, c’est-à-dire l’Australie, le Canada et la Nouvelle-Zélande, ainsi que éclaircir la relation de ces derniers documents concernant un héritage coloniale plus vaste et analyser les vues des académiciens et décideurs politiques par rapport aux perspectives indigènes dans l’éducation des sciences. [email protected]

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26 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Tensions Between Teaching Sexuality Education and Neoliberal Policy Reform

TENSIONS BETWEEN TEACHING SEXUALITY EDUCATION AND NEOLIBERAL POLICY REFORM IN QUEBEC’S PROFESSIONAL COMPETENCIES FOR BEGINNING TEACHERS DAN PARKER Concordia University

ROBERT MCGRAY Brock University

ABSTRACT. This research draws into question the effects that neoliberal policy reforms — with an emphasis on individual and measurable “competencies” — has on new teachers teaching sexuality education in Quebec. While we examine professional competencies that teachers can use to define their mandate for teaching sexuality education as a beginning professional, we also detail the ways in which the competencies constrain pedagogical practice. Our argument is that while there are avenues for teachers to use the professional competencies for sexuality education, neoliberal reforms atomize teachers in a search for accountability. As a result, for fear of generating controversy, potentially contentious issues like sexuality education are not readily addressed. This atomization restricts both teachers and the field — the policy circumscribes sexuality education as personal rather than cultural. As such, we are left impotent to address cultural issues of sexuality education.

COMPÉTENCES PROFESSIONNELLES ET ENSEIGNANTS DÉBUTANTS: TENSIONS ENTRE L’ENSEIGNEMENT DE L’ÉDUCATION SEXUELLE ET LA RÉFORME DES POLITIQUES NÉOLIBÉRALES AU QUÉBEC RÉSUMÉ. Ce projet de recherche remet en question les impacts qu’ont les réformes des politiques néolibérales — mettant l’accent sur les « compétences » individuelles et mesurables — sur l’éducation sexuelle enseignée par les enseignants débutants au Québec. Nous explorons les compétences professionnelles que peuvent utiliser les enseignants lors de la définition de leur mandat d’enseignement de la sexualité et ce, en tant que professionnel débutant. Nous examinons en détails de quelle manière les compétences entravent la pratique pédagogique. Nous soutenons que même si les compétences professionnelles offrent aux enseignants certaines pistes en termes d’éducation à la sexualité, les réformes néolibérales les poussent à s’isoler et à s’inscrire dans une logique de reddition de comptes. Par conséquent, des sujets potentiellement controversés comme l’éducation à la sexualité ne sont pas facilement abordés, de crainte de générer la controverse. Cet isolement limite à la fois les enseignants et le milieu, les politiques définissant l’éducation sexuelle comme personnelle plutôt que culturelle. Ainsi, nous nous retrouvons incapables d’aborder les aspects culturels de l’éducation à la sexualité.

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Let us begin by asking a difficult question: If you are a beginning teacher, how do you respond when a student discloses that they are a survivor of sexual trauma? Over the past number of years, there have been numerous disturbing cases of assaults, bullying, and even death that have implicated schools.1 Sadly, these cases are not anomalous. As such, the teaching of sexuality education has taken on an even greater importance — for schools as well as in the broader society. While Quebec’s Ministry of Education does provide opportunities for teachers to address sexuality education through cross-curricular work as part of its education reform, the Quebec Education Plan (QEP, Ministère de l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport [MELS], 2001b), the policies are not as robust as in other provinces with mandatory sexuality education. In this paper, after briefly outlining the reasons for the lack of sexuality education in Quebec, we detail ways in which teachers can, and should, fulfill their MELS-mandated professional competencies by engaging their students with sexuality education. While we note the inadequacies and inconsistencies of ministry and school board policies around sexuality education, the goal here is to offer insights and resources to Quebec teachers to help them better understand how to use existing policies to fight against gender oppression in their classrooms and better equip their students to experience healthy and respectful sexual relationships. As part of the education reform, the Ministry laid out twelve professional competencies that are used by school administrators to evaluate teachers. Teachers who do not have permanent contracts must undergo these evaluations in order to be rehired the following academic year (MELS, 2006). Teacher education programs are also supposed to be tailored to make students familiar with these competencies; many course outlines reiterate the relevant professional competencies. We will examine how some of these competencies enable teachers in the context of a cross-curricular sexuality education curriculum, while others have the effect of constraining teachers. Specifically, using the document The Probationary Period for Teachers in Preschool, Elementary and Secondary Education (MELS, 2006) as the main source, with additional aspects taken from the document, Teacher Training: Orientations, Professional Competencies (MELS, 2001a), professional competencies 1, 3, 9, 11, and 12 will be considered. Working with policy in any professional practice is often rife with tensions. When reforms to school curricula happen, or the expectations for teachers change, any number of groups are implicated in the changes. Scholars of educational policy have noted that one of the current ideological pressures on schools is the emergence of neoliberalism. Neoliberalism, as it relates to schools, is the idea that schools should operate in keeping with the logic of contemporary capitalism and related econometric measures. Neoliberal educational reforms share many of the defining features of broader, non-workplace-specific reforms, for example, accumulation by dispossession (Harvey, 2005), privatization,

2 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Tensions Between Teaching Sexuality Education and Neoliberal Policy Reform public-private partnerships (PPPs, Taylor & Friedel, 2011), and pressures to teach for increased economic gain. Specifically, a hallmark of neoliberal educational reform is the atomization of education, with the accompanying shift from responsibility to accountability, and what Michael Apple (2001) has referred to as the push for entrepreneurial teachers. The waves of reforms across Canada — indeed, the world — over the past few decades have not only contributed to the economization of education,2 but this agenda has been significantly advanced by defining teachers and teacher’s roles as individual, measurable, and quantifiable. In this context, recent curricular reforms have shifted the emphasis of schooling to meet the metrics and goals of global mar- kets. Steven Klees (2009) has tracked the increasing marketization of education on a global scale, highlighting many of its pressures and mechanisms. Among these mechanisms has been the prevalence of high-stakes testing as well as a reduction in funding for things deemed to be non-essential, that is to say, those subjects believed to provide a low rate of return on monetized investments. Solomon and Singer (2011) have articulated the ways in which neoliberalism has impacted teaching and learning in Canada, noting that “ultimately, school environments have increasingly become arenas of conflict as equity-based curricula that integrate issues of diversity and social justice are forced into a contradictory and tumultuous relationship with standards-based, test-driven, and pre-packaged curricula” (p. 1). As high-stakes testing comes to the fore, the individual aspect of neoliberalism is emphasized. The connection between neoliberalism and the teaching of sexuality education may seem to be less obvious. However, atomization runs the risk of framing the discussion of sexuality education as involving private individuals, separate from society. It is important that sexuality education addresses the structural, cultural, and relational aspects of sexuality. Our discussion of the professional competencies should be read as a challenge to educators to teach sexuality education as having public importance. The previous points are not to say that reforms such as the QEP have no place for community or culture in the role of the teacher and school — we do see this emphasis in some competencies — but, rather, that neoliberal reforms privilege an understanding of the individual as the location of agency. This is a concern for all aspects of schooling, but it raises a specific concern for the subject of sexuality education. How do we conceptualise and address the links between sexuality and culture? We argue that a major pitfall of the QEP is the absence of links between sexuality and healthy cultural participation. The ability for teachers and schools to confront broad as well as contentious cultural issues about sexuality in schools can all too readily fall by the wayside. It is worthwhile to note, too, that while we have chosen to focus on education in Quebec, these issues exist in other provinces. Sexuality education shares common pressures from atomizing curricula that relegate issues of sexual health to individual units — both units of lessons and units of people. In addition,

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 3 Parker & McGray the pressures on new teachers to not address critical issues are an unfortunate result of schooled passivity. In linking sexuality education with educational policy, we hope to highlight how teachers can, and should, resist this trend. However, Quebec is the only province in Canada that does not have mandatory sexuality education classes in public schools.

QUEBEC’S PROFESSIONAL COMPETENCIES AND SEXUALITY EDUCATION In the reform period of 2001 to 2005, the MELS announced the elimination of the course, “Personal and Social Development,” in which sexuality education was originally covered (Feldman, 2011). Since then, the government has instead promoted a cross-curricular approach to sexuality education, in which all teachers become responsible for sexuality education. School boards are also responsible for implementing policies to achieve these cross-curricular ends. For example, the Lester B. Pearson School Board (2011) in Montreal organized FLASH (Friendship Love and Sexual Health) professional development workshops for both elementary and secondary “networks” (p. 18), meaning educators, administrators, councillors, and spiritual community animators. The results of such initiatives have yet to be studied, but news reports have critiqued the lack of success in coordinating a cross-curricular approach to sexuality education (Feldman, 2011; “Sex in the Dark,” 2013). Experience by Dan Parker, one of the co-authors of this article and a teacher in Quebec high schools, has demonstrated that sexuality education is either covered in a single session, roughly once a year, by counselors based at the school board office, or by private educators from groups such as the Sexual Health Network of Quebec or the Stop Program, who conduct single or multiple sessions with the same students. Otis, Gaurdeau, Duquet, Michaud, and Nonn (2012) have documented the often limited and fragile partnerships between schools and public health practitioners who give sexuality education workshops. Between 2009 and 2011, Dan observed that sexuality education was covered in one single session roughly once a year by counsellors based at the school board office, private educators, or nurses. His teacher training program at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE) had only offered him one class that focused on anti-oppression and gender issues in society, without going into any specific pedagogy on sexuality education. While teaching in Quebec, he did not receive any training in sexuality education from the school board, even though most school boards’ official policies encouraged teachers to explore sex or sexuality education in all subjects. He was never informed about this responsibility until at a staff meeting, one and a half years into his teaching career; the staff was reminded that it was everybody’s job to teach sexuality education. The announcement was rendered irrelevant by the eye-rolling and sarcastic smiles of the presenter and many staff members. The message was clear: teachers didn’t take this task seriously, and neither did administrators or school boards. And even if some of them did, how could they teach about

4 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Tensions Between Teaching Sexuality Education and Neoliberal Policy Reform sexuality education if they were not trained how to do so? Dan Parker began to reflect on and research this issue while a graduate student and teaching assistant with Robert McGray. Robert McGray, the other co-author, was previously an Assistant Professor in Educational Studies at Concordia University in Montreal. He now teaches at Brock University in Ontario. One of the reccurring classes he taught was a pre-service class aimed at exploring the ways in which teachers could develop cross-curricular methods which encompassed the domain of sexuality education. As many of the students were busy fulfilling the requirements of their Education degrees — including time intensive stage placements in schools, it became readily apparent that the daily pressures of working with students did not emphasize skills or concepts that were not touched by high stakes testing. In addition, economic realities meant that there was a great deal of pressure on the students in teacher certification to gain employment. Many of the teacher candidates working in the field of early childhood education, for example, were all too aware that raising critical questions around sexuality was not perceived to be the safest terrain for a new teacher to venture into. As such, the question we asked at the beginning of the paper could be seen as a troublesome and career-risky venture. Both authors therefore sought out ways to bridge the role of the teacher with the policies so as to better illuminate sexuality education. As we have mentioned, sexuality education in Quebec falls within the mandate of the cross-curricular competencies. Readers will note, however, that we have deliberately chosen to highlight avenues for sexuality education in the professional competencies. This is done for two major reasons. The first is to identify the ways in which the role of the teacher, as defined by the MELS, relates to teaching subject matter that can be contentious. The second is to examine how the conditions for teachers’ work affects sexuality pedagogy. In this particular instance, we posit that this conceptual trajectory implicates neoliberal school reforms, the individualization of the labour of teaching, and the privatization of sexual knowledge. Finally, because the MELS had not defined a subject area for sexuality education, there is imminent risk that the programs that certify teachers in Quebec in post-secondary institutions do not address sexuality education in pre-service training. In the following sections, we describe five professional competencies as well as recommend possibilities for action by teachers. We have chosen these competencies for their importance as well as relevance to the field of sexuality education.

Professional competency 1: “To act as a professional who is inheritor, critic and interpreter of knowledge or culture when teaching students” (MELS, 2006, p. 38). This competency is important for educators to justify to their colleagues, principals, students, or students’ parents why their lessons cast “a critical look at his or her own origins, cultural practices and social role” (MELS, 2001a, p. 62). As a critic, teachers may incite students to act and fight against racism,

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 5 Parker & McGray sexism, classism, and homophobia, present in hegemonic sexuality education curricula (Connell & Elliot, 2009). This competency also urges teachers to “establish links with the students’ culture in the proposed learning activities” (MELS, 2001a, p. 62) such as to dating violence in the Twilight Saga series, which is very popular amongst teenagers (Collins & Carmody, 2011), while teen magazines may be used as educational material to critique violence in intimate relationships (Kettry & Emery, 2010). There are plenty of other teen-cherished forms of media (movies, music videos, ads) that can be deconstructed for their caricatures or exaggerated performances of a male-centered (hetero)sexuality. Teachers can help young men and women envision alternative discourses that encourage a larger breadth and depth of sexuality that is “free from violence, discrimination and self-recrimination” (Connell & Elliot, 2009, p. 95).

Professional competency 3: “To develop teaching / learning situations that are appropriate to the students concerned and the subject content with a view to developing the competencies targeted in the programs of study” (MELS, 2006, p. 40). All Quebec teachers have the responsibility to teach the cross-curricular competencies (MELS, p. 23, 2001b). The fact that sexuality features in a list of thirteen other “focuses of development” (p. 23) may be reflective of the time and resources the MELS originally intended would be spent on the former subject area that was called Personal Development, where sex education had a more prominent role. Although some teachers have not seen, or do not remember seeing, any proposed curriculum for the teaching of sexuality education (“Sex in the Dark,” 2013), the MELS document for teachers entitled Sex Education in the Context of Education Reform (Duquet, 2003) suggests (but not does make mandatory) several activities, projects, and learning activities. Standard sexuality education topics are covered such as “teen pregnancy, STDs, equality between the sexes, sexual orientation and homophobia” (p. 22). For example, the guide suggests that primary school students learn to report sexual harassment or exploitation (p. 48). Teachers are encouraged to read a story to their class about the sexual abuse of a child and discuss it with the students. Some teachers might shy away from such an activity, in the same way that they would not feel comfortable responding to teenagers’ spontaneous comments about online pornography by discussing the “massive distribution of pornographic and violent images on the Internet,” and “the consequences of these scenarios on the perception of female and male sexuality” (p. 53). Other examples include an English Language Arts activity where Duquet (2003) suggests students “make a video on violence in young people’s romantic relationships” (p. 53). In an Ethics and Religious Culture course, she proposes a discussion on sexual aggression that can be initiated by the following statement: rape is “the only crime where the victim feels guilty” (p. 53). These examples, approved by the Ministry, can possibly give teachers not only the tools but also the official approval and professional obligation to delve into these controversial issues surrounding rape culture and hegemonic sexuality. But will teachers do so? We will return to this question later.

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In terms of “teaching / learning situations” (MELS, 2001b), an abundance of online resources are available to teachers who want to address sexuality in various subjects. However, teachers need to be wary of the abstinence approach, which is currently popular in the United States. The production of “sexual citizens” (Fields & Hirschman, 2007, p. 8) requires that teenagers make healthy sexual choices, rather than being pre-empted in their choices by heterosexist and religious visions of sexuality that exclude sex-positive and Lesbian, Gay, Bi- sexual, Transgender, or queer / questioning (LGBTQ) perspectives. For a more inclusive approach, Quebec high school teachers should refer to The Teacher’s Sex Ed Toolkit (Aids Community Care Montreal, 2011). Its lesson plans and handouts are specifically designed for different subject areas of the Quebec curriculum. One lesson for later stages of the Ethics and Religious Culture course tackles rape culture and heterosexist gender norms at the same time as dealing with sexual boundaries and the importance of consent between an ambiguous couple (the unisex names are meant to promote discussions about gender). This resource also shows how teachers can fulfill another aspect of competency 3 — recognizing and respecting social differences such as “gender, ethnic origin, socioeconomic and cultural differences” (MELS, 2001a, p. 74). In general, since the QEP encourages teachers to create group learning situations (MELS, 2001b), teachers should also refer to Koch’s (2007) work on cooperative learning in sexuality education, which includes common ground rules for sexuality education, common group member roles and effective leader traits in sexuality education, and tools for effective group / collaborative / cooperative learning in general. Finally, teachers of teens should not shy away from touching on sexual pleasure with the students: Aggleton and Campbell (as cited in Manseau, Blais, Engler, & Bossé, 2007) argue that sexual pleasure must be included in sexuality education, or else teenagers simply lose interest.

