International Review of (2008) 54:475–491 Ó Springer 2008 DOI 10.1007/s11159-008-9085-0

CONVERGENCE OF MONASTIC AND MODERN EDUCATION IN ?

BRIAN D. DENMAN and SINGYE NAMGYEL

Abstract – In the 1960s, the Royal Government of Bhutan began developing its modern educational system. Over time, a strategic plan was formulated to meet Edu- cation for All and Millennium Development Goals. In 2003, the Royal of Bhutan, the country’s first university, opened its doors. This paper uses comparative analysis to describe and explore the impact on the development of The Royal University of Bhutan of the national consciousness termed ‘Gross National Happiness’. It is proposed that the university is likely to become a catalyst for development, and an influential representative of and for a cultural identity. Will it become an elite institu- tion? Will the institution offer formal degrees for all who qualify? It is suggested that the issues considered in Bhutan may be of significance for other new attempting to establish themselves in the developing world.

Re´sume´– CONVERGENCE DE L’E´ DUCATION MONASTIQUE ET MODERNE AU BHOUTAN? – Dans les anne´ es 60, le Gouvernement Royal du Bhoutan a commence´ a` de´ velopper son syste` me d’e´ ducation moderne. Avec le temps, un plan strate´ gique a e´ te´ formule´ pour re´ aliser l’E´ ducation pour Tous et les Objectifs du Mil- le´ naire pour le De´ veloppement. En 2003, la premie` re universite´ du pays, l’Universite´ Royale du Bhoutan, a ouvert ses portes. Cet article se sert de l’analyse comparative pour de´ crire et examiner l’impact de la conscience nationale appele´ e ‘le Bonheur National Brut’ sur le de´ veloppement de l’Universite´ Royale du Bhoutan. On propose que l’uni- versite´ devienne susceptible de devenir un catalyseur pour le de´ veloppement et un repre´ sentant influent d’une et pour une identite´ culturelle. Deviendra-elle un e´ tablisse- ment d’e´ lite? L’e´ tablissement offrira-t-il des grades universitaires conventionnels pour tous ceux qui veulent se qualifier? On sugge` re que les questions prises en conside´ ration au Bhoutan puissent eˆ tre d’importance pour d’autres universite´ s nouvelles qui tentent de s’e´ tablir dans le monde en voie de de´ veloppement.

Zusammenfassung – ZUSAMMENSCHLUSS VON MONASTISCHER UND MODERNER BILDUNG IN BHUTAN? – In den 1960er Jahren begann das regie- rende Ko¨ nigshaus von Bhutan damit, ein modernes Bildungssystem zu entwickeln. Im Laufe der Zeit wurden strategische Pla¨ ne zum Erreichen einer ‘Bildung fu¨ r alle’ und von ‘Jahrtausend-Entwicklungszielen’ formuliert. 2003 o¨ ffnete die Ko¨ nigliche Universita¨ t von Bhutan, die erste Universita¨ t des Landes, ihre Tore. Dieser Artikel erforscht und beschreibt mithilfe der vergleichenden Analyse den Einfluss der Ko¨ niglichen Universita¨ t von Bhutan auf das nationale Bewusstsein unter dem Namen ‘Gross National Happi- ness’. Es wird die Meinung vertreten, dass die Universita¨ t dabei ist, zum Entwicklungskatalysator und zur einflussreichen Repra¨ sentanz kultureller Identita¨ tzu werden. Wird die Universita¨ t eine Eliteeinrichtung werden? Wird sie die Mo¨ glichkeit zur Erlangung formaler Abschlu¨ sse und Grade ero¨ ffnen? Nach Ansicht der Autoren 476 Brian D. Denman and Singye Namgyel ko¨ nnten die thematischen U¨ berlegungen, die in Bhutan angestellt werden, auch fu¨ r die Bemu¨ hungen anderer neuer Universita¨ ten um Etablierung in einer sich weiterentwi- ckelnden Welt von Bedeutung sein.