Professional competency 12: “To demonstrate ethical and responsible professional behaviour in the performance of his or her duties” (MELS, 2006, p. 49). This professional competency is important for teachers who seek to stop sexual violence in their school since it recognizes the teacher who “anticipates, devel- ops and implements practices to ensure that students are treated with respect and that their health, safety and well being are secure” (MELS, 2006, p. 49). Beyond sexuality education class activities, teachers can go further to creating safe spaces in their schools. Katz, Heisterkamp, and Fleming (2011) illustrate how the Mentors in Violence Prevention (MVP) Model in high schools tackles rape culture by training athletes to become engaged bystanders and responsible teammates on the lookout for sexual violence. The MVP also encourages men to name and confront other men’s “verbal, physical, and sexual mistreatment of women” (p. 688). Similarly, Martin (2008) outlines an intervention strategy against peer sexual harassment that is designed to empower adolescent females. Teachers could collaborate with administrators or the school board to imple- ment such programs. Also, educators, regardless of their sexual orientation,

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 7 Parker & McGray can also fight homophobia and heterosexism by hosting Gay-Straight Alliances (GSAs, Fields & Hirschman, 2007, p. 9). Educators can consult the Canadian GSA resource website to find out how to set up their own GSA as well as make links with other GSA teachers across Canada (Egale, 2012). It is important that teachers are able to relate their lessons and program planning to “major schools of thought” (MELS, 2001a, p. 119) if there are moral or social conflicts that may arise in the class, or if administrators, parents, or other teachers scrutinize their professionalism. For example, if a gender studies, anti-rape, or feminist approach is used, then the teacher should be prepared to cite the literature, theory, and research that back up their practice. This analysis could be explained as a part of queer theory, where sexuality is seen as “a primary mechanism through which inequality is organized” (Con- nell & Elliot, 2009, p. 84). In this way, teachers need to be ready to justify their “decisions concerning the learning and education of students to the parties concerned” (MELS, 2001a, p. 119). Sexuality education can sometimes arouse fears amongst parents that the transmission of sexually explicit knowledge encourages teenagers to engage in reckless sexual activity. Possibility for controversy can, of course, happen anywhere. The Ontario government’s new sexual education curriculum has faced criticism and protests from parents and religious groups (The Canadian Press, 2015). Many of these groups feel that implementation of the curriculum may lead to increased promiscuity. In response, ministries of education, school boards, and teachers across Canada should be ready to point naysayers to the MELS document (Duquet, 2003) that cites several studies showing that adolescents who receive sexuality education “are more likely to delay their first sexual relation, preferring to wait for the appropriate time” (p. 34). Nevertheless, educators must ensure that their materials and pedagogy are appropriate to the students’ development. There are times when a school community rightly contests acts of sexuality educators. For example, in a high school in Chilliwack, British Columbia, grade 8 and 9 students received a deck of graphic and irreverent sex cards (originally designed for adults) during a guest speaker’s presentation on sexual relationships. Parents contested this, and the school issued a public apology (Chan, 2015). This case demonstrates how important it is for sexuality educators to receive the training that is necessary to navigate through sensitive issues and to be aware of what is being introduced into their classrooms and why.

Professional competency 11: “To engage in professional development individually and with others” (MELS, 2006, p. 48). Although the MELS’ initial plans were to “set up training sessions in sex education for all educators” (Duquet, 2003, p. 35), such professional development training has by and large been poorly or sparsely implemented. A report on the integration of health clinics (CLSCs) in sexuality education in schools has shown that very few projects were put in place, and that administrators and

8 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Tensions Between Teaching Sexuality Education and Neoliberal Policy Reform teachers found it difficult to squeeze in sexual education with the rest of the curriculum and its content-heavy demands (Otis et al., 2012). Community opposition groups in Quebec have noted that there is no method made available for evaluating the new cross-curricular sexual education, and that most teachers are neither qualified nor comfortable to broach issues concerning sexuality (Feldman, 2011). This trend of poor teacher training in sexuality education has been observed in the U.S. as well, where research has shown that “the majority of teachers assigned to teach sexuality curricula have received little or no training in this area” (Walters & Hayes, 2007, p. 35). What’s worse, for those teachers and student teachers who do receive training in sexuality education with anti-homophobic curricula, teachers and students sometimes “resist or subvert them,” and many student teachers have shared their views that “(homo)sexuality [is] irrelevant or inappropriate to the schooling context” (Connell & Elliot, 2009, p. 91). The ministry encourages teachers to seek professional development resources such as “research reports and professional literature, pedagogical networks, professional associations, [and] data banks” (MELS, 2001a, p. 116). Will teachers seek to acquire this competency by engaging with such resources and their applications to cross-curricular sexuality education? Maybe. The problem is, there are many other subjects that teachers may also wish to inform themselves on first, starting with their core subject areas. Teachers who are passionate about gender oppression and sexual awareness can use their annual professional development funding to do workshops on sexuality education, but these volunteers are few and far between. Overburdened with heavy workloads, oversized classes, and extra curricular activities, how can they find the time to engage in another layer of professional development? Although this professional competency may serve to motivate critical educators to take on the extra research and training, teachers may not do so since it is not required. This is concerning as Quebec’s sexually transmitted infections / diseases rates have witnessed a steady increase since 2005, with 15- to 25-year-olds designated as the most vulnerable group (Feldman, 2011).

Professional competency 9: “To cooperate with school staff, parents, partners in the community and students in pursuing the educational objectives of the school” (MELS, 2006, p. 46). This professional competency can present the most difficult obstacle for a teacher who wants to teach sexuality education. However, it is also arguably one of the most important of the twelve competencies when the teacher evaluation and the rehiring process are considered. As such, it is part of why teachers may be afraid of broaching controversial issues in their classes that may provoke questions from the school administration. McNeil (1988) argues that many schools’ bureaucratic organizations inadvertently promote “defensive teaching strategies” (p. 434) which omit controversial topics so that teachers

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 9 Parker & McGray may assume authoritarian control of their classes. This type of low-risk pedagogy also includes teaching by lists, mystifying information, and dumbing down the material (McNeil, 1988). Thus, this professional competency can serve as a tool to weed out any teachers that may wish to change the school culture or the hegemonic culture of sexuality in radical ways. Of course, this professional competency also points to a deeper hierarchical apparatus that McLaren (2009) suggests promotes a hidden curriculum of docility, compliance, and forms of oppression based on class, race, and gender. The actual application of the professional competencies, then, can engender contradictions, as it does here. Although the first professional competency encourages teachers to be critical of the normative culture, competency 9 may trump this professional obligation if the critique is deemed to be too provocative. Patriarchy is a heavily protected system of privilege and oppression. If a teacher tries to undermine its systemic authority, they may face fierce reprimands from the school community. Scholars such as McLaren (2009) and Mojab (2005) remind us that race, class, and gender need to be considered when discussing any issue involving power relations. This is a gargantuan task for teachers as race and class are often considered to be out-dated, irrelevant, or divisive words (Mojab, 2005). Carr (2013) describes how pre-service teaching programs lack the curriculum to prepare teachers to comprehend and use concepts such as race and class, as well as their social effects. The avoidance of controversial topics is part of the ethos exemplified in competency 9 — a teacher needs to cooperate with the different actors in the school community, and if they resist too loudly, they may lose their job. For example, what should teachers do when parents and administrators show resistance to queer sexuality being incorporated into the sexuality curriculum? What if the librarians or school board computer technicians set Internet filters on school computers, limiting LGBTQ sites, making the World Wide Web fit into a heteronormative worldview (Connell & Elliot, 2009)? These are the obstacles that exist in all schools. Teachers who wish to address social justice issues in their classroom can feel enabled if they are fortunate enough to have a school community that encourages such action. So long as the following indicator under competency 12 is respected, then teachers concerned about sexuality education can organize their lessons as they wish: the teacher must appear to maintain “a positive attitude toward all students,” colleagues, and “the principal or director” (MELS, 2006, p. 49). If they are able to produce lesson plans that other colleagues in the school and the school board can use, then their reputation and clout will only increase, giving them more room to push the proverbial envelope. However, in a more restrictive bureaucratic environment where the administration and colleagues enforce defensive teaching strategies, the radical teacher faces an uphill battle, where competency 9 can be unfulfilled. One solution would be to establish “educational rights” with a group of teachers, parents, administrators, and students. Such a group can list “a series of guidelines that reflect the

10 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Tensions Between Teaching Sexuality Education and Neoliberal Policy Reform operating philosophy of the school system” (Walters & Hayes, 2007, pp. 43-44) that would allow the teachers to broach not only issues concerning sexuality but also other controversial material. In certain communities, this may limit the topics that can be discussed, but in other cases, it may empower educators with the mandate and community support to engage in sexuality and social justice issues with their students.

Implications for sexuality education and the professional competencies As previously alluded to, a significant obstacle in the MELS professional competencies is what is missing — there is no competency that obliges or asks teachers to fight oppression, whether it is based on class, race, or gender. Competency 7 does address students with special needs, but this does not go far enough — it does not oblige teachers to raise awareness about ableism, nor talk about disabled individuals as sexual beings. There is no competency that explicitly asks teachers to break the social reproduction of social inequalities. There is no indicator in the evaluation rubric for smashing the patriarchal sexual hegemony. Despite these missing requirements, teachers can fulfill these unofficial “social justice competencies” (Landreman, Edwards, Balon, & Anderson, 2008) in some of the ways we have tried to suggest throughout this article. We summarize this discussion with a series of action points; each set of points is addressed to a particular audience: 1) faculties of education in higher education — specifically those charged with professional teacher training programs, 2) administrators of schools and school boards, and 3) teachers and teachers’ unions / associations. Faculties of education play a key role in the implementation and teaching of professional competencies. By this, we mean that professors should realize that they have a capacity to forward an argument of best practice surrounding what the professional competencies should mean. This is especially crucial for many of the teacher training students in their classroom who will become administrators. This argument should not simply involve the competencies but also sexuality education as a field of study. Second, universities need to have a more robust understanding of how sexuality education fits into their own approach to teaching. That is to say, cultural issues of sexuality should not be relegated out of what is deemed to be core subjects. School boards must offer professional training on sexuality education to teachers so that they will feel competent and confident while facilitating activities and discussions about sexuality with students. These workshops should go beyond basic sex education, which deals with biological aspects of sexual reproduction, in order to explore the social and emotional aspects of sexuality that will help young people explore their bodies and romantic feelings safely and respect- fully. Having teachers incorporate these elements across the curriculum is a

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 11 Parker & McGray good idea, but the workshops should then offer training and resources geared towards specific school subjects. To ensure that this policy materializes in the classrooms, school administrators would need to make this new program a priority by meeting regularly with department heads and interested teachers in order to mobilize and assist teachers in this sometimes daunting task. Finally, teachers should be empowered to work in teams, especially with senior colleagues who have more seniority and trust in the community. This would provide leverage if unsupportive administrators side with parents or with other teachers filing complaints about programs. In such cases, unions or teachers’ associations should be ready to provide the tools and arguments to defend educators who are fulfilling their job expectations such as those defined in the competencies. Unions could also develop and offer supplementary resources about the risks and responsibilities around teaching sexuality education. The professional competencies, along with a more explicit and obligatory sexuality education curriculum at the levels of the ministry of education and school boards, could serve as the justification and defense for educators who may be challenged; union leaders and representatives should be especially familiar with these interpretations. Finally, teachers should be able to draw support from these partners in their conviction that the implementation of sexuality education is vital to reducing sexual violence not only in schools but also in society. Their bravery will enable and empower students to engage in sexual relationships that are safer and less judgmental.

CONCLUSION In this article, we have introduced avenues for Quebec teachers to teach sexuality education and practice their professional competencies, as set out by the Ministry of Education. Some teachers may not have the same interpretation of their professional obligations. In addition, even if they do agree with the principles of promoting sexuality education, teachers are heavily bogged down with many tasks that are considered to be more pressing. It is difficult for them to approach such issues from a cross-curricular angle when there is little training, when the curricula for their subject areas are already unmanageable due to the time constraints, and when defensive teaching strategies that steer clear from controversial issues are employed. Nevertheless, we have attempted to demonstrate how the ministry’s professional competencies can potentially empower and legitimize teachers who choose to muster the courage and find the time to do social justice work as cross-curricular sexuality educators. We have also attempted to trace powerful, but often unacknowledged, effects of neoliberal policy reforms that Quebec as well as many other areas have experienced. While neoliberal reforms are sold to the public as a form of management and accountability, the implications are far from just. In reality, these reforms have ratcheted up pressures on teachers as individuals, without

12 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Tensions Between Teaching Sexuality Education and Neoliberal Policy Reform an adequate consideration of the social or cultural considerations of working in a school. As such, the poorly defined mandate to teach sexuality education in Quebec means that it should be little surprise if teachers do not address it adequately. Without a renewed discussion about the cultural dimensions of sexuality in schools, we face challenges to address any of its cultural affects. Many of the daily realities for beginning teachers may seem overwhelming. The training, insight, and energy of beginning teachers will allow them to face hurdles head-on. Knowing the school’s policies, not only concerning curriculum but also of their own professional standards, will only aid those early in careers to traverse any issues. Just as importantly, knowing these professional policies can allow for teachers to become public leaders for sexuality education in their classroom and their communities.

NOTES

1. These cases include, but are not limited to, the story of Rehtaeh Parsons whose father, Glen Canning, delivered a powerful address to Concordia’s Centre for Gender Advocacy on Oct. 3rd, 2013 in which he highlighted the difficult aspects of systemic rape culture in schools (“Rehtaeh Parsons,” 2013). 2. See Harvey’s (2005) work for a detailed analysis of the economic aspect of neoliberalism.

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Kettrey, H. H., & Emery, B. C. (2010). Teen magazines as educational texts on dating violence: The $2.99 approach. Violence Against Women, 16(11), 1270-1294. Klees, S. (2009). A quarter century of neoliberal thinking in education: Misleading analyses and failed policies. Globalization, Societies and Education, 7(1), 311-348. Koch, P. B. (2007). The what, why, and how of group learning in sexuality education. American Journal of Sexuality Education, 2(2), 51-71. Landreman, L., Edwards, K. E., Balon, D. G., & Anderson, G. (2008). Wait! It takes time to develop rich and relevant social justice curriculum. About Campus, 13(4), 2-10. Lester B. Pearson School Board (2011). Lester B. Pearson School Board 2010-2011 report on the partnership agreement, and the board’s contribution to the strategic plan of the Ministry of Education, Leisure and Sports. Montreal, QC: Lester B. Pearson School Board. Manseau, H., Blais, M., Engler, K., & Bossé, M. A. (2007). Integrating the perspective of vulnerable heterosexual male adolescents to prevent premature paternity and sexually transmitted infection. American Journal of Sexuality Education, 2(4), 43-66. Martin, J. L. (2008). Peer sexual harassment finding voice, changing culture — An intervention strategy for adolescent females. Violence Against Women, 14(1), 100-124. McLaren, P. (2009). Critical pedagogy: A look at the major concepts. In A. Darder, M. P. Balto- dano, & R. D. Torres (Eds.), The critical pedagogy reader (2nd ed., pp. 61-83). New York, NY: Routledge. McNeil, L. M. (1988). Contradictions of control, part 2: Teachers, students, and curriculum. Phi Delta Kappan, 69(6), 432-438. Ministère de l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport. (2001a). Teacher training: Orientations, professional competencies. Montréal, QC: Gouvernement du Québec. Ministère de l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport. (2001b). Quebec education program (approved version). Montréal, QC: Gouvernement du Québec. Ministère de l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport (2006). The probationary period for teachers in preschool, elementary and secondary education: The provisions of the regulation respecting teaching licenses and the evaluation of professional competencies expected of teachers. Montréal, QC: Gouvernement du Québec. Mojab, S. (2005). Class and race. New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education. 2005(106), 73-82. Otis, J., Gaurdeau, L., Duquet, F., Michaud, F., & Nonn, E. (2012). L’intégration et la coordination des actions en éducation à la sexualité en milieu scolaire dans le context en transformation des réseaux de l’éducation et de la santé: Rapport synthèse, (2e éd.). Montréal, QC : UQAM. Rehtaeh Parsons suspects in court to face child porn charges. (2013, August 15). CBC News: Nova Scotia. Retrieved from http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/nova-scotia/rehtaeh-parsons-suspects-in- court-to-face-child-porn-charges-1.1320435 Sex in the dark: A lack of education. (2013, Feb 21). CTV News Montreal. Retrieved from http:// montreal.ctvnews.ca/sex-in-the-dark-a-lack-of-education-1.1165828 Solomon, R. P. & Singer, J. (2011). Distinguishing our present context: The meaning of diversity and education for social justice. In R. P. Solomon, J. Singer, A. Campbell, A. Allen, & J. P. Por- telli (Eds.), Brave new teachers: Doing social justice work in neo-liberal times (pp. 1-30). Toronto, ON: Canadian Scholars’ Press. Taylor, A. & Friedel, T. (2011). Enduring neoliberalism in Alberta’s oil sands: The troubling effects of private-public partnerships for First Nation and Métis communities. Citizenship Studies, 15(6-7), 815-835. The Canadian Press. (2015, May 4). Ontario sex ed curriculum: 5 things to know. CBC News: Toronto. Retrieved from http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/ontario-sex-ed-curriculum- 5-things-to-know-1.3059951 Walters, A. S., & Hayes, D. M. (2007). Teaching about sexuality: Balancing contradictory social messages with professional standards. American Journal of Sexuality Education, 2(2), 27-49.

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DAN PARKER is a Brazilian-Canadian activist, artist, and educator. With a background in Humanities and French as a Second Language, he trained as a teacher at the Uni- versity of Toronto (OISE) and completed his M.A. in Educational Studies at Concordia University. He currently gives “artivist” workshops in public schools and community groups in Montreal, while also organizing popular education events such as the Rap Battles For Social Justice.

ROBERT MCGRAY is currently an Assistant Professor of Education at Brock University. His research focuses on critical social theory and he has taught higher education in Quebec, Nova Scotia, Ontario, and Jamaica.

DAN PARKER est un militant, un artiste et un enseignant brésilo-canadien. Il possède une formation en sciences humaines et en enseignement du français langue seconde. Il a aussi complété ses études en enseignement à l’Université de Toronto et sa maîtrise en Educational Studies à l’Université Concordia. Il anime régulièrement des ateliers « artivistes » dans des écoles publiques et au sein de groupes communautaires mon- tréalais, tout en organisant des événements d’éducation populaires comme the Rap Battles For Social Justice.

ROBERT MCGRAY est actuellement professeur adjoint à la Brock University. Ses recherches portent sur la théorie sociale critique. Il a œuvré en enseignement supé- rieur au Québec, en Nouvelle-Écosse, en Ontario et en Jamaïque.

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 15 Parker & McGray

16 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 “Working Lives”

“WORKING LIVES”: THE USE OF AUTO/BIOGRAPHY IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF A SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION CAROL STEPHENSON & JOHN STIRLING University of Northumbria

DAVID WRAY University of Hertfordshire

ABSTRACT. This article critically evaluates the attempt of the authors to develop a sociological imagination within first-year undergraduate students studying the discipline of sociology at a British university. Through a sociological analysis of biography and autobiography (of both teachers and students), we attempted to create a quality of mind that would provide our students with the necessary sociological skills to critically interrogate different sociological forms, and allow them not simply to understand the subject as an academic discipline but also as a personally transformative experience. It was evident from the feedback from a number of student cohorts that the connection between sociology and the lived experience and personal consciousness had a profound and empowering impact on those who came to develop that quality of mind.

“WORKING LIVES” : UTILISER L’AUTO/BIOGRAPHIE POUR DÉVELOPPER UNE IMAGINATION SOCIOLOGIQUE RÉSUMÉ. Dans cet article, nous évaluons de manière critique la démarche de développement d’une imagination sociologique que nous avons entreprise au- près d’étudiants inscrits en première année du baccalauréat en sociologie d’une université britannique. Effectuant une analyse sociologique de biographies et autobiographies de professeurs et d’étudiants, nous avons tenté de créer une qualité d’esprit pouvant donner aux étudiants les compétences sociologiques nécessaires à l’examen critique de différentes formes sociologiques. Ainsi, nous leur permettons non seulement de comprendre la sociologie en tant que discipline académique mais également comme expérience personnelle transfor- matrice. Selon la rétroaction obtenue auprès d’un grand nombre de groupes d’étudiants, il apparaît évident que la relation entre la sociologie, l’expérience vécue et la conscience personnelle a eu une influence profonde et stimulante sur ceux ayant développé cette qualité d’esprit.

Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past. (Marx, 1907, p. 13)

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 161 Stephenson, Stirling & Wray

As teachers of sociology, we have become increasingly concerned by the apparent lack of knowledge or understanding of the social world in many of our new sociology undergraduates, a fact that has been recognized by others (see Castellano, DeAngelis & Clark-Ibanez, 2008; Dandaneau, 2009). Even among those who had studied the discipline before entering university, few demonstrated any real understanding of the life-affecting interrelationships between “social structures” and individual and group “agency.” Like McKinney, Howery, Strand, Kain and Berheid (2004), we believed that sociology graduates should be able to apply sociological principles and concepts to their own lives. In order to address the situation, we decided to construct an introductory course that would both instruct our students and, at the same time, provide them with an opportunity for practical experience that would “enable them to illustrate their understanding of… and demonstrate skills in asking sociological questions” (McKinney et al., 2004, p. 68). The course we named “Working Lives” was a compulsory course within the first-year teaching program of a sociology degree program located in the Faculty of Social Sciences of a university in the northeast of England. The students in the cohort (N = 30) that is the focus of this article were predominantly working class. The majority was female, and all but three were British (the exceptions were Chinese students studying in the UK for a year). Only one of the British students was classified as a member of a Black or Ethnic Minority Group and, in terms of age, the majority of the cohort was classified as “mature” (over the age of 23), which made the cohort atypical within the Faculty. This article explores our development of the teaching, learning, and assessment strategies for that course. Using biographical and autobiographical methods, we were attempting to develop, within our students, a “sociological imagination” that could then be used to critically interrogate different cultural forms in order that they not only understood sociology as an academic discipline, but also possessed the tools with which to “read” the wider social world. For those unfamiliar with the term “sociological imagination,” it was first used by C. Wright Mills (1959) to demonstrate that the only way the individual can understand her or his place in society is through an understanding of the “intricate connection between the patterns of their own lives and the course of world history” (p. 4). Mills explains: Ordinary men do not usually know what this connection means for the kinds of men they are becoming and for the kinds of history-making in which they might take part. They do not possess the quality of mind [emphasis added] essential to grasp the interplay of man and society, of biography and history, of the self and the world. (p. 4) We also recognized, as had Kebede (2009), that this sociological imagination, or quality of mind cannot be developed simply through teaching, but “can only be acquired when it is practiced” (p. 353). Sociology, therefore, offers us

162 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 “Working Lives” the opportunity to understand our own lives and actions, as well as the lives and actions of others in wider and inter-related contexts of group membership, institutions, hierarchies, ideologies, and material and social inequalities. As such, sociology can be personally transformative in a way that no other academic discipline is, or can be, which is both the promise and purpose of sociology (Mills, 1959). In terms of our own definition of the sociological imagination, our views match those of Dandaneau (2009), as the possession of such an imagination provides enlightened self-consciousness and self-formative potential or to put it another way: emancipation through sociological enlightenment. Meeting the challenge of encouraging a sociological imagination in the consciousness and understanding of our own students involved ensuring that they made sense of both individual and groups actions, within the broad context of social structure. “Social structure” is, of course, not one but a variety of entities (material, institutional, and ideological), and the “hand” of social structure is often invisible to those who experience it. In addition, while this hand acts upon us, we, as individuals and in social groups, simultaneously make or reaffirm this hand, often unconsciously. We reaffirm inequality and injustice, accepting our own position or that of others as a result of a lack of consciousness, confidence, participation, apathy, or neglect. To fully understand the role of social structure in the world we have collectively created, the sociology student must develop the quality of mind to critically explore all facets of social life — historical and present — from social institutions, ideologies, politics, and culture to the labour process in all its complexities. As Mills (1959) told us: “neither the life of an individual nor the history of a society can be understood without understanding both, and in order to do so the sociologist requires an informed consciousness and set of skills embedded in that ‘sociological imagination’” (p. 5). In writing The Sociological Imagination, Mills (1959) was challenging the ortho- doxy of what he called the “grand theory” in that by concentrating on abstract discussions of a general sociological theory, the everyday lives of ordinary people trying to make the best of the situations they found themselves in were being ignored (p. 26). Indeed, he went on to suggest that this grand theory was no less than an attempt to make sociology a specialized endeavor distinct from economists and political scientists and also written in exclusionary language that disallowed “ordinary” people from understanding it (p. 35). The grand theories now used to explain (also in exclusionary language) the social and political environments within which we currently seek to teach our students are also counter to Mills’ assertion that private tragedies can be properly understood as public issues. In the political, economic, and sociological contexts of neo-liberalism, “structure” is marginalized and choice, it seems, is king. The areas of interest for the social sciences generally tend towards postmodernist views of culture and subjectivity, while issues of burgeoning social

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 163 Stephenson, Stirling & Wray inequality, criminality, vulnerability, and social unrest are explained away as the unhappy coincidence of thousands of private tragedies and/or ineptitudes. Our response to these concerns was to provide the students with a sociological imagination that would enable them to understand that structure is as important as agency. To be judged successful in our endeavors, our students will have graduated with the vision and promise of sociology to “understand life’s great challenges and… to confront them and make every effort to shape history” (Scanlan & Grauerholz, 2009, p. 3). We end this introduction with a quote from Mills (1959) that encapsulates our raison d’être for developing the course in the way that we did: The teacher is something of a model to his or her students, whose job it is to reveal to them as fully as he can, just how a supposedly self-disciplined mind works…. The art of teaching is in considerable part the art of thinking out loud but intelligibly. (p. 79)

WHY WORKING LIVES? In order to address the lack of understanding of sociology as a discipline outlined above, we decided to develop a course that would challenge the prevailing neoliberal view that sees choice as the predominant explanation for any or all social actions or inactions (Feigenbaum, 2007; Hoop, 2009). Taking this point further, Lawler (2008) argued that through such a limited neo-liberal lens, even the structures of class are frequently dismissed as the product of a series of poor choices or poor taste. If sociology is to survive as a credible discipline, and as our current students are tomorrow’s teachers, researchers, and policy makers, such superficial views must be challenged and the realities of “choice” exposed. Our intention was to demonstrate to our students that Mills’ assertions that private tragedies can be properly understood as public issues were correct; that social inequality, criminality, vulnerability, social exclusion, and social unrest cannot simply be explained as the unhappy coincidence of thousands of bad choices or individual tragedies. To do so, we needed to develop a course that would offer alternatives to those narrow neoliberal and post-modernist views of society. From the developmental stage of the course, our intentions were to challenge the ideological and theoretical foci, outlined above by Feigenbaum (2007) and Lawler (2008), in order to provide our students with insights into experiences and contexts that were well beyond individual choice. We also wanted to present sociology as a self-reflective discipline that would challenge how we view ourselves and the social world around us, providing us with the tools to develop our understanding of our place within the wider social world.

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Our response to the challenges outlined above was the development of a teaching strategy, which drew upon critical self reflection through the “voices” of both students and teachers in terms of a critical sociological exploration of working life (auto)biographies. Mills (1959) put this succinctly in his argument for a sociological imagination, which, he suggested, enables us to grasp history and biography and the relations between the two in society... no social study that does not come back to the problem of biography, of history and of their intersections within society has completed its intellectual journey. (p. 4) Our choice of Mills’ sociological imagination as an inspiration for our teaching methods, and indeed the use of biography as a tool to such an end, is not unique (see special edition of Teaching Sociology [Macomber, Rusche, & Atkin- son, 2009]). Biography as both a research tool and teaching strategy offers the opportunity for critical self-reflection, the development of an understanding of change over time, as well as the opportunity to link choices and decisions to wider social forces. As Plummer (1982) has suggested, a biographic methodology allows the researcher to see the world through the experiences of the research subject, thus challenging the possible assumptions and preconceptions of the researcher. This is particularly important when the biographer is dealing with a close family member, where assumptions and preconceptions will abound. Autobiography, as a methodology, is helpful to the individual involved in that it encourages a reflection of the factors that influenced and shaped their life experiences. The students were also required to locate their chosen working life within a particular theoretical framework they had been exposed to on social theory courses elsewhere in their sociology program, and to justify those choices during the assessment process. Our teaching strategy also drew on feminist approaches that suggest that personal experiences are legitimate sources in both research and teaching (see Letherby, 2003, and for more recent examples, Davison, 2011 and Davies, 2011). Feminist pedagogy sees student and teachers ideally entering a partnership in pursuit of the development of knowledge and in the development of the critical faculties necessary to connect personal experience to social relations (Larson, 2005). Rather than the student being given tasks with set answers and the teacher holding all the answers, assessment is student-centered, reflective, and offering the opportunity for self-actualization. This was facilitated, in part, by the teaching team through reflection on their own biographies. As they were of different genders and ages, valuable insights were offered into the gendered experience of work and into the importance of social, historical, and geographical contexts. We chose work (both paid and unpaid) as the primary contextual focus of the module for two reasons. Firstly, work continues to be critical to the human experience: determining status, income, and life chances; how we see ourselves and are seen by others; providing us with the scope for satisfaction

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 165 Stephenson, Stirling & Wray and achievement; and goes a long way to determine the overall quality of our lives. Second, work was the primary focus of all of our other teaching, and the focus of our individual and collective research. While we were primarily directing the students toward a sociological imagination, we were also concerned to make them aware that culture is one of the primary structures within any society and any workplace, and that a cultural imagination would be a complementary tool to use. The influences that external cultures, gestated within geographical traditions and historical experiences, impact on the workplace (Roberts, 1997; Wray, 1996) can also impact on the wider society (Stephenson & Wray, 2005). Following Mills’ (1959) point that biography, history, and society “are the co-ordinate points of the proper study of man” (p. 143), our aim was to use a biographical methodology as a mechanism to identify and examine the complexity of the relationships between individual actions and the structured nature of the wider social world, all through the lens of work. Our intention was to encourage our students to think critically, particularly about what they already knew, and to overcome the problem that some come to university better prepared to study sociology than others, a situation noted by Hoop (2009) following a reflection on her own teaching. The use of biography (and autobiography) as the initial teaching strategy would specifically require our students to confront both diversity and common experience, explore different research contexts and methodologies, be critical, and, crucially, make links between private worlds and public contexts. We had also recognized that many students simply “give them [teachers / assessors] what they want” rather than engaging fully in assignments, or as Hoop (2009), drawing upon Graff (2003), describes, some of her students are very good at doing school without ever “getting it,” understanding the sociology as a discipline (Hoop, pp. 48-49). We felt that the personal, and/or familial nature of the first assessment would go some way in overcoming this problem.

SEMESTER ONE Having made the decision to use biography to demonstrate the links between “social actions” and “social structures,” we made the presentation of a biography of a working life the assessment for semester one. Each student was required to present either a detailed biography of the working life of a family member or friend, or the autobiography of his or her own working life. The choice to take either a biographical or an autobiographical approach to the assessment was usually, though not always, determined by the age of the student. In most, but not all cases, the mature students presented an autobiography. With younger students, the choice was primarily a biography, though again there were some exceptions. Mature students were between 25 and 60 years, whereas younger students were between 18 and 25 years old.