Resumen – ¿EXISTEN EN BHUTA´ N UNA CONVERGENCIA DE EDUCACIO´ N MONA´ STICA Y MODERNA? En los an˜ os sesenta del siglo XX, el Gobierno Real de Bhuta´ n comenzo´ a desarrollar su sistema educativo moderno. Con el transcurso del tiempo, se formulo´ un plan estrate´ gico que respondiera a los Objetivos de Educacio´ n para Todos y Desarrollo del Milenio. En 2003 abrio´ sus puertas la Universidad Real de Bhuta´ n, la primera universidad del paı´ s. Este trabajo emplea un ana´ lisis comparativo para describir y explorar el impacto que produce el desarrollo de la Universidad Real de Bhuta´ n sobre la conciencia nacional denominada Felicidad Nacional Bruta. Se proyecta que la Universidad se convierta en algo ası´ como una catalizador del desarrollo y un representante de influencia de y para la identidad cultural. ¿Se convertira´ en una ins- titucio´ n de elite? ¿Ofrecera´ la institucio´ ntı´ tulos oficiales para todos los que reu´ nan las condiciones necesarias? El trabajo sugiere que los problemas considerados en Bhuta´ n pueden ser importantes para otras nuevas universidades que traten de establecerse en el mundo en desarrollo.

From myths and legends to the pursuit of truths

In a landlocked country known by its people as the ‘‘land of the thunder dra- gon’’, Bhutan’s tradition of oral communication is as central as the country’s determination in building a modern education system. In common folktales such as Meme Hayhay Hayhay and proverbs such as ‘‘...a confederation of frogs can kill even a tiger’’ (Penjore 2005: online), the values are such that they justify Bhutan’s interest in preserving its history and customs. As Michael Aris, private tutor to the Royal Family of Bhutan between 1967 and 1972, said: ‘‘amidst all the legends, there is a grain of truth’’ (Aris in Norman 1981: 897). Yet the task of separating fact from fiction is not so much the subject of this paper as the proposition that both the traditional monastic system and Convergence of Monastic and Modern Education in Bhutan? 477 the modern education system, despite their differing approaches, may offer useful insights for Bhutan and its people. In Aris’ view, Bhutan was:

to produce scholars who combine a knowledge and appreciation of its traditional heritage with the new perspectives and methodologies of our own age (Aris 1990: 27).

Aris’ objective may have been that of helping to preserve Bhutan’s culture but also to assure that higher learning should evolve over time, a progressive, cul- turally relativistic notion. A monastic education encourages individuals (monks and anims1) to dissociate themselves from a world alien to them in order to seek inner enlightenment, while the university ‘‘...is supposed to capture and present the deeper philosophy of the nation, the worldview of its people, their dreams and aspirations, their imagination of perfection and goodness, the principles of national and social life, and their attempts to understand and use the possibilities opened up by science and mathematics’’ (Powdyel 2005:6). Phuntsho (2000) provides a good illustration of the differences between tra- ditional monastic education and modern education. Bhutan’s traditional train- ing may best be characterised by its focus on ‘‘introverted spirituality’’ as opposed to Bhutan’s modern education, which focuses on ‘‘...the extroverted pursuit of worldly happiness’’ (Phuntsho: online). The following list of differ- ences in traditional training and education is provided by Phuntscho (Table 1).

Table 1. Illustration of differences between traditional training and modern educa- tion in Bhutan

Traditional training Modern education

Purpose Mainly introvert spiritual; Mainly extrovert skills for Training culminating human development in omniscience Content Religion or regligious Secular and scientific; technical oriented, liberal Approach Mostly passive reception; Mostly active innovation; static; conservative creative; progressive (aspirational) Perspective Faith, reverence, sanctity; Interest, curiosity, rationality; for religious edification for acquiring knowledge and skills Medium Cho¨ key/ English Methodology Buddhist monastic methods Systematic Western educational of memorization, debates, techniques of critical scrutiny, contemplation, exposition, etc. statistics, experiments, etc.