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The presentation would center on an annotated poster outlining that working life, which would be assessed along with the verbal presentation. Through the use of this biographical method, it was our intention to demonstrate that while we all appear, as individuals, to choose our own career paths, those choices are determined by factors such as class, race, gender, social and geographic contexts, and inequalities, etc., all within an historical dimension. The historical dimensions of such intersections are important, especially in terms of how they are understood by the subjects of the biographies at different points in their narrative. As Mills (1959) suggested “no social science can be assumed to transcend history” and “all sociology worthy of the name is historical sociology” (p. 146). We required our students to not only sharpen their critical thinking skills, or to “get it” as Hoop (2009, p. 48) describes, but also to utilize a range of different sociological skills. Researching, contextualizing, and analyzing a biography requires of the student a critical understanding and application of research methodologies, the understanding and application of social theory, and the ability to understand individual actions within economic, historical, political, and social contexts. A subsidiary benefit of the assessment was that Working Lives became a skills development course for study elsewhere in the sociology degree program by providing the students with the opportunity to “do sociology,” requiring them to call upon theoretical and methodological knowledge and skills, at the same time developing the creative and imaginative sides of the discipline. As we were requiring our students to present a biography, we felt that we, as the teaching team, should do likewise. Through presentations of our own autobiographies, we were attempting to make visible the nature of what appeared, superficially, to be individual problems and choices in our own working lives, and to identify the nature of the structures, contexts, and ideologies which limited our own responses to these. In short, we were presenting to the students our own individual attempts to complete the “intellectual journey” of our own working lives. In other words, we were demonstrating to the students how, through a sociological analysis of our own working lives, we had, as individuals, come to understand how our lives had evolved and developed as our life courses navigated between the forces of structure and agency. By taking a sociological approach to our own autobiographies, we were acting as Graff (2003) suggested we should, as “avant-garde artists, de-familiarizing a familiar subject, and making what is unproblematic, problematic” (p. 43). Our intention was to challenge the idea that situations “just occur” or that the approach to understanding the course of a developing working life should take the narrative form of “and then, and then, and then,” or as Kebede (2009) put it, “a biography needs to be constructed not merely narrated” (p. 361). By presenting our own working lives as more than a simple series of private

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 167 Stephenson, Stirling & Wray problems or unconstrained individual choices, we were seeking to evoke in the students a critical curiosity about their own lives and the lives of others (see Harding & Thompson, 2011). We were also seeking to demonstrate how work is vital to the way in which social life is experienced, particularly with regard to social inequality and identity. Work (or its absence) is the context within which individuals and groups collide with barriers and limitations, cultures, institutions, and ideologies in very direct ways. Through our varied autobiographies, we were attempting to identify the experience and reproduction of social divisions, as well as the importance of differing social, political, economic, and cultural contexts. Our autobiographical presentations were also undertaken, in part, to develop a trust between the students and ourselves; if we required the students to be publically self-reflective, it was important to create an environment within which they would feel secure (Coop & Kleinmann, 2008). The presentation of our autobiographies inevitably involved a reflection on our own relationships with sociology. Sociology had, after all, become our work and was a personal and political tool kit for the explanation of our relationships with the social world, prompting our questions and our own individual search for answers. We realised that revelatory pedagogies of this type are not without risk, and the decision to share our biographies with the students was not taken lightly. Such a self-reflective, autobiographical approach challenges the traditional divide between teacher and student, stripping away the security blanket of anonymity and the cloak of academia. We were revealing ourselves as, at times, vulnerable, different, struggling, and/or juggling what were less than linear approaches to our own working lives. In taking this step, our aim was to allow an insight into how our own sociological imagination had fundamentally altered how we saw society and our places within it. During our presentations, we deliberately made arguments in ordinary language in an attempt to demonstrate that academics are not geniuses, born to speak a strange and obscure, not to say exclusionary, language (Graff, 2003). This process of exploration and presentation of the self was directed toward lessening the students’ own anxieties about the processes of biographical research and its presentation. It was also a political step in that it revealed the self as a legitimate ground for sociological investigation. In our presentations, we were cautious not to give away too many personal details, particularly of family life, and while we were prepared to discuss aspects of this in seminar situations, discussion was not encouraged outside of the course context.1 The generational, geographical, and gender differences in our individual autobiographies offered clear illustrations of the ways in which structure and action coincide with and impact upon the lives of everyone. Despite the obvious differences in our life stories, they had much in common: we were all born into the white working class, each had left school early with few academic qualifications, and each came from families with no prior experience of higher education.

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Our lives have been unorthodox (but by no means unique) in regard of taking different routes to academia, playing catch up with education after periods of work and unemployment. Our autobiographies were presented individually, and in chronological order, in the first weeks of the lecture program, followed by a seminar led by the autobiographer, who allowed students to pursue their own questions. While our gender, age, and geographical contexts identified clear distinctions between us, in reality our autobiographies exhibited many similarities. Work (or the lack of it) had been a formative context in all our lives, and our consciousness about our class positions as well as the impact of sociology had united us as a likeminded teaching team. Consequently, we were concerned that the students should not see our autobiographies as a limiting template where only white, working class, and politicized biographies have validity. These concerns were addressed throughout the teaching program by ensuring that students were aware that all social distinctions, particularly those of class, race, and gender, were equally valid. Through the presentation of our autobiographies, we were attempting to explain our lives in terms of the opportunities and constraints that had either limited or enhanced the choices we subsequently made within the labour market. Through our collective experiences, we were able to demonstrate that we were less in control of our own destinies, but rather social agents attempting, where possible, to make decisions, even if they were sometimes bad ones. Our working lives were therefore revealed, not so much as blueprints for living, but rather as case studies of “what we could do, given the circumstances.” It was the significance of those “circumstances” that we wanted to emphasize and draw out from the students’ own experiences. For example, whilst class and gender were significant influences in our opportunities and choices in relation to work, it was only through sociological reflection after the event that we were able to make sense of the trajectories our lives had taken. We were not seeking to present simple uncritical narratives of our working lives, but how exposure to sociology as a discipline had allowed us to critically evaluate our own lives. In this way, we were able to demonstrate that sociological theory can be applied in ways that are relevant to different individuals and in different contexts. Through our autobiographical narratives, we were able to demonstrate our own individual learning processes, and admit that we did not “get it” either until sociology provided us with the tools for critical self-reflection. The remaining lecture and seminar program in semester one addressed the historical, political, and gendered concepts of work in order to provide insight into how these had changed over time and how sociology has viewed such change. The students were also introduced to a range of biographies available in literature, and were encouraged to see biography as a useful research method in a range of differing contexts. Geographical diversity was explored through the examination of “biographies of place,” and the subject of work and the complexity of experiences of it were addressed through lectures around the range and forms of work generally found within the labour process.

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In terms of assessing the presentations, our expectations were that students would demonstrate critical understandings of the relationships between biography and social history, the tensions that exist between structure and agency, and identify and assess distinctions between private troubles and public issues. We also required the students to demonstrate a clear understanding of the sociological theories and concepts that they had used in contextualizing the biography presented. These criteria were also used in the assessment of the essays required in the second semester, which we discuss below.

STUDENT AUTO/BIOGRAPHIES Throughout semester one, the students were made aware that ethical research practice is essential, and were required to complete the ethical approval process of all social researchers associated with the university. Their choice of biography also had to be agreed to by the teaching team in order to avoid any potentially dangerous or harmful research. To ensure this, we reminded them that research should be always be ethical, that ethical codes do exist, and that they should follow the advice given by Israel and Hay (2006), who suggested that the ultimate purpose of research ethics is to do good and avoid harm. Students were also directed to the British Sociological Association and the American Sociological Association as sources of advice on research ethics, particularly in terms of the imbalances of power between researched and researcher. Those choosing to follow the autobiographical route were also advised against self over-exposure. As well as presenting a working life, many of the students included reflections on the process, and their consequent insights into the life they were presenting (often their own) — reflections that can only be seen as transformative. When I undertook the biography of my grandfather, I came to see the importance of time and place. He grew up in a town with a steel works and coalmines, and as he put it “a job in this town was a birthright.” When I left school, the steelworks and the mines had all closed and the town had become a dormitory town for workers working elsewhere. The fact that my grandfather left school at fourteen, and I am now at university, is another example of the significant social changes that happen over time, and how life chances are affected by those changes. Before doing my autobiography, I had never really questioned how my life had developed. Being introduced to feminist ideas changed all that. I realized why my father had never encouraged me as he did my brothers. He wanted a career for his sons but probably saw me simply as a future housewife. It was only when I started to put a timeline together for my autobiography that I started to see that there were certain things that were happening outside my life that were having an effect on my life. Until then, I had not really understood what sociology was, until I saw it was about experiences, about how my experiences were different from someone else’s, but that all those experiences were taking shape within society as a whole.

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Many of the presentations have provided insights into lives that are normally hidden from view, neglected, or of people from social groups that are often described as “hard to reach”: one Chinese student, studying in the UK for one year, provided an autobiographical insight into her employment in a city centre department store as a cleaner, having to begin work a 6 am, working for 2 hours for the minimum wage, before commencing her studies. Set within the context of female migrant labour, her presentation graphically illustrated the difficulties experienced by such workers of working in a different linguistic and cultural milieu. Some students, often with surprise on their part, presented biographies of family members whose ambitions had been thwarted by class or gender, or forced on them by the expectations of others. In presenting the working lives of fathers, mothers, grandparents, etc., many reported that they had “no idea” of the working life of that person, but they now had “a new respect” for them because of the problems they had faced and overcome, or of the sacrifices they had made to achieve their ambitions. Few of the working lives explored were “exciting” or “high powered” but where the sociological imagination was used, the apparently mundane was never ordinary. Those students who “got it” were demonstrably able to unpick the turning points in the biography they were presenting, and to place that working life historically and within its relationship to wider political and social forces: the train driver who had to spend a long period away from work following a suicide in front of his train; the office administrator who realised that her trade union activism had been promoted by watching a TV “docudrama” on homelessness. Most presenters were able to identify the trigger points in the life being presented, and were then able to present a good “sociological analysis” of that life to the rest of the student body. In this way, the students not only learned through their own research, but through the research of their classmates. Inevitably, for some students, narratives can continue to be just that: narratives with limited or little analysis or even evidence of curiosity beyond the personal. One presentation, for example, focused on the student’s grandparent and their personal and geographical journey from a Muslim family in India in the 1940s to being presented to “Lady Diana” at the opening of a mosque they had designed in the UK. The relationship with the monarchy and the attitude towards it was an interesting one in a post-colonial context. However, there was also a much wider context that was developed during the subsequent seminar and covered the partition of India in 1947, the Bangladeshi war of liberation in 1971, and the expulsion of Asians from Uganda in 1972 — all of which had been experienced by the grandparent.

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SEMESTER TWO Having guided the students towards the development of a sociological imagination of their own, the assessment for semester two required them to use that imagination to critically assess how work is represented in a range of cultural forms including film and television, photography, art, music, and literature. By means of a 2,000-word essay, the students were required to critically examine their chosen representation of work, outline how that representation presents work, and conclude how accurately that representation portrays the realities of work in the real world. Teaching in semester two was based on two-hour weekly workshops, which focused on a specific cultural form, during which we provided examples of how these could be read sociologically. Our intention was to “show how it is done” in the sense that, having given them the tools in semester one, we needed to provide guidance on how those tools could best be used. We also highlighted the strengths and limitations of source material beyond the conventional texts, for example, what a work of fiction can offer toward a sociological understanding of an issue or context. The discussion of the various representations of work were directed toward helping the students see beyond the obvious, making each workshop an environment for serious sociological inquiry. In our case, the inclusion of such media was not as a mechanism to increase engagement (or even attendance, Smith, 1982), but to provide them with a wide-ranging cultural environment within which to test their ability to sociologically “read” a particular cultural form that was, in some way, representative of work.2 The free choice of cultural forms for sociological assessment provided us with the opportunity to address the global limitations of semester one as it brought an international perspective, though to some extent limited by linguistic issues. As well as sociological discussions of literature, film, and music from the more developed world, we were presented with material representative of the “global south,” particularly photographs. The assessment was directed toward how well the students were able to use their sociological imagination to bring relevant sociological theories to bear on the worker and/or the workplace through an analysis of the ways that each were represented in their chosen cultural form. In other words, to critically assess how the individual worker (or group) is shown to relate to the wider social and structural landscapes of the workplace. In doing this, we were acutely aware of the warning offered by Knowles and Sweetman (2004) that when we write about or create images of the social world, we are ourselves reformulating that world. In other words, we cannot accurately interpret the work of others without some understanding of the intentions of those producing it, a point also made by Prendegast (1986). In order to address this issue, we directed the students to the work of Knowles and Sweetman (2004) and their approach to the difficulties in understanding and interpreting photographic images. They identify three theoretical

172 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 “Working Lives” paradigms that have been used in the past to understand images: the realist paradigm that sees images as evidence, a true record of events or phenomena; the post-structuralist paradigm that sees images as helping to construct reality, a reality constructed by both photographer and viewer; and the semiotic paradigm that sees images as texts, embodying ideological and other messages that need to be uncovered. In response to the problems offered by the above paradigms, Knowles and Sweetman (2004) offer a research process paradigm that sees images as a basis for generating analytical and theoretical insights, creating new primary data as well as the conceptual analyses and interrogation of existing material (pp. 5-6). We presented these paradigms to the students at the beginning of the second semester in the belief that the concerns raised by Knowles and Sweetman (2004) regarding photographic images were equally applicable to other cultural forms, as they are apposite to all visual, audible, and textual cultural forms. As with all academic assessments, the work submitted varied in quality, with some of it outstanding. Some had linked a series of different cultural forms to provide a more comprehensive and critical assessment of a specific issue. For example, one student linked Steinbeck’s novel, The Grapes of Wrath, with photographic images of the Dust Bowl and Guthrie’s album “Dust Bowl Bal- lads” to assess the impact of the ecological disaster that occurred in the USA in the 1930s and the consequences of that disaster for agricultural workers. Others used multiples of a single cultural form in order to provide various insights into a specific issue; for example, one student used Springsteen’s “Youngstown,” Cormier’s “Now that the work is done,” and Purdon’s “Farewell to Cotia” to compare and contrast the consequences of deindustrialization across two continents and three different countries at the end of the 20th century. Most, however, chose to use one example of one particular cultural form, but were in no way hindered by doing so. Perhaps the best piece of work presented across all years was the assessment of the children’s animated film, “The Incredibles.” Within the storyline of the film, the student identified and then critically examined with a well-tuned sociological imagination and within the appropriate literature: gender roles and responsibilities within the family and workplace, issues concerning unemployment and underemployment, organizational dysfunction, and the need for individuals to gain satisfaction in work by maximising their potential.

STUDENT REFLECTIONS ON THE MODULE In order to assess the course from the student viewpoint, each year following the submission of the second assessment, we asked students to submit their own reflections on the course. Broadly speaking, student feedback has been very positive, though predominantly concentrated on the first semester and the use of biography. The presentation of our autobiographies, and the “ordinariness” of our backgrounds as they saw them, gave the students the opportunity to see

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 173 Stephenson, Stirling & Wray themselves as equally valid sociological products for investigation. In sharing our autobiographies, we had made their autobiographies, or the biographies of family members, legitimate and therefore worthy of sharing with their peers. As one student reported: The impact of the course initially came from your [the teaching team] sociological insights into your own working lives, to show that within one’s own personal history lies the constraints and opportunities one is born in to, which gave me permission to explore my own life. The sociological theories then fell into place. Another reported that: From starting university, I wanted to “do sociology” and this module offered me that chance, allowing me a degree of creativity where other modules asked for traditional essays. I saw doing the biography of someone as an interesting and creative way in which to view the world of work I knew little about. Some reported that the work for the semester one assessment had led them to revaluate the concept of choice in their own personal lives or those of their family. Some commented on previously unexplored gender relations, while others reflected on the wider structural, social, and economic changes which have influenced the lives of their families. The following comment illustrates these points: “I looked at my father through the biography of his working life and I had no idea about the forces that had made him change his job and his life and therefore mine.” What was gratifying in the feedback was that the majority of students were able to link the working life presented to the “constraints and opportunities” that surrounded that life. For those choosing to present their autobiographies, the assessment offered an audience, which made at least one student feel valued, in herself and her own experiences. The fact that others were listening meant that the student’s position within higher education became legitimate, overcoming earlier doubts. This critical self-exploration had revealed hidden injuries both of class and gender, and this critical self reflection had enabled her to drop the “false self” that acted as self protection and embrace a curiosity about her “real self” (Sennett & Cobb, 1972). It was only when I was up there and doing it that I realised that my working life was not so much about my decisions, it was about where I was in my life, about where I was in society, and that’s quite sobering. Such a process was not without discomfort. Speaking to one of the teaching team, this student recorded some anger at the disruption the sociological reading of her previous life had caused, although she managed this with humor, stating that there “should be a health warning on sociology, how dare you do this to me?”

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Overall, the feedback identified that the course was unlike any other they were studying, and that they valued the choices they had been given regarding their assessments: “The module has been extremely enjoyable and has provided two extremely interesting assessments giving freedom of choice in topics of personal interest.”

OUR CRITICAL REFLECTIONS Like the students, we will concentrate our reflections on the first semester, and the use of biography as a pedagogical tool. As a teaching team, we recognize that the teaching strategy explored here is laden with risks and is the product of a particular teaching team, with particular sets of students, in a particular geographical location. Not all academics will be comfortable with this self-revealing approach for a variety of reasons; not least because it offers significant disruption of the distance between the student and the teacher. By presenting our ordinary lives made “extraordinary” through a sociological imagination, we were acknowledging that the “ordinary” takes many forms. For example, age was a significant factor in terms of how the biographical assessment was approached. Mature students were more likely to use an autobiographical and auto-ethnographic approach, as they had more scope with which to make the connections with past working life experiences. Critical self-reflection for mature students was a more obvious process, as they could recall past events that impacted their own working lives. Students direct from school had less experience of the workplace but, crucially, some were able to reflect on their relatively limited working experiences and produce some excellent work. The autobiographical and biographical approaches offered different learning experiences. Both offered opportunities for revelation and transformation, but the autobiographical approach offered those that chose it the opportunity to cast off the impact of often unrecognized injustices. For some, this meant they became “interesting,” even “self indulgent,” as they spoke of themselves and were listened to, and, as a consequence, came to see their experiences as valuable. We found the impact of the module differed depending on the starting point. For the student who had come from a politically active family of trade union- ists, the notion that lives were inextricably bound to wider social and political forces came as no surprise. The course confirmed what was already known and became for this student just another course. By contrast, the student who had moved between several jobs and felt undermined by family expectations and disappointments found the module personally transformative, not least because, for the first time in her life, she had been listened to. The revelation of injury for this student was intense, but ultimately the move toward a critical and analytical approach to the self and society was welcomed.

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Where we saw students struggling to make connections between agency and structure, we came to recognize that, while this might be the result of a weakness of sociological knowledge or imagination, there may well be other dimensions to this. There may well be familial reasons for a student’s struggle to make sense of a life in relation to the wider social context. For example, in the case noted above of the grandfather who left both Pakistan and Uganda during periods of political upheaval, might these actions have been re-imagined within the context of his family as a strategic choice? It would not be unusual for the labels “asylum seeker” or “refugee” to be rejected, and for a family history to be subsequently obscured. Had the student been better informed of these momentous events, they may have dug deeper but the costs and consequences of that for them, and their family, may have been significant. In recent years, our commitment to discussions with students around ethics, disclosure, and exposure have heightened in order to protect students and subjects alike. It became clear to us in the teaching of the course that the political awareness and values of the students on entering the sociology program (often emanating from their families) had an impact on how far the module moved their thinking on. Finally, the first assessment strategy raised questions for us in relation to both the presentations themselves, and how we might account for a biography of which we clearly knew nothing, other than what was given in the presentation. We could not know what had been excluded nor why a particular account had been used, so we could only assess in relation to how well the biography had stimulated the sociological imagination in terms of linking the “private problems” to “public issues.” It is impossible to quantify how many of our students did, finally, “get it.” We are confident they had the opportunity to do so, and it is clear that as students progressed through their university program, that the sociological tool kit that Working Lives provided had assisted many of them. However, we cannot know for how many the impact of “doing sociology” was as significant as it had been for the staff teaching Working Lives.

CONCLUSION For sociologists, the idea of being “within” our research is nothing new, and in the teaching approach explored here, we purposefully and critically placed ourselves in our teaching and asked our students to join us there. We were, indeed, in it together. Hoop (2009) suggested, in a truly engaged pedagogy, both student and teacher should be self-actualized: each gaining as a result of the process. Through this approach, we sought to provide an environment within which students could discover an innovative approach to the sociological study of work, and the development of critical faculties by reflecting on their own working lives or those of others. We wanted, as far as possible, to enter this as partners with students, leading us to our decision to share our

176 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 “Working Lives” autobiographies, and our sometimes limited understanding of them. We very much wanted our students to gain in terms of knowledge and critical understanding through the partnership offered by our pedagogy. In the development of this biographical approach, we sought to present sociology as a central aspect of human life, and if it is to flourish as a discipline, it must engage with everyday life experiences. Within our classrooms sit future generations of PhD students, researchers, and teachers, and if they are not suit- ably moved by sociology at an academic level, then the discipline will decline. What is more, sitting in our classrooms are future policymakers, community workers, social workers, journalists, etc. It is our belief that if they are not armed with a critical sociological imagination as they take their place in the wider society, the likelihood of progressive social change is reduced. This article, and our teaching approach, are underpinned by a commitment to a particular form of sociology: a sociology which does not simply record facts but one that holds within it the possibility of transformation — of the self and of society. We hoped to engender in our students the possibility that sociology can play a part in the development of alternatives to the way in which society is currently experienced. At the same time, we, as teachers and sociologists, sought to challenge the marginalization of the radical forms of sociology and return it to the center of the curriculum. We also sought to challenge a particularly prevalent form of sociology that presents “facts” about the social world but does not seek to change it. For Mills (1959) and for our arguments here, there is no distinction in the sociological imagination between sociology as a discipline and those who teach and study the subject. The subject is “ourselves” and our “situations.” We must include ourselves in any discussions on the teaching of sociology and, at the same time, situate what and how we teach in the social, intellectual, and institutional context within which the subject has its day-to-day existence.

NOTES

1. All three authors came to work in academia from non-traditional routes, and after spending considerable time working in other occupations. A decade separated each of our entries to higher education. 2. For a wider view of the value of such cultural forms in the development of a sociologic understanding see among others: Prendergast (1986), Kaufman (1997), Ahlkvist (1999), Hanson (2002), and Castellano et al. (2008).

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Ahlkvist, J. (1999). Music and cultural analysis in the classroom: Introducing sociology through heavy metal. Teaching Sociology, 27(2), 124-144. Castellano, U., DeAngelis, J., & Clark-Ibanez, M. (2008). Cultivating a sociological perspective using nontraditional texts. Teaching Sociology, 36(3), 240-253. Coop, M., & Kleinmann, S. (2008). Practicing what we teach: Feminist strategies for teaching about sexism. Feminist Teacher, 18(2), 101-124. Dandaneau, S. P. (2009). Sisyphus had it easy: Reflections on two decades of teaching the sociological imagination. Teaching Sociology, 37(8), 8-19. Davis, P. (2011). The impact of a child protection investigation: A personal reflective account. Child & Family Social Work, 16(2), 201-209. Davison D. (2011). Reflections on doing research grounded in my experience of perinatal loss: From auto/biography to autoethnography. Sociological Research Online, 16(1), 6. Retrieved from http:// www.socresonline.org.uk/16/1/6.html Feigenbaum, A. (2007). The teachable moment: Feminist pedagogy and the neoliberal classroom. Review of Education, Pedagogy and Cultural Studies, 29(4), 337-349. Graff, G. (2003). Clueless in academe: How schooling obscures the life of the mind. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Hanson, C. M. (2002). A stop sign at the intersection of history and biography: Illustrating Mills’s imagination with Depression-era photographs. Teaching Sociology, 30(2), 235-242. Harding, J., & Thompson, J. (2011). Dispositions to stay and to succeed. Retrieved from https://www. heacademy.ac.uk/resources/detail/what-works-student-retention/Northumbria-Final_Report- Dec_11 Hoop, K. C. (2009). Students lived experience as text in teaching the sociological imagination. Teaching Sociology, 37(1), 47-60. Israel, M., & Hay, I. (2006). Research ethics for social scientists: Between ethical conduct and regulatory compliance. London, United Kingdom: Sage. Kaufman, P. (1997). Michael Jordan meets C. Wright Mills: Illustrating the sociological imagination with everyday objects. Teaching Sociology, 25(4), 309-314. Kebebe, A. (2009). Practicing sociological imagination through writing sociological biography. Teaching Sociology, 37(4), 353-368. Knowles, C., & Sweetman, P. (Eds.). (2004). Picturing the social landscape: Visual methodology and the sociological imagination. London, United Kingdom: Routledge. Larson, L. M. (2005). The necessity of feminist pedagogy in a climate of political backlash. Equity & Excellence in Education, 38(2), 135-144. Lawler, S. (2008). Identity: Sociological perspectives. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Polity Press. Letherby, G. (2003). Feminist research in theory and practice. Buckingham, United Kingdom: Open University Press. Marx, K. (1907). The eighteenth brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. Chicago, IL: Charles H. Kerr. McKinney, K., Howery, C. B., Strand K. J., Kain, E. L., & Berheide, C. W. (2004). Liberal learning and the sociology major updated: Meeting the challenges of teaching sociology in the twenty first century. Washington DC: The American Sociological Society. Mills, C. W. (1959). The sociological imagination. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. Plummer, K. (1982). Documents of life: Introductions to the problems and literature of a humanist method. London, United Kingdom: Allen and Unwin. Prendegast, C. (1986). Cinema sociology: Cultivating the sociological imagination through popular film. Teaching Sociology, 14(4), 243-248.

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Roberts, I. (1997). The culture of ownership and the ownership of culture. In R. Brown (Ed.), The changing shape of work (pp. 150-170). London, United Kingdom: Palgrave McMillan. Scanlan, S. J., & Grauerholz, L. (2009). 50 years of C. Wright Mills and the sociological imagination. Teaching Sociology, 37(1), 1-7. Sennett, R., & Cobb, J. (1972). The hidden injuries of class. New York, NY: Vintage. Smith, D. (1982). Teaching undergraduate sociology through feature films. Teaching Sociology, 10(1), 98-101. Stephenson, C., & Wray, D. (2005). Cultural regeneration in post-industrial mining communities: The New Herrington Miners Banner Partnership. Capital & Class, 87(October), 175-200. Macomber, K., Rusche, S. E., & Atkinson, M. P. (2009). Special edition on the sociology of the classroom [Special issue]. Teaching Sociology, 37(3). Wray, D. (1996). Paternalism and its discontents. Work, Employment & Society. 10(4), 701-715.

CAROL STEPHENSON was born in the steel town, Consett, in the northeast of Eng- land to a working class family. Deindustrialization and high levels of unemployment featured in the early part of her life and the study of sociology became important in providing some answers to the social and personal disruption this caused. Prior to teaching sociology in higher education, she worked in community development within the National Health Service and for the trade union movement. Her research and teaching interests include sociological theory and the cultural and political assault on the British working class from neoliberalism. [email protected] JOHN STIRLING grew up in a working class family in London and left school at 16. Armed with what were then five “O” levels, work was not difficult to find in an expanding economy, and he was the first person in the family to have a white-collar job in the civil service and a “career for life.” After another job, sociology intervened and also started to “explain” his own life to him. He went to the local Polytechnic as a mature student and then to further jobs in journalism and research. He finally gained a teaching post and left the South East for the North East where his trade union activism led to many years of teaching on trade union courses. [email protected]

DAVID WRAY was born into a mining family in the town of Consett, in the northeast of England, and followed his father into the mining industry at the age of 15. On being made redundant after 25 years in that industry, he went to university as a mature student, studying Politics and Sociology. After graduating, he joined Northumbria University where his teaching and research interests have primarily been in the sociology of work and employment, particularly in the mining industry, in both the UK and Canada. [email protected]

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CAROL STEPHENSON est née à Consett, ville de l’acier située au nord-est de l’Angleterre, dans une famille de la classe ouvrière. La désindustrialisation et de hauts taux de chô- mage ont marqué sa jeunesse. L’étude de la sociologie s’est avérée essentielle dans sa quête de réponses aux perturbations sociales et personnelles causées par ce contexte économique. Avant d’enseigner la sociologie à l’enseignement supérieur, elle a travaillé en développement communautaire au sein du National Health Service et des mouvements syndicaux. En recherche et en enseignement, celle-ci s’intéresse à la théorie sociologique et aux attaques culturelles et politiques exercées par le néolibéralisme envers la classe ouvrière britannique. [email protected]

JOHN STIRLING a grandi à Londres dans une famille de la classe ouvrière et a quitté l’école à l’âge de 16 ans. Muni de cinq certificats d’éducation générale (connu à l’époque comme le « O » level), il a facilement trouvé un emploi dans une économie floris- sante. Il est devenu le premier membre de sa famille à obtenir un poste de col blanc au sein de la fonction publique et une « carrière garantie à vie ». Puis, après un autre emploi, la sociologie lui est apparue comme une manière de « comprendre » sa vie. Il est retourné sur les bancs de l’école comme étudiant adulte à l’école polytechnique locale, puis a occupé des emplois en journalisme et en recherche. Il a finalement obtenu un poste de professeur et a quitté le sud-est pour le nord-est, région où fort de son militantisme syndical, il enseigne depuis plusieurs années des cours sur le mouvement syndical. [email protected]

DAVID WRAY est né au sein d’une famille de mineurs dans la ville de Consett, située au nord-est de l’Angleterre. À l’âge de 15 ans, il a suivi les traces de son père, qui travaillait dans l’industrie minière. Licencié après 25 ans de travail au sein de cette industrie, il est allé à l’université en tant qu’étudiant adulte, étudiant la politique et la sociologie. Une fois gradué, il a joint les rangs de la Northumbria University où ses intérêts de recherche et d’enseignement portent principalement sur la sociologie du travail et de l’emploi, particulièrement dans l’industrie des mines en Angleterre et au Canada [email protected]

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IMPROVING STUDENTS’ UNDERSTANDING AND EXPLANATION SKILLS THROUGH THE USE OF A KNOWLEDGE BUILDING FORUM CHRISTINE HAMEL Université Laval

SANDRINE TURCOTTE Université du Québec en Outaouais

THÉRÈSE LAFERRIÈRE & NICOLAS BISSON Université Laval

ABSTRACT. Education research has shown the importance of helping students develop comprenehsion skills. Explanation-seeking rather than fact-seeking pedagogies have been shown to warrant deeper student understanding. This study investigates the use of Knowledge Forum (KF) in K-6 classrooms (n = 251) to develop students’ explanation skills. To this end, we conducted pre- and post- activity interviews with students who used KF to investigate various topics. Their online collaborative discourse was also analyzed. Our results show that: 1) students’ explanations improved significantly between pre- and post-activity interviews, 2) active KF users scored higher than less active users on the post- activity interviews, and 3) students who had the best written explanations on KF scored much higher on the post-activity interviews even when they had scored much lower than less active students in the pre-activity interviews.