Source: Phuntsho, Karma (2000). ‘‘On the Two Ways of Learning in Bhutan’’. Retrieved 19 July 2007, http://www.bhutanstudies.org.bt/journal/vol2no2/v2/n2. learning.pdf,p.5. 478 Brian D. Denman and Singye Namgyel

A basic question may be whether there is a common thread or complemen- tarity in these two approaches to the pursuit. Our investigation identifies a possible convergence of traditional and modern educational orientations in the openness of both to participation. Furthermore, given that Bhutan has not been tarnished by colonization or invasion throughout its history, there is a refreshing sense of mutual respect and compatibility between both systems at present. This sentiment is expressed in Bhutan 2020: A Vision for Peace, Prosperity, and Happiness: ‘‘Our religious history and monastic institutions have played a decisive role in the evolution of our nation’’ (1999: 70).

A brief historical overview of Bhutan

In its earliest stages of development (circa 746 CE), ‘‘Padma Sambhava’’, from the Swat Valley of modern day Pakistan, ‘‘...probably made the first major influence on the social and cultural life of Bhutanese people, particu- larly in Bumthang through his teachings’’ (Dorji 2005: 2). Around that time, Bhutanese students such as Monmo Tashi Kheudron and Mongom Hami- natha are said to have followed Padmansambhava [Padma Sambhava] to to learn (Phuntsho: online). Moreover, legend has it that around 750 CE, Denma Tsemang, a translator and one of the twenty-five disciples of Padmasambhava, may have designed the now national script (druk yig) (Ibid: online). Bhutanese monks were continually sent to Tibet to learn from lama masters only to return years later to develop monastic cen- tres (Mackey 2002: 1) or to teach dharma in their own ways (Dorji 2005: 3). The most notable during this period include: Nyoe Demchog (1179–1265 CE), Phajo Drugom Zhigpo (1208–1275), Longchen Rabjam (1308–1363 CE), Barawa Gyalshen Palzang (1310–1391 CE), and Moen Drubdey (c. 1540 CE) among others (Dorji 2005: 3; Phuntsho: online). Despite some gaps, the key historical events both written and oral seems to suggest (1) a strong traditional link to Tibet and (2) a continuing expansion of Buddhist philosophy within the region. Circa 1616 CE, Bhutanese legend relates that Zhabs-drung () established a traditional theocracy to avoid the political strife tak- ing place in Tibet establishing his rule as both King and Chief Lama of Bhutan (Norman 1981: 897). Saints, gurus, and lamas continued to stream into the fledgling country and, in a number of cases, taught different forms of to their respective disciples resulting in various . The Nyingmapa and Kagyupa sects are the most popular at present, but the Drukpa Kagyupa is officially recognised as the national religion. According to Dorji (2005: 4), formalised monastic education did not begin until 1622 CE when Zhabs-drung established the first Monk Body at Chari, where thirty monks were ordained. While the Third King, His Late Majesty Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (1952– 1972), gave the Bhutanese people a greater say in running the country Convergence of Monastic and Modern Education in Bhutan? 479

(Bhutan’s Royal Family: online), he is also credited with propelling the nation out of isolation, asserting that it could no longer prosper in the old traditional fashion (Dorji 2005: 9). The Fourth King, His Majesty (HM) (1972) is credited with initiating the current move- ment toward constitutional monarchy and the concept of ‘Gross National Happiness’.

Gross National Happiness

The objective, ‘Gross National Happiness’ was introduced in the 1980s as a means of achieving a better society. It has been the touchstone for a number of initiatives including valuing sustainability over materialism (The Econo- mist 2007: 50) and development of a culture that fosters a learning society (Powdyel: online). It is perhaps best known from His Majesty’s comment: ‘‘Gross National Happiness is more important than Gross National Prod- uct’’ (Wangchuck in Ura and Galay 2004: iix). The notion of the economics of happiness has since brought about a flur- ry of scholarly activity even though psychologists have been studying the subject for years (Graham 2005). Internationally, Gross National Happiness has helped form reassessments of the Easterlin Paradox, which refers to the fact that happiness levels are typically stationary in spite of considerable increases in income (Di Tella and MacCulloch: online). Understandably for Bhutan, however, further investigation may be necessary in order to under- stand the connection between human, social, and intellectual capital. If Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is an imperfect measure of progress and development according to Bhutan 2020 (1999: 46), it is often used elsewhere as the standard measure of comparison for a country’s material standard of living. It is meant to facilitate comparisons over time or between countries at any given point-in-time. Gross National Happiness, on the other hand ‘‘...resides in the belief that the key to happiness is to be found, once basic material needs have been met, in the satisfaction of non-material needs and in emotional and spiritual growth (Bhutan 2020 1999: 46). It is believed that the commitment of Bhutan’s leaders, their organizations, and their promi- nence and acceptance both locally and globally will be key to meeting the challenge of Gross National Happiness (see Nahapiet and Ghoshal 1998). Whatever one’s view, of Gross National Happiness, it must be admitted that the concept appears to be succeeding in Bhutan: according to White (online), the nation currently ranks eighth in the world in ‘‘subjective well-being’’. It may also have wider application, at least according to His Majesty, who writes:

I believe that while Gross National Happiness is inherently Bhutanese, its ideas may have a positive relevance to any nation, peoples or communities – wherever they may be. I also believe that there must be some convergence among nations 480 Brian D. Denman and Singye Namgyel

on the idea of what the end objective of development and progress should be. There cannot be enduring peace, prosperity, equality, and brotherhood in this world if our aims are so separate and divergent – if we do not accept that in the end we are people, all alike, sharing the earth among ourselves and also with other sentient beings, all of whom have an equal role and stake in the state of this planet and its players (Wangchuck in Ura and Galay 2004: xii).

Monastic versus modern education

In Bhutan, from a general monastic education perspective, ‘‘education is to be viewed as a process of edification, while knowledge is considered a tool for benefiting the world’’ (Phuntsho: online). Emphasis is placed on develop- ing a kind of ‘liberal education platform’ in which training is steeped in Buddhist philosophy (morals, values). While monks and aristocratic families are privileged to learn under Buddhist masters, it is the dratshangs, lobdras, and shedras that serve ‘the masses’ as the formalised monastic institutions that introduce, cultivate, or maintain a presence in Buddhist learning and scholarship. Shedras are of particular importance, as they represent monastic institutes of higher studies that grant degrees.2 Monastic institutions offer an alternative, traditional approach to educa- tion and they preserve and promote Bhutanese culture. Although there are different forms of Buddhist teachings, in general, a monastic education attempts to offer an appreciation of life and simple moments of being, and of preserving a sense of self for self-knowledge and acceptance. Modern edu- cation, by contrast, is viewed as focussing on human development and improving living conditions in the world [and] ...for the purpose of obtaining happiness and material comfort for oneself (Phuntsho 2000: online). Public monastic entities and institutions include the following:

Monastic University Committee

This national entity has been in existence for the last 20 years and is repre- sented by the Monastic Commission, the Monastic Bodies, and the Univer- sity Secretariat. The main functions of the committee are to review policies, plans, and programs pertaining to higher learning in the monastic order and to review membership of the committee. The committee also makes policy decisions and appoints tutors in the Shedras.

Dratshang Lhentshog (Monastic Commission)

The highest policy making body for the monastaries is the Commission which was constituted in 1984. The Chief Abbot is the Chairperson of the Commission, and it includes representatives from distinguished bodies includ- ing the National Assembly. Two of the eight Royal Advisory Councillors are Convergence of Monastic and Modern Education in Bhutan? 481 representatives of the monastic body. In addition, the National Assembly is represented by the monastic body.

Zhung Dratshang (Central Monastic Body)

This entity is considered primary in terms of its position relative to Bhutan’s central government. (winter residence) and Thimphu (summer resi- dence) are the seats of Zhung Dratshang. As of 2006, it has 1600 resident monks.

Rabdey (Dzongkhag Monastic Body)

Each of the 18 Dzongkhags has a Rabdey with a Lam (Priest). The number of monks ranges from 50 to 400. The size of the enrolment is dependent on the interests of the individuals and the age of the institutions in a particular Dzongkhag.

Dratshang/Rabdey Yenlag (Dzongkhag Monastic Branch)

These bodies are branches of the Dzongkhag Monastic Body. Few Dzongk- hags, however, have branches in remote villages as a result of low student enrolment.

Drubdey (Meditation Centres)

The number of these centres are limited in the sense that they are located in isolated parts of Bhutan. Drubdeys are either managed by central or Dzongkhag monastic bodies. 2006 statistics show that the country has 31 such centres and some 422 individuals, usually adults or elderly, practicing meditation of different levels and types.

Lobdra (Schools)

These are institutions where young novices – either monks or lay children – are enrolled where elementary learning of monastic order takes place. They are too young to be included in other institutions. Some of these schools are physically located with some Rabdeys or Dratshangs, but graduants usually enrol in Rabdey or Drubdey.

Gomdey (Lay Clergy Body)

These are associations or groups of clergy usually located in the communi- ties who are married. These clergies are married and have families. Their daily learning activities can be different from monk order. Their focus is the practical and ritual performance aspect of Buddhism. Services of the clergy 482 Brian D. Denman and Singye Namgyel of the Gomdey are vital as the communities need them to perform ceremo- nies. Each Gomdey has a Lam (priest).

Aney Dratshang (Nunneries)

Nunneries are considered equivalent to any other institutions of the monas- tic order. Because the learners and disciples are women, these centres are known in English as nunneries. Despite the fact that there are a significant number of private nunneries registered with the government, they are not provided with government support.

Shedras (Colleges)

These are the institutions within the where the study of philo- sophical texts are the main curriculum. This orientation differentiates Shedra from other centres where chief activity concerns the training in ritual and tantric ceremonies. Bhutan currently hosts 15 Shedras in various regions. A Shedra is structured systematically as Zhirim (Elementary), Dringrim (Mid- dle) and Thorim (Higher). These levels equate to higher secondary school (4 Years), bachelors (2 Years) and masters (3 Years) and are identical to Buddhist higher learning institutions in and . The main Shedras (or Monastic Higher Education Institutions) are:

Tango Buddhist College (Thimphu)

In 1988, the Fourth King of Bhutan authorised to become an institution of higher learning and it currently offers graduate and post- graduate studies in Buddhism. In 1997–98, the first group of students gradu- ated with Master’s Degree in Buddhist Studies (Rinchen Wangyal and Tashi Gaylay, graduants of Tango via personal communication, 15 March 2007).

Sang Chokhor Buddhist College/Institute of Higher Learning (Paro)

Sang Chokhor (Paro) was established in 1765 CE by Choglay Trulku Sacha Tenzin (Wangchuk 2003: 46). It became the seat of Sungtrul (Speech reincar- nation) of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal and thus has a significant religious importance. It is linked to Bhutan’s Royal Family in that Yab, Dasho Ugyen Dorji, the father of the queens of the Fourth King of Bhutan is the nephew of the fifth Speech reincarnation, Choglay Yeshi Ngedrup (1851– 1917) (Tshewang 1994). Yab Dasho Ugyen Dorji renovated and upgraded the monastery and established it as Buddhist College in 1991. The college offers Buddhist studies at the postgraduate level. The current (2007) enrol- ment is 110 students and 14 tutors. The principal of the college is a member of the University Council of the Royal University of Bhutan. Convergence of Monastic and Modern Education in Bhutan? 483

As noted above, only Tango Shedra (Thimphu) and Sang Chokhor Shedra (Paro) offer bachelor’s and master’s degree programmes. Their geo- graphic locations are significant because of limited accessibility within the country. In permitting students to specialize in a field of Buddhist study, Sang Chokhor Shedra adopted its student-centred curricula from the Nalanda University model (c. 5th Century BCE) in Bihar, India, which is considered one of the first universities established in the world. A similar model was attempted during the time of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal in the 17th century, but it did not become operational until it was re-introduced by Sang Chokhor Shedra in 1991. Once the student is awarded a master’s degree – equivalent to an M(Phil) – he is permitted to teach his subject of specialization for two years as a ‘specialized tutor’. During this period, the candidate may enrol for the PhD in the same field, a course of study which requires an additional three years of study, including the writing of a thesis. Historically, Sang Chokhor Shedra has only admitted monks as students to its institute. However, in 2005 – very significantly – the college was authorized to enrol non-monastic students. Moreover, the first group of 25 Dzongkha lecturers of the Colleges of the Royal University of Bhutan and officials from the Ministry of Education were enrolled in a Master’s Degree program through distance mode. The program is expected to continue, and efforts are currently underway to include a PhD program, which would be attractive to foreign students, civil servants, and monks alike. Current enrolment according to type of monastic institution are as follows (Table 2).