L’AMÉLIORATION DE LA COMPRÉHENSION CHEZ LES ÉLÈVES ET DE LEUR CAPACITÉ D’EXPLICATION AU MOYEN DE L’UTILISATION D’UN FORUM DE COÉLABORATION DE CONNAISSANCES RÉSUMÉ. La recherche en éducation a montré l’importance d’aider les élèves à développer leur capacité de comprendre. Il a aussi été montré que les pédago- gies axées sur l’explication plutôt que sur la mémorisation de faits entrainait chez les élèves une compréhension plus approfondie. Cette étude examine l’utilisation du Knowledge Forum (KF) dans des classes du primaire (n = 251) pour développer la capacité d’explication chez les élèves. À cette fin, nous avons conduit des entretiens avant et après des activités où les élèves avaient utilisé le KF pour investiguer certaines questions. Leur discours collaboratif en ligne a aussi été analysé. Nos résultats montrent que: 1) les explications des élèves se sont améliorées de manière significative entre les entretiens pré et post-activité, 2) les utilisateurs KF actifs ont obtenu des scores plus élevés que les utilisateurs moins actifs lors des entretiens post-activité, et 3) les élèves qui ont écrit les meil- leures explications sur le KF ont obtenu des scores plus élevés lors des entretiens post-activité même quand ils avaient obtenu, lors des entretiens pré-activité, des scores beaucoup plus faibles que ceux des élèves les moins actifs.

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Research in education has put forward the importance of helping students develop deep comprehension of explored subjects in order for them to be better prepared for tomorrow’s knowledge society (Bereiter, 2002; Bransford, Brown & Cocking, 2000; Drucker, 1993; United Nations, Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization [UNESCO], 2008). Students are too often asked to repeat what they know rather than to explain and connect their knowledge with one another (Sawyer, 2006; Wiske, 1998a). Therefore, the challenge for educational reform is to design learning environments that are more centered on student learning and that will allow students to reach a deeper level of understanding. Technology integration takes many shapes and forms, and initiatives abound that are aimed at preparing learners for life in a society evolving rapidly because of easier access to information and a continuous availability of communication media (Bielaczyc, 2006; Bielaczyc & Collins, 2006; Collins & Halverson, 2009; Partnership for 21 Century Skills, 2008; Perkins, Crismond, Simmons & Unger, 1995). Whether it is microblogging, regular blogging, or other forms of social networking, we understand that teachers use these tools as a mean of developing technology literacy, and sometimes, information literacy, which may be defined as the capacities to interact with information (Markauskaite, 2006). Young people need to be creative and innovative in order to thrive in the 21st century, and the use of technology in schools is often considered an effective manner of developing these skills, particularly because of student interest in communicating through technology as well as the limitless possibilities for their application (Reigeluth & Carr-Chellman, 2009; Wiske, Franz, & Breit, 2005). Morroco (2001), who studied long-term teacher professional development projects at the Education Development Center in the USA, identifies four principles to design better learning environments based on deepening student understanding: 1) Authentic tasks to fully engage students in their learning and develop a deeper understanding of the content; 2) Opportunities to build cognitive strategies; 3) Learning that is socially mediated so students can interact to build and integrate knowledge; and 4) Engaging in constructive conversation so students can express and then integrate their own ideas and questions. To develop better student comprehension skills, explanation-driven rather than fact-driven teaching practices have proven to be more effective (Bransford et al., 2000; Coleman, 1998; Hakkarainen, 2003, 2004; Hatano & Inagaki, 1987; Lipponen, 2000; Meyer & Woodruff, 1997; Roth, McGinn, Woszczyna, & Boutonné, 1999). Certain technological tools, such as Knowledge Forum, have been shown to support explanation-seeking pedagogies as well as the inquiry process (Bereiter & Scardamalia, 1996; Brown, Ellery, & Campione, 1998; Hakkarainen, 2003). More specifically, explanation-seeking pedagogies have been proven to be very efficient in science education (Coleman, 1998; Hatano & Inagaki, 1987; Krajcik, Soloway, Blumenfeld, & Marx, 1998; Roth et al., 1999).

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In light of this, how can the use of technology in the classroom improve students’ explanation skills during a classroom-based discussion (e.g., to provide an information, an opinion, supportive evidence; to make an inference, to point to a cause; to generate a new question; to offer a better explanation regarding a problem), thus permitting them to attain the essential learning outcomes of the elementary or secondary curriculum? We believe that one way for this to occur is through a technological tool that can allow scaffolding of student inquiry focused on knowledge building rather than knowledge telling (Bereiter, 2002), designed to support the collaborative investigation of authentic problems (Chin & Osborne, 2010; Scardamalia, 2006). Knowledge building involves idea or explanation improvement whereas knowledge telling entails writing what one knows, especially facts. In this regard, the collaborative nature of learning as well as the support of the community of learners (Brown & Campione, 1994) are also important aspects to consider in the design of the learning environment (Rummel & Spada, 2005). Indeed, we now know that students can learn by interacting with technology and with their peers (Cakir, Zemel, & Stahl, 2009; Kreijns, Kirschner, & Vermeulen, 2013). The use of technology in a Web 2.0 world reminds us that we are not alone in front of our computer screens; schools can profit from this connectedness in order to enrich the learning environment of their students. It is therefore important to consider whether we should require students to power down their personal technological devices as they enter into the classroom, a restriction likely to contrast with what they experience during their everyday life, or whether they should instead be invited to use them for specific learning activities. Classroom-based, student-centered, telecollaborative environments can provide opportunities for students to engage in the knowledge construction process (Engle & Conant, 2002; Zhang, Scardamalia, Reeve, & Messina, 2009). On- line collaborative learning also calls for a significantly different teacher role, collaboration (Harasim, 2011; Roschelle, Bakia, Toyama, & Patton, 2011), and an emphasis on student progressive discourse, that is, a classroom discussion devoted to the improvement of explanations (Bereiter, 1994). The students in these types of learning environments are not only active learners, but together, they become knowledge creators when using knowledge to resolve problems and be innovative (Bereiter & Scardamalia, 2006, 2010). The use of technology and the study of its contribution to verbal and written discourse also show that some tools have a great potential for supporting classroom conversation (Hewitt, 2002; Laferrière, Erickson, & Breuleux, 2007; Sawyer, 2006; Zhao & Rop, 2001). What students write on screen can add value to the work accomplished in the classroom (Barron, 2003; Rummel & Spada, 2005; White & Pea, 2011), in addition to motivating them to engage in classroom learning activities (British Educational Communications and Technology Agency, 2001; Cox, 1997; Passey, 2001; Sharples, Graber, Harrison, & Logan, 2009). In this paper, we will present the context within which such online writing took place and the methodology used to analyze the quality of their collaborative writing and its outcomes.

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THE CONTEXT OF THE STUDY The Remote Networked Schools (RNS) initiative in the province of Quebec (Canada) aimed to enrich the learning environment of small rural francophone schools by providing students and teachers with more opportunities for interaction through the use of telecollaborative technologies. Given a substantial decline in population from rural exodus, these rural schools have faced many issues such as a lack of specialized resources for students, multilevel classrooms, small numbers of registered students, and professional isolation. In 2010, 23 school districts, more than 200 schools, 170 teachers, and over 2,000 students were involved in this initiative. Since 2002, two telecollaborative tools were made available to the participating classrooms: an easy-to-use desktop videocon- ferencing tool (iVisit) and Knowledge Forum (KF), a discussion forum based on the theory of knowledge building (Scardamalia, 2004). In this paper, we focus on the effectiveness of the latter tool, KF. Hundreds of classes involved in the RNS initiative have worked collaboratively online when doing learning activities and projects, at a frequency ranging from once a month to once per trimester or per year, anchored in the Quebec school curriculum. Over the years, professional development was offered online on- demand and 7-10 scheduled two-hour sessions were offered to teachers regarding authentic and open questioning and collective knowledge building as well as student-centred learning environments. The initiative provided skilled human resources that were available for real-time online support all day long regarding the planning of learning activities, reflection on the progress of specific collaborative activities, and setting of goals for improving student writing and knowledge-building ability (Hamel, Allaire, & Turcotte, 2012). After six years of implementation, the use of the telecollaborative tools became an integral part of RNS classroom practices, comprising approximately one third of classroom time. Impact measurement of the initiative included indicators such as student motivation, development of innovative practices, and organizational changes (Laferrière et al., 2011). Some teachers had reported that students who were more active on KF were more successful and further developed in their explanation skills than less active KF users. This was the impetus for the study presented here, i.e. to focus on the use of KF and to confirm (or not) its perceived impact on student learning. We were also aware of an increase in student motivation regarding writing (Laferrière et al., 2011). Teachers were reporting evidence of a real-audience effect, that is, students reading other students’ work, especially regarding science and technology activities supported by KF (Laferrière et al., 2011). There was some evidence of students improving their ideas and their explanations (knowledge building); however, teachers wanted to validate their perceptions. Were individual competencies of students being developed as a result of involvement in these online collaborative activities? Were students individually

4 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Improving Students’ Understanding and Explanation Skills able to explain what they had collectively discussed in KF? Were they able to apply the shared knowledge in other contexts? In order to answer these questions, we set up a mixed methods study with schools. This paper presents the results of two different discourse analyses that were applied to student oral (pre- and post-) interviews and written (KF) discourse; the results obtained were quantified. We then triangulated the quantified qualitative data with quantitative data related to student KF use. Conducted with volunteer teachers from four RNS school districts, this study allowed us to closely observe the use of KF on student learning, with a specific focus on their explanation skills. The research questions addressed in this study were the following: • Can the use of the knowledge building tool contribute to the development of students’ explanation skills? • Can distinct levels of KF use lead to different explanation skills’ magnitude of change?

METHODOLOGY

Participants A total of 186 students (101 girls and 85 boys) of the RNS initiative in the province of Quebec participated in the study. The academic level of the students ranged from grades 3 to 6. The participants were recruited from 19 different classrooms and four school boards. Among these classes, some were located in socio-culturally and -economically disadvantaged areas. Likewise, some schools struggled with high dropout rates and serious academic motivational problems.

Material The curriculum for primary education in Quebec includes five areas of study: 1) languages (French and English), 2) mathematics, science, and technology, 3) social sciences, 4) arts, and 5) personal development. The curriculum is based on the development of competencies (three per area of study), and disciplinary core ideas (essential knowledge). These core ideas guided the development of the questionnaires used with the students in this present study. Most of the teachers used authentic questioning strategies in the forum to foster students’ understanding (Wiske, 1998a, 1998b) of various phenomena linked to the curriculum (Laferrière et al., 2011). Thus, without precisely knowing in advance the questions that would be the studied by the students and their teacher, we knew what was the area of the intended learning, skills, as well as the disciplinary core ideas targeted.

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The telecollaborative environment used by students was KF, which provides applets to analyze the students’ usage of the forum (e.g. the number of written and read contributions, the use of scaffolds, keywords, etc.). An applet is a tool to monitor the activity in the forum. Specifically, the present study used the number of written and read contributions as the dependent variables associated with the students’ use of KF. To evaluate the depth of explanation associated with the students’ contributions in KF, each written input was coded on a five-level scale from isolated facts to complete explanations. Based on two existing grids (i.e. Chan & van Aalst, 2008; Hakkareinen, 2003), a new analysis grid that better fit our context was developed (see Table 1). The interrater agreement obtained with three coders was of 89%, which is considered a very good level of reliability (Miles & Huberman, 1999).1 Each contribution was coded and then scored regarding its depth of explanation, and a mean score was obtained for each student. This mean explanation score served as a dependent variable.

TABLE 1. Analysis grid of the depth of explanation in the students’ written discourse on KF

Depth of Examples from an Ethic and Definitions explanation Religious Cultures topic 1 Gives his/her opinion without providing The priest speaks about Jesus. facts, evidence, or elaboration. Repeats an already mentioned fact. Mentions facts or enumerates facts. 2 Names and describes factual information We found a temple in (general descriptions). Organizes facts very Montreal called Dao and it briefly (descriptive) without making clear was built in 1957. links to the question. Is able to use examples and connectors. 3 Makes inferences supported by facts. There are many because there Partially explains (limited explanations or are more and more people partially articulated constructions) beyond who want to pray in the the simple description or information. world. Possible relevant answer to the inquiry question. 4 Makes claims supported by explanations, Because there are different evidence and/or relevant examples. people who have different Structure is clear, articulate, is based on an beliefs than us, this is why we intuitive explanation or introduces a do not have the same place to scientific explanation. pray and there are more places of worship. The quality of explanation was also assessed through pre- and post-activity interviews. These took the form of oral activities that required students to explain the topic they were going to explore (or had explored) in class. For example, students working on the different climates were asked: Are the alternating seasons the same everywhere in the world? Why or why not?

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The students’ responses to the interviews were analyzed qualitatively for the quality of the explanation provided (McNeill, Lizotte, Krajcik, & Marx, 2006; Turcotte, 2008). Table 2 presents the coding rubric used in this analysis. Inter- rater agreement was achieved between three coders to ensure the validity of the coding (Miles & Huberman, 1999), with an average rate of 93% for the three learning domains (science, social science, and personal development). This qualitative analysis allowed us to generate quantitative results reflecting the quality of explanation given by each of the interviewed students.

TABLE 2. Rubric for the pre- and post-activity interviews

Score Rubric Definition Examples 0 No explanation No answer; I really don’t know. Incoherent, incomplete, and incorrect explanation 1 Partial explanation Incomplete but correct It’s like fertilizer such as explanation; plants. Complete but partially incorrect explanation 2 Complete Complete and correct Composting is putting an explanation explanation orange peel, for example in a tank instead of putting it in the trash, it will decompose and we will be able to use as fertilizer after. NOTE. The examples are based on the question: What is composting? (essential knowledge, grade 3 and 4, 8-9 years old).

Procedure At the beginning of the project, the teachers informed us of their pedagogical intentions in relation to the curriculum. They were not aware of the interview questions or the results until after the post-interviews were conducted. In order to answer our research questions, pre- and post-activity individual interviews were conducted with the students to evaluate the students’ quality of explanation of certain phenomena related to the subject addressed in KF. Between the pre- and post-activity interviews, the students worked in KF for approximately two to four weeks. The post-activity interviews were conducted up to two weeks after the completion of the learning activities on KF. If, for some reason, an entire classroom could not be interviewed, then the teachers were asked to select nine of their students for the interviews: three students at three different levels of ability. The teacher selection allowed us to avoid interviewing only the stronger students. However, the interviewers were deliberately not aware of the students’ level of ability throughout the experiment.

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Finally, three classrooms did not work on KF during that time period because their teacher encountered technical and time-related problems. Since their students were interviewed before and after their activity, we decided to use these classes as a control group.

RESULTS

Group formation The first step was to form groups based on the students’ use of KF. The work done by the students in KF was analyzed and large differences were found in the use of the forum, especially regarding the number of written and read contributions. These observations suggested the presence of different user profiles in the sample, or active and less active KF users in terms of notes written and notes read. In order to confirm this assumption, a cluster analysis was conducted on the experimental sample, i.e. students who had used KF between the pre- and post-activity interviews. Results of a hierarchical cluster analysis (using the Ward Method and the Squared Euclidean distance measure), with the number of read and written contributions as the dependent variables, suggested that the experimental group could be partitioned into four groups (Burns & Burns, 2008). All grades were represented in each group.

KF use comparison across groups The second step consisted in comparing KF use according to the previously formed groups and sex. As the numbers of written and read contributions distributions were positively skewed, a non-parametric approach was used to assess the possible differences between groups.2 Thus, following Finch’s (2005) recommendations, a nonparametric MANOVA 4 (groups: Group 1 vs. Group 2 vs. Group 3 vs. Group 4) x 2 (sex: Girls vs. Boys) was conducted on the number of written and read contributions. Using Pillai’s trace, the results 2 revealed a significant group effect, F(6, 318) = 70.76, p < .001, ŋp = .57. Results of Roy-Bargman Stepdown F tests suggested that both variables contributed significantly to the group effect (both ps < .001). No other main or interaction effects were significant (all ps > .05). In order to locate the differences between the groups, we conducted a series of Mann-Whitney tests. Type I error inflation was controlled by using an alpha level of .008 (i.e. .05/6 planned comparisons). The results revealed that almost all groups differed significantly on the number of written and read contributions (all ps < .008). The only exception was that the number of read contributions did not differ significantly between Groups 3 and 4. Table 3 presents the means and the standard deviations of the written and read contributions according to group.