Bhutan’s current education system

Much of the present interest in education concerns educational achievement in the developing world. In the case of Bhutan, modern educational achieve- ment has been significantly delayed, due in part to the geographic isolation of the country. Current educational attainment levels are still minimal, with some 84% of all persons aged 25 and above as having had no schooling at all. As cited in a 2003 ADB report, only 8% of household heads have experi- enced some primary education, 7% secondary education, and only 1% college

Table 2. Monastic institutions and beneficiaries of financial support (2006)

Institution Dratshang/ Shedra Lobdra Drubdey Gomdey Gomdey Lams Nunneries types branch Rabdey

Total 1 + 18 15 58 31 57 3 Enrolment 4892 887 1236 422 1593 169 88

Source: Kinley (personal communication, 15 March 2007). 484 Brian D. Denman and Singye Namgyel

Figure 1. Bhutan’s general education structure.

Basic Education Higher Secondary Tertiary Education Age 6 to 16 Age 17 to 18 (HS) Age 19 to 22 Age 17 plus (VTI)

PP - VI VII - X XI - XII Degree course

Voc. TI

Labour Force

Source: UNESCO Bangkok (2006). ‘‘Bhutan Presentation’’. Retrieved 25 July 2007, http://www.unescobkk.org/fileadmin/user_upload/efa/EFA_MDA/SEA_MDA_workshop_ Nov06/bhutan_presentation.ppt level ( 2005: 104). Attainment is low because of problems of access and accessibility. Although education is free to all, in some communities primary students must still walk for two to three hours each way to reach the nearest school (ADB 2005: 93). Only 11 schools existed in 1960, but this had increased to 512 in 2006 (UNESCO Bangkok: online). For basic education, which is a national priority, 81% of primary school gross enrollment has been achieved (Asian Development Bank 2005: 49). There is little debate about Bhutan’s intention to build a formidable mod- ern educational system. Nevertheless, with its success in addressing basic edu- cation to grade ten, there are still challenges ahead. For example, as a result of external pressures to meet Education-for-All (EFA) targets, an ever-increasing number of Bhutanese students are moving through the system, which has resulted in a critical shortage of secondary school places as well as a lack of adequately qualified teachers (Education Sector Strategy 2003: 7) (Figure 1). While general school education is completed after Grade XII or 13 years of schooling (as shown above), the Royal Government has defined comple- tion of Grade X as the attainment of a basic education. This means that the school allows students to exit the system at two points. The first exit point permits students – the majority – to join technical and voca- tional institutes for training and further education ranging from a few months to two years. The second – after grade XII – permits qualified matriculation into university programmes. Challenges yet to be faced are related to Bhutan’s capacity to provide for vocational education and training and higher education. In relation to the former, ‘‘at present, there is a very Convergence of Monastic and Modern Education in Bhutan? 485 limited capacity for vocational education and training in the country. This is because until a few years ago, school leavers have always found a govern- ment job (Education Sector Strategy 2003: 31). With regard to the latter, the Royal University, formally established in 2003 after more than twenty years of deliberation, is only now beginning to make available opportunities in higher education. (In 1983, , the only official institution of higher education in the country at that time, had gained authorization to confer degrees under an affiliation with India’s Delhi University. That affilia- tion terminated when the Royal University of Bhutan opened its doors on 2 June 2003).

The Royal University of Bhutan

The first policy document relating to the establishment of a university in Bhutan dates back to 1976. It states:

The sooner we set up our own [higher] education system the better. This would enable us to adapt the syllabi of other educational systems to fit in with our own culture and manpower requirements. It is, therefore, recommended that the Ugyen Wangchuk University should start functioning with a Three-Year Degree Course in 1978. (Royal Government of Bhutan, 1976, p. 6).