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TABLE 3. Means and standard deviations of the written and read contributions for each group

Written contributions Read contributions Groups n M SD M SD Group 1 57 3.98 2.01 34.61 28.30 Group 2 36 15.29 7.24 125.57 49.16 Group 3 41 0.56 0.50 7.49 7.14 Group 4 33 2.58 0.97 7.00 4.28 Control 19 - - - -

Quality of explanation across groups, sex, and test time The third step was designed to compare the quality of explanation according to group and sex. As the pre- and post-activity measures comparison across groups might have conveyed a regression to the mean effect (Nielson, Karpatschof, & Kreiner, 2007),3 the post-activity scores were corrected by following Nielson et al.’s (2007) recommendations. A repeated measures ANOVA 5 (groups: Group 1 vs. Group 2 vs. Group 3 vs. Group 4 vs. Control) x 2 (sex: Girls vs. Boys) x 2 (test time: pre- vs. post- activity) was conducted in order to verify if the quality of explanation differed according to these factors. The results revealed that the quality of explanation was significantly higher for the post-activity as compared to the pre-activity, 2 F(1, 176) = 252.69, p < .001, ŋp = .59. Furthermore, there was a significant interaction between the test time and group factors, F(4, 176) = 6.18, p < .001, 2 ŋp = .12. No other main or interaction effects were significant. Figure 1 presents the quality of explanation’s mean according to group and test time. In order to clarify the interaction, multiple analyses were conducted. Results of an ANOVA 5 (groups: Group 1 vs. Group 2 vs. Group 3 vs. Group 4 vs. Control) conducted on the pre-activity quality of explanation scores revealed that there was at least one significant difference between groups: F(4, 181) = 9.32, 2 p < .001, ŋp = .17. Pairwise comparisons (with Bonferroni correction) revealed that compared to Group 2, the pre-activity quality of explanation scores were significantly higher for Groups 1 and 3 as well as for the control group. Likewise, the control group had significantly higher pre-activity quality of explanation scores compared to Group 4. No other comparison yielded significant differences. Results of an ANOVA 5 (groups: Group 1 vs. Group 2 vs. Group 3 vs. Group 4 vs. Control) conducted on the corrected post-activity quality of explanation scores revealed that there was no significant difference between groups, 2 F(4, 181) = 1.59, p > .05, ŋp = .03.

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80.00

70.00

60.00

50.00

40.00

30.00 Group 1 Group 2 20.00 Group 3 Group 4 10.00 Control

0.00 Pre-activity Post-activity

FIGURE 1. Mean of the pre- and corrected post-activity scores according to group. Quality of explanation’s magnitude of change across groups and sex The fourth step aimed at comparing the quality of explanation’s magnitude of change according to group and sex. As was the case with the previous analyses, the magnitude of change was controlled for differences on the pre-activity’s scores. Thus, an ANOVA 5 (groups: Group 1 vs. Group 2 vs. Group 3 vs. Group 4 vs. Control) x 2 (sex: Girls vs. Boys), with the pre-activity measure included as a covariate, was conducted. The results revealed a significant covariate effect, 2 F(1, 175) = 54.56, p < .001, ŋp = .24. Similarly, there was a significant group 2 effect, F(4, 175) = 4.60, p < .05, ŋp = .10. No other main or interaction effects were significant. Pairwise comparisons (with Bonferroni correction) revealed that the magnitude of change of Group 2 was significantly higher than those of Groups 1 and 3, as well as those of the control group. Table 4 presents the mean and standard deviation of the magnitude of change for each group.

TABLE 4. Mean and standard deviation of the magnitude of change for each group

Groups M SD Group 1 13.29 11.27 Group 2 27.67 15.40 Group 3 11.58 11.88 Group 4 18.79 18.52 Control 3.39 12.07 NOTE. Albeit the large standard deviations, the Levene’s test of Equality of Error Variances was non-significant.

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Results from Pearson correlations indicated that the magnitude of change was significantly related to both the number of read (r = .35, p < .001) and written (r = .40, p < .001) contributions. Nevertheless, results from a multiple regression revealed that the number of written contributions was the only significant predictor of the magnitude of change (r2 = .16, p < .001).

Depth of explanation comparison across groups and sex The fifth and last step intended to compare the depth of explanation associated with the students’ written contributions in KF according to groups and sex. As the variance differed significantly across groups, a non-parametric approach was used. First, results from a Mann-Whitney test revealed that the depth of explanation was not significantly higher for girls (M = 2.58, SD = 0.81) compared to boys (M = 2.56, SD = 0.83). Secondly, results from a Kruskal-Wallis test revealed that there was at least one significant difference between the four experimental groups, (p < .05). With an alpha level of .008 (.05/6 planned comparisons), results from Mann-Whitney tests showed that Group 2’s depth of explanation scores were significantly lower than those of Groups 1, 3 and 4 (all ps < .008). Table 5 presents the mean and standard deviation of the depth of explanation for each group.

TABLE 5. Mean and standard deviation of the depth of explanation for each group

Groups M SD Group 1 2.52 0.83 Group 2 2.09 0.30 Group 3 2.78 0.80 Group 4 2.82 0.88

DISCUSSION The aim of the study was to validate the teachers’ perception that students who were active users on KF were learning more, and further developing their explanation skills. More precisely, the objectives were to: (a) verify if and how the use of the knowledge building tool contributed to the development of the students’ explanation skills, (b) explore whether the quality of explanation’s magnitude of change differed depending on different KF user profiles. It also hoped to confirm (or not) the researchers’ belief that a collaborative knowledge building tool such as KF would not only enrich the learning environment of the students, but that such collective efforts would lead to better individual student learning.

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First, the results revealed that there were four different groups in the sample depending on the number of written and read notes in the forum. The identified groups thus reflected differing levels of student activity in the KF: Group 1 was moderately active on the KF (M =3.98 written notes / student; M = 34.61 read notes / student), Group 2 was very active (M = 15.29 written notes / student; M = 125.57 read notes / student), Group 3 was less active on the KF (M = 0.56 written notes / student; M = 7.79 read notes / student), and Group 4 was moderately active regarding the number of notes written (M = 2.58 notes / student) but less active regarding the number of notes read (M = 7.00 notes / student). Of relevance for the following discussion is the fact that Group 2 had a significantly higher number of written and read contributions compared to the other three groups. Also, their mean depth of explanation in the KF was significantly lower than the means of the other groups. Secondly, the analyses showed that the quality of explanation differed across groups for the pre-activity interview. Among others, Group 2 had a significantly lower quality of explanation mean compared to the other groups. After controlling for a regression to the mean effect, the quality of explanation across groups did not differ significantly for the post-activity interview. Also, the magnitude of change between the pre- and post-activity was significantly higher for Group 2 compared to the other groups, even after controlling for differences on the pre-activity measure. Additionally, the number of written and read contributions was significantly associated with the magnitude of change. After further analysis, only the number of written contributions efficiently predicted the magnitude of change. Finally, analyses showed that none of the dependent variables differed according to sex. Altogether, these results suggest that the number of written contributions can predict a portion of the quality of explanation’s magnitude of change. Indeed, the results show that a greater usage of KF (a) favoured a greater magnitude of change and (b) enabled students with lower quality of explanation means to close the gap with students with higher quality explanation skills. However, these assumptions only apply when the quality of explanation is evaluated orally and individually. In fact, when the quality of the written contributions in KF is examined, Group 2 had a significantly lower depth of explanation mean compared to the other groups. It would thus seems to be important to encourage students to not simply write a large number of contributions in the forum, but to write contributions that will improve their understanding of the question. Quantity does not guarantee quality. Concerning oral explanation skills, Group 2 was significantly ahead of the other groups, although despite their very active participation in the forum, they presented less impressive results. However, their explanation skills increased the most between the two tests.

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This study relies on a solid design linking repeated student interviews, on the one hand, and collaborative writing, on the other. The number of cases was also impressive: interviews with nearly 300 students from different schools and schools districts all over the province were conducted and then analyzed. A cluster analysis confirmed the researchers’ observations in the field regarding KF users and this allowed us to formally create user profiles, a difficult task in itself considering the tremendous number of variables in our particular research context. The mixed design allowed us to benefit from the strengths of both methodologies: the qualitative analysis of the students’ collaborative online discourse while individual pre- and post-activity interviews gave us a better insight on student learning and explanation capacity. Quantitative analyses allowed us to generate clear answers to our research questions. These analyses, combined with the teachers’ perceptions, have allowed us to benefit from a triangulation of methodologies that further validates our findings. Indeed, our results show that infrequent users improved as much as non-users, and this confirms that in order to get results, the use of the tool must reach a certain level. It is not uncommon for teachers to want to “start small” with this kind of innovation. For example, they will choose to use KF to prepare activities for Christmas or Halloween, hoping that if it “doesn’t work,” at least it will not interfere with more “serious learning.” Our own intervention approach suggested working on central parts of the curriculum rather than peripheral ones. We believed that in doing so, students as well as teachers would benefit from the activity faster, but that it would also be the best way to make the most of the time spent using the tool. No school time is worth wasting. As we expected, writing one or two contributions once in a while is not sufficient enough for students to improve their explanation skills. When we looked more closely, Group 2 students mostly came from two groups whose teachers incorporated networking activities in their daily routine for up to one hour each day. In these two groups, students spent as long as one hour every day reading, writing, and collaborating on KF on various school topics and authentic questions. The teachers also mentioned that with KF, they participate more than other groups in authentic reading and writing activities (Laferrière et al., 2011). Clearly, active use of KF leads to greater improvement of student explanation skills, at least orally. But there is a need to reach a certain level of activity while maintaining focus on quality writing. The fact that some groups, just like the control group, showed less progress in students’ explanation skills, raises a new series of questions: Is effective classroom collective inquiry bound to the use of KF or another similar online collaborative space? Does this mean that the investigations that were essen- tially of a verbal nature had less of an impact on students’ explanation skills? Reading and writing in a greater proportion may have developed the students’ ability to make connections between concepts and knowledge (Bereiter, 2002).

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Students may have interacted more among themselves in a written form rather than a verbal form (Cazden, 1988). However, we doubt that teachers were as rigorous in respecting the structure of the inquiry process when they relied only on verbal classroom interaction (and other forms of exercise from the textbooks). For example, one limitation of this study is that we have no data on the structure of classroom verbal discourse. Did it fall back to the standard I-R-E (Initiation-Response-Evaluation) structure (Cazden, 1988)? Could KF affordances, emphasizing explanation and authentic questioning, be more challenging for students than other more standard classroom practices? In other RNS studies, students expressed their motivation to work with the technological tools, as these tools gave them access to other students’ ideas (Laferrière et al., 2011). The use of technology to enable students to improve their ability to explain and better understand ideas may only have an impact if such use is supported by an appropriate pedagogy. The quality of the teacher’s discourse is critical: it must lead students to ask authentic questions. More- over, students must have the space and time for inquiry. Our study therefore shows that the combination of active student participation mediated by KF technology and a collaborative inquiry approach produced significant results for students. Other studies have arrived at related findings (Chin & Osborne, 2010; Pea, 2004; Turcotte, 2008; Zhang et al., 2006). The results of this paper were presented to the participating teachers as well as to the entire RNS network. Emphasis was placed on the need for students to work with KF at a certain frequency before seeing definite results in student learning. There was a general acknowledgement that the major challenge for the RNS network remains, that is, to significantly increase the time spent using KF so that students may have more opportunities to experience knowledge building / creation (Scardamalia & Bereiter, 2008). Given that Quebec’s professional educators are currently working to enhance the graduation rate of high school students and that there is much evidence that reading and writing are critical to student learning (Catel, 2001), the results of our study are of special relevance. They demonstrate that when students are in a stimulating, innovative environment that allows them to work on real ideas and complex problems, they are able to achieve more. Moreover, when an authentic audience is present (Allington & Cunningham, 1996; Atwell, 2002; Graves, 1991; Rijlaarsdam et al., 2008), one coming from a completely different environment, for example, Barcelona or Hong Kong (Laferrière et al., 2010), students’ interest is stimulated and the quality of their explanation skills can significantly improve.

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CONCLUSION This study provides empirical evidence that the informed and sustained use of a knowledge building tool to support student collaborative learning was able to significantly improve student explanation skills. However, a less frequent use of KF was not linked to such improvement, confirming that a certain level of online activity is necessary in order to achieve such results. Indeed, a minimal use of the tool such as described in Table 3 has generated as much improvement as the control group, which did not use the tool at all. This confirms our belief that in order to get significant results, teachers must focus on central elements of the curriculum and have their students read and write to a certain degree. Minimal efforts will generate minimal to no results. This study also provided empirical evidence that explanation-based, rather than fact-based, online collaborative discourse led to greater improvement between pre- and post-activity interviews, even for students who had significantly lower results at the onset; this being the case even when most of these active students come from low socioeconomic status communities. For the last ten years, the RNS initiative has aimed to enrich the learning environment of the students. These results show that frequent and quality interactions supported by Knowledge Forum can lead to the improvement of students’ explanation skills and to deeper understanding. The RNS initiative also shows how emerging technologies and globalization enable universities to develop new ways of supporting professional development in schools and other fields.

NOTES

1. The number of agreements (A) divided by the number of agreements plus disagreements (D) (A / (A + D)). 2. The application of a log transformation on both variables was tested. Eventually, this solution was discarded because it had no significant impact on the variables’ distribution. 3. There was a negative and significant correlation between the pre-activity scores and the magnitude of change between the pre- and post-activity scores (r = -.57, p < .001). In other words, the higher the pre-activity score was, the lower the magnitude of change between the pre- and post-activity measures was. Thus, this result confirmed the presence of a regression to the mean effect.

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Pea, R. D. (2004). The social and technological dimensions of “scaffolding” and related theoretical concepts for learning, education and human activity. The Journal of the Learning Sciences, 13(3), 423-451. Perkins, D., Crismond, D., Simmons, R., & Unger, C. (1995). Inside understanding. In D. Perkins, J. L. Schwartz, M. West, & M. S. Wiske (Eds.), Software goes to school: Teaching for understanding with new technologies (pp. 70-88). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Reigeluth, C. M., & Carr-Chellman, A. (2009). Understanding instructional theory. In C. M. Reigeluth & A. Carr-Chellman (Eds.), Instructional-design theories and models, Volume III: Building a common knowledge base. New York, NY: Routledge. Rijlaarsdam, G., Braaksma, M., Couzijn, M., Janssen, T., Raedts, M., van Steendam,… & van den Bergh, H. (2008). Observation of peers in learning to write. Journal of Writing Research, 1(1), 53-83. Rosenblatt, L. M. (1991). Literacy-S.O.S!, Language Arts, 68(6), 444-448. Roschelle, J., Bakia, M., Toyama, Y., & Patton, C. (2011). Eight issues for learning scientists about education and the economy. Journal of the Learning Sciences, 20(1), 3-49. Roth, W.-M., McGinn, M. K., Woszczyna, C., & Boutonné, S. (1999). Differential participation during science conversations: The interaction of focal artifacts, social configurations, and physical arrangements. Journal of the Learning Sciences, 8(3/4), 293-347. Rummel, N., & Spada, H. (2005). Learning to collaborate: An instructional approach to promoting problem-solving in computer-mediated settings. Journal of the Learning Sciences, 14(2), 201-241. Sawyer, R. K. (2006). Analyzing collaborative discourse. In R. K. Sawyer (Ed.), Cambridge handbook of the learning sciences, (pp. 187-204). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Scardamalia, M. (2004). Instruction, learning, and knowledge building: Harnessing theory, design, and innovation dynamics. Educational Technology & Society, 44(3), 30-33. Scardamalia, M. (2006). Technology for understanding. In K. Leithwood, P. McAdie, N. Bascia, & A. Rodrigue (Eds.), Teaching for deep understanding: What every educator needs to know (pp. 103-109). Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press. Scardamalia, M., & Bereiter, C. (2008). Pedagogical biases in educational technologies. Educational Technology, 48(3), 3-11. Sharples, M., Graber, R., Harrison, C., & Logan, K. (2009). E-Safety and Web2.0 for children aged 11-16. Journal of Computer-Assisted Learning, 25, 70-84. Turcotte, S. (2008). Computer-supported collaborative inquiry in Remote Networked Schools. (Unpublished doctoral thesis). McGill University, Montreal, QC. United Nations, Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). (2010). ICT transforming education, a Regional Guide. Retrieved from http://unesdoc.unesco.org/ images/0018/001892/189216e.pdf White, T. & Pea, R. (2011). Distributed by design: On the promises and pitfalls of collaborative learning with multiple representations. Journal of the Learning Sciences, 20(3), 489-547. Wiske, M. S. (1998a). The importance of understanding. In M. S. Wiske (Ed.), Teaching for understanding (pp. 1-9). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Wiske, M. S. (1998b). What is teaching for understanding? In M. S. Wiske (Ed.), Teaching for understanding (pp. 61-86). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Wiske, M. S., Franz, K. R., & Breit, L. (2005). Teaching for understanding with technology. San Fran- cisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Zhang, J., Scardamalia, M., Reeve, R., & Messina, R. (2009). Designs for collective cognitive responsibility in knowledge-building communities. Journal of the Learning Sciences, 18, 7-44. Zhao, Y., & Rop, S. (2001). A critical review of the literature on electronic networks as reflective discourse communities for inservice teachers. Education and Information Technologies, 6(2), 81-94.