According to Bhutan 2020, ‘‘The university should link Bhutan to the inter- national world of learning and its establishment should be guided by the need to establish recognized ‘centres of excellence’’’ (1999: 54). A previous UNESCO Report (30 Nov 1982) indicated that the university was to be established to reduce educational costs (presumably due to sending students abroad for higher education) and to provide an appropriate educational milieu and curricula consistent with the national socio-economic and cultural objectives of the country (Dukpa nd: 11). At present, all university education programmes at the Royal University of Bhutan have been streamlined into a distributed education-learning model (Rennie and Mason 2007). This model uses various technologies to deliver courses to students so that they do not need to re-locate in order to access higher education (Rennie and Mason 2007: 1). Because travel is extremely difficult because of the terrain and the absence of transport, electronic access to a network of nine specialist insti- tutes physically located in various areas of the country offer a way to handle the needs of students and staff. The following table presents an overview of the member institutes of the Royal University and their areas of specialisa- tion and spectacular growth in enrolments (Table 3). A number of associated degree programs are offered by member colleges of the Royal University. As an example, the two Colleges of Education offer pre-service Bachelor of Education (BEd) Degrees, which provide initial train- ing. The BEd includes primary and secondary emphases. Primary includes a number of combinations such as Primary English, Primary Mathematics, 486

Table 3. RUB’s member institutes, students and programme specialisation ra .Dna n igeNamgyel Singye and Denman D. Brian Institutes Student numbers projection Concentration areas of study

2005 2006 2008 2010 2012

1. Institute for Language and 268 278 280 716 750 Humanities & Social Sciences, Visual Arts, Culture Studies Design & Communication 2. Paro College of Education 837 888 1083 1128 1128 3. Samtse College of Education 598 671 803 988 1068 Teacher Education 4. College of Natural Resources 231 186 364 397 400 Agriculture and Allied Sciences 5. National Institute of 24 29 31 30 540 Health Traditional Medicines 6. Royal Institute of Health Sciences 191 269 349 429 7. College of Science and Technology 460 506 655 850 955 Engineering, Technology 8. Royal Institute of Management 183 204 319 404 464 Business & Management 9. Sherubtse College 1073 1117 1273 1543 1762 Business & Management, Total 3865 4148 5157 6485 7067 Humanities & Social Sciences, Computing & IT Convergence of Monastic and Modern Education in Bhutan? 487

Primary Dzongkha, and History, etc. Teacher graduates are qualified to teach at the primary levels and they are expected to teach their subject at the secondary level. Secondary graduates are qualified in two subjects at the sec- ondary school level. In-service, award-bearing professional courses are offered at the Colleges of Education. The Royal University of Bhutan is in a good position to receive adequate funds necessary for building its infrastructure, academic programmes, and student support services if support reflected in a year 2000 report carries for- ward: in that year, expenditures for higher education totalled some 20% of all government outlays. This statistic matched that of India and exceeded that of China (16%) and Nepal (12%) (Royal University of Bhutan Strate- gic Plan 2005–2015: 2005: 11). Another critical element in its support base; linkages with the Universities of Delhi (India), New England and La Trobe (), New Brunswick and Halifax (Canada), Highlands and Islands of Scotland (UK), and Yale (USA). The Royal University of Bhutan is clearly in a strategic position to have an extended network of alliances which will help it ‘‘establish logical pathways into the world of work’’ (Education Sec- tor Strategy 2003: 23).