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CHRISTINE HAMEL is an associate professor in teacher education at Laval University. Her research interests include elementary school teaching, the analysis of professional practice, and knowledge creation. [email protected]

SANDRINE TURCOTTE is an associate professor of science education at University of Québec in Outaouais (UQO). Her research interests include scientific inquiry, conceptual change, computer-supported collaborative learning and classroom robotics. [email protected]

THÉRÈSE LAFERRIÈRE is Full Professor at the Faculty of Education, Laval University and Director of the Centre of Research and Intervention for Student Achievement and School Success (CRISAS). [email protected]

NICOLAS BISSON practices as a clinical psychologist and collaborates on various research projects as a consultant. His research experience is in quantitative methods. His main works are focused on applying statistical and methodological concepts from the fundamental research in perception of time to everyday contexts. [email protected]

CHRISTINE HAMEL est professeure agrégée en éducation à l’Université Laval. Ses intérêts de recherche portent sur l’enseignement au primaire, l’analyse de l’activité professionnelle et la création de savoir. [email protected]

SANDRINE TURCOTTE est professeure agrégée en didactique des sciences et technologie à l’Université du Québec en Outaouais (UQO). Ses intérêts de recherche portent sur l’investigation scientifique, le changement conceptuel, l’apprentissage collaboratif et en réseau et la robotique pédagogique. [email protected]

THÉRÈSE LAFERRIÈRE est professeure titulaire à la Faculté des sciences de l’éducation de l’Université Laval et directrice du Centre de recherche et d’intervention sur la réussite scolaires (CRIRES). [email protected]

NICOLAS BISSON pratique comme psychologue clinicien et collabore à différents projets de recherche à titre de consultant. Son expérience en recherche se situe au niveau des méthodes de recherche quantitatives. D’ailleurs, ses principaux travaux visaient à appliquer des concepts statistique et méthodologique émanant de la recherche fonda- mentale en perception du temps à des contextes quotidiens. [email protected]

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20 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Book Review

BOOK REVIEW / CRITIQUE DE LIVRE

YVES LENOIR, ABDELKRIM HASNI, FRANCE LACOURSE, FRANÇOIS LAROSE, PHILIPPE MAUBANT et ABDELKARIM ZAID. (2012). Guide d’accompagnement de la formation à la recherche : un outil de réflexion sur les termes et expressions liés à la recherche scientifique. Longueil, QC : Groupéditions. 289 pp. 39,95 $ (édition de poche). (ISBN 978-2-923656-24-3)

Au Québec, de nombreux manuels, pour les étudiants des cycles supérieurs, mais aussi les chercheurs aguerris, proposent soit des précisions méthodologiques, soit des démarches à suivre pour l’élaboration de recherches en éducation. Or, le Guide d’accompagnement de la formation à la recherche (ci-après, le Guide) du Pr Lenoir prétend se démarquer des nombreux ouvrages disponibles en étant « un outil de travail, non un ouvrage de méthodologie au sens classique du terme, encore moins un dictionnaire de la recherche, une encyclopédie ou une méthode » (Lenoir et coll., 2012, p. 11). Qu’en est-il ? Pour le savoir, nous nous intéresserons d’abord au livre en soi, puis nous le replacerons dans le contexte plus large des livres d’aide à la recherche.

L’OUVRAGE Le Guide de Lenoir et coll. (2012) est né d’une volonté double. En premier lieu, il doit encourager les étudiants des cycles supérieurs en éducation à réfléchir aux différents concepts de la recherche. Ce faisant, les auteurs es- pèrent répondre à un besoin de clarification à l’égard des différents termes liés à la recherche en limitant les confusions épistémologiques. Dans un deuxième temps, l’outil élaboré s’appuie sur une synthèse de divers points de vue à propos des concepts méthodologique de la recherche. Cette mise en évidence de visions contrastantes et divergentes a pour objectif de pousser le lecteur à adopter une approche critique à l’égard de la variété et la quantité d’ouvrages méthodologiques en sciences humaines et en éducation. Compte tenu de cela, le Guide se destine principalement aux étudiants de maitrise et doctorat ; toutefois, il semble que même le chercheur aguerri pourrait y trouver son compte, pour peu qu’il soit intéressé par la précision épistémologique des termes utilisés dans ses recherches.

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La structure du texte repose sur une approche assez traditionnelle en reprenant les différentes sections d’une recherche dans son ordre logique d’écriture et d’élaboration. Il est d’abord question des fondements épistémologiques qui sous-tendent la recherche en éducation, puis des grandes articulations « classiques » (problématique, cadre de référence, méthodologie, etc.) et, enfin, de différents concepts connexes, tels que l’éthique de la recherche. Des extraits de références, des renvois infratextuels et des commentaires de clarifications ponctuent les différentes entrées. Deux index, en fin de volume, permettent une consultation précise et rapide par termes ou par auteurs cités. Le Guide de Lenoir et coll. (2012) nous semble être victime de son intention première et souffre d’une forme inégale. Alors que certaines entrées proposent d’intéressantes synthèses de plusieurs pages, d’autres consistent simplement en des collages de différentes citations, en anglais et en français. Ces occurrences donnent parfois l’impression d’être des occasions manquées où une brève synthèse, avec de bonnes références, aurait sans nul doute été plus instructive. Toutefois, force est de reconnaître l’étendue du travail accompli par Lenoir et ses collaborateurs. Fruit d’un travail de fond de plusieurs années, la bibli- ographie est vaste et fouillée, se référant aux classiques et aiguillant du même fait le lecteur vers de bonnes références pour approfondir sa compréhension.

LE GUIDE DANS LE CONTEXTE QUÉBÉCOIS DE LA RECHERCHE Les ouvrages méthodologiques utilisés dans les facultés québécoises francophones d’éducation appartiennent en général à deux grands courants. Il y a d’une part les monographies théoriques comme Recherche sociale : de la problématique à la collecte de donnée (Gauthier, 2008). Ces dernières offrent des synthèses de fond à propos de différentes approches méthodologiques et différents paradigmes de recherche. D’autre part, différents ouvrages reprennent la structure d’une recherche et s’attachent à en décrire, sommairement, les différentes étapes de conceptualisation, comme La recherche en éducation : étapes et approches de Karsenti et Savoie-Zajc (2011) et Réaliser une recherche en didactique (Thouin, 2014). Ceux-ci, très populaires auprès des étudiants de deuxième et troisième cycle, ont l’avantage de proposer un survol complet, quoique sommaire, de la recherche. En raison de la présentation qu’il offre de différents concepts propres à la recherche, l’ouvrage de Lenoir et coll. (2012) s’illustre comme adhérant en partie à la première approche, sans toutefois s’y conformer tout à fait. À cet égard, le Guide remplit un rôle intermédiaire, permettant au chercheur novice de faire le pont, entre un livre qui décrit la recherche (comme celui de Thouin, 2014) et un autre qui s’attaque en détail à diverses approches méthodologiques.

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CONCLUSION La recherche en science de l’éducation est attaquée de toute part1, on remet notamment en question sa validité en critiquant, tout particulièrement, les méthodologies employées (Baillargeon, 2013 ; Boutin, 2014). En réponse à cela, il importe de doter les jeunes chercheurs en éducation d’une formation solide sur laquelle ils pourront s’appuyer afin de produire des travaux de qualités en mesure d’être reconnus par la communauté scientifique et de contribuer à la recherche et à la pratique en éducation. À cet égard, le Guide peut contribuer à cette mission en remplissant une fonction bien particulière d’éclaircissement de concepts trop souvent galvaudés. Ouvrage autonome, mais dont la lecture doit se combiner à celle d’un texte plus général, il n’en demeure par moins un outil intéressant pour l’apprenti chercheur. En ce sens, le pari est gagné pour les auteurs : il s’agit bel et bien d’un outil de travail utile.

ALEXANDRE JOLY-LAVOIE Université de Montréal

NOTES

1. À cet effet, il faut écouter le « débat » entre Yves Boisvert et Mathieu Bock-Côté, dénonçant l’« occultisme » et les « faux Sacha » des sciences de l’éducation à l’émission C’est pas trop tôt, diffusée sur les ondes de Radio-Canada le 5 février 2015. http://www.radio-canada.ca/widgets/ mediaconsole/medianet/7239462 (33 : 15).

RÉFÉRENCES

Baillargeon, N. (2013). Sur la recherche en éducation. Dans N. Baillargeon (dir.), Turbulences, essais de philosophie de l’éducation (p. 81-87). Québec, QC : Presses de l’Université Laval. Boisvert, Y. et Bock-Côté, M. (2015, 5 février). Pas trop tôt pour debattre. [Fichier audio]. Dans M.-C. Beaucage (réalisateur), C’est pas trop tôt. Repéré à http://www.radio-canada.ca/widgets/ mediaconsole/medianet/7239462 Boutin, G. (2014). Apports et limites de la recherche en sciences de l’éducation quand il s’agit de réformer les systèmes éducatifs. Bulletin d’histoire politique, 22(3), 112-121. Gauthier, B. (2008). Recherche sociale de la problématique à la collecte des données (5e éd.). Montréal, QC : Presses de l’Université du Québec. Karsenti, T. et Savoie-Zajc, L. (2011). La recherche en éducation : étapes et approches. Saint-Laurent, QC : ERPI. Thouin, M. (2014). Réaliser une recherche en didactique. Sainte-Foy, QC : Multimondes.

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BOOK REVIEW / CRITIQUE DE LIVRE

ALYSON LEIGH LAVIGNE & THOMAS L. GOOD. Teacher and Student Evaluation: Moving Beyond the Failure of School Reform. New York, NY: Routledge. (2014). 216 pp. $55.45 (Paperback). (ISBN 978-0415810531)

The quality of education continues to be questioned daily in the media and society. Numerous educational reforms aiming to improve students’ achievement have been implemented, such as in the United States, where standards-based reforms have led to outcomes being increasingly measured by student performance on standardized assessments. It remains true that there is a strong need to redefine what “success” means, both academically and in the broader context of society at large. Yet, how can we measure “success” by means of high stakes standardized tests alone? After the failure of “No Child Left Behind,” the US Department of Education created the “Race to the Top” (RTT) program, a $4.35 billion contest to spur innovation and reforms in K-12 education. Following these major school reforms, teachers and students were increasingly evaluated through performance-based high-stakes standardized tests. Although our Canadian situation is vastly different from the American one (by international standards, Canadian education is ranked among the world’s best), still, it remains to be seen whether the conversation in the U.S. will have any lasting impact on the ongoing Canadian discourse about deep educational transformation. Teacher and Student Evaluation: Moving Beyond the Failure of School Reform is a timely research study in educational reform. The book explores the historical roots and modern development of accountability discourses and practices in education as well as current models of teacher evaluation in American education. In addition, it provides possible solutions that inform current and future systems of evaluation for various stakeholders. The book consists of six chapters. In Chapter 1, Lavigne and Good discuss the increasing pressure for accountability on schools, teachers, and students and state that accountability has focused primarily upon student performance. Chapter 2 provides an overview of educational reform history in the American context, and reviews several major reforms that led to significant improvement, disastrous failure, or even stagnation. These two well-structured chapters note

McGILL JOURNAL OF EDUCATION • VOL. 50 NO 1 WINTER 2015 205 Critique de livre that historical experience has shown us a way out of educational reform mired in a lack of connection between theory and practice due to overly ambitious goals and incomplete implementation. The authors continue in chapter 3 by drawing a comprehensive picture of research studies on teaching from a historical perspective. They investigate what is known about teachers’ impact on student learning and explore how this knowledge has been used to improve student learning in the past few decades. However, the discussion is somewhat disappointing because the book is missing a crucial time period: the 1990s to the beginning of the new century. Chapter 4 turns to contemporary research of evaluation activities in schools. The authors address the recent evaluation trends under the RTT and examine the principal methods of teacher evaluation in different states. In Chapter 5, Lavigne and Good highlight two popular measures of teacher effectiveness: observation and student achievement data. These two chapters provide a very comprehensive and readable analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of both quantitative and qualitative measures used to assess student and teacher performance. The last chapter, Chapter 6, assesses the role of particular stakeholders, the teachers, in the movement to hold teachers accountable for student learning. After reaching the conclusion that these contemporary evaluation practices are flawed, the authors offer some solutions to improve upon the present situation. Other realistic and useful suggestions for related stakeholders (e.g., policy makers, parents, and teacher educators) could have also been furnished so as to provide a more complete picture of how educational reform can respond to teacher and student evaluation demands in high-stakes accountability systems. In general, the authors make several significant contributions. First of all, by examining the background information of a series of education reforms and the history of empirical research on teaching from the 1940s to modern time, Lavigne and Good demonstrate how we can learn from history as we move toward new efforts to improve teaching and learning. Without the historical background of these reforms and the research data in the U.S. context, we could not understand where we are and how we got there, and where we should go and how to move forward. Secondly, the authors place a strong emphasis on teacher education, believing that teacher education is one of the greatest opportunities for enhancing teaching and learning in public schools. It is clear that “simple and one-size-fits-all solutions that simultaneously de- skill the teacher workforce” (p. 162) are not the best approaches for teacher education to respond to the RTT reform. Instead, the authors suggest both global and specific alternatives to address the accountability issue. Last but not least, the authors provide an overview of what has been learned thus far from evaluating teachers, highlighting a numbers of management strategies that various stakeholders can use under new education evaluation trends in

206 REVUE DES SCIENCES DE L’ÉDUCATION DE McGILL • VOL. 50 NO 1 HIVER 2015 Book Review this challenging era. This does not minimize the current focus on standardized tests, but helps develop a more rigorous understanding and rationale for the ways in which measurement methods can be used to improve teaching and learning outcomes. In summary, the book is well-structured, informative, and easy to engage with. It tells us why “carrot and stick approaches have proven to be unsuccessful in improving the complex problem of educational quality” (p. 97) and guides us from the past toward the future in a meaningful, proactive manner. This book will prove to be a valuable resource for school administrators, teachers, and school counselors who are involved in RTT education reform to design more balanced, multifaceted systems of evaluation for their schools. It provides critiques of proposed reforms with a variety of research-based ammunition so as to successfully refute many of the unsupported claims being made by policymakers and their influencers; this kind of information is essential for stakeholders who might otherwise buy into the reforms without doing the requisite homework. As other researchers have noted, “without capable, high quality teachers in America’s classrooms, no educational reform effort can possibly succeed” (Stronge & Tucker, 2003, p. 3). Teacher evaluations ensure the quality of teachers, which, in turn, will benefit student learning and classroom results. If we can succeed in supporting, evaluating, and keeping qualified and capable teachers, we will go a great distance in ameliorating the learning outcomes of students / student learning. SHUJIAO WANG McGill University

REFERENCES

Stronge, J. H., & Tucker, P. D. (2003). Handbook on teacher evaluation: Assessing and improving performance. Larchmont, NY: Eye on Education.

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