Observations

It is clear that what we know as higher education was present in the monastic order prior to the establishment of secular institutions and that graduate and postgraduate levels of studies in Buddhism were in progress as early as the 1970’s when the Royal University of Bhutan was being pro- posed. This means that Bhutan’s educational system predated vernacular school systems based on Western models. Graduate and postgraduate levels of studies in Buddhism were already established well before the establish- ment of the Royal University of Bhutan, which suggests that their contribu- tion has been largely overlooked by external agencies. Challenges still to be addressed include those of convergence and quality of teaching and learn- ing. Convergence – that is, the coming together of the approaches of the monastic order and those of modern education – has formally occurred at Sang Chokhor Shedra, and Bhutanese society has apparently embraced the idea that both are equally beneficial in their own right. Perhaps of greatest significance is the fact that the development of Bhutan’s current educational system has stimulated the development of in traditional learning, as proposed by Phuntsho (Phuntsho: online). The first evidence of convergence of monastic and modern education developed as early as 1991 at Sang Chokhor Shedra – even as early as 1983 if one were to accept Sherubtse College’s legitimacy via its affiliation with Delhi University. Many believe that Bhutanese society has long embraced the idea that both traditional and modern education are equally beneficial. Reflecting this notion, Ekman et al. (2005:60) argue that ‘‘the [Buddhist] 488 Brian D. Denman and Singye Namgyel ideal here is not simply to achieve one’s own individual ‘happiness’ in isola- tion from others, but to incorporate the recognition of one’s deep kinship with all beings, who share the same yearning to be free of suffering and to find a lasting state of well-being.’’ Not all scholars agree, of course. Vervoorn (2002), for example, holds that the two systems meet not so much in an embrace of convergence as a reluctance to question. One must admit that in Bhutan has a history of a succession of well-received kings who have ruled with an authority that has rarely faced dispute. As Vervoorn (2002:44) puts it:

How people regard a given set of rules or principles, and their reasons for heeding them or not, is influenced to a large extent by where the rules come from. If they are persuaded, for example, that rules are the result of divine decree, then they are unlikely to question their authority.

Addressing teaching and learning, educational reform in Bhutan has demon- strated that the country’s dual system – monastic and modern – is evolution- ary, not revolutionary. Unlike other educational systems that are heavily influenced by privatisation, competition, standardisation, and a user-pays system, Bhutan has developed a unifying approach that allows for greater access, equity, and co-operation. This is supported by a ‘nation-culture’ identity3 that is uniquely preserved by its ruling class, although the privi- leged may receive the bulk of its educational benefits. Carnoy and Samoff may be correct that in transitional countries like Bhutan ‘‘...the state, not economic institutions, is the principal shaper of social structures’’ (Carnoy and Samoff 1990: 12). Their comments build on observations of other scholars such as Diener et al. who write that:

Money...is a means to an end, and that end is well-being. But money is an inexact surrogate for well-being, and the more prosperous a society becomes, the more inexact a surrogate income becomes.

The Bhutan model suggests that social capital can contribute to creating human capital. Unlike Western societies and their drive for human capital, identified by Schultz as ‘useful’ skills and knowledge (Schultz 1961: 1), the pursuit of truth in Bhutan is related to how its people view its collective society as a ‘nation-culture’. The evolving educational system mirrors the social norms, rules, and obligations of the nation (Coleman 1988: S95).

Notes

1. ‘‘Anims’’ (anems) are lay female who practice dharma. Some are celibate; others are not. 2. As the case in other parts of the world (i.e. International Association of Universities), institutions that are theologically based are generally omitted from government- authorised university listings (See IAU’s World List of Universities). Convergence of Monastic and Modern Education in Bhutan? 489

3. Hutt refers to this as the development of ethnic nationalism which is subsumed in Bhutan’s sixth Five-Year Plan, ‘‘one nation, one people’’ (1987: 92). Hutt makes it clear, however, that there are many ethnic communities in Bhutan who, as a collective whole, represent ‘the people’ which are not privy to the upper strata of society (Hutt 1996: 398).

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The authors

Dr. Brian D. Denman is President of the Australian Comparative and International Education Society (ANZCIES) and Editor-in-Chief of the International Education Journal: Comparative Perspectives. He lectures at the University of New England in public policy and with academic pursuits in the areas of international higher education, social policy, and comparative and international education. Contact address: School of Business, Economics and Public Policy, University of New England, Armidale, NSW 2351, Australia. E-mail: [email protected]

Singye Namgyel is Director of Sherubtse College, Royal University of Bhutan. He teaches educational research modules to students taking the Master in Educational Leadership and Management. His research interests include socio-linguistics, culture and education. He is a recipient of the ‘‘Druk Thuksey’’, the highest civilian award of the country for his innovative contributions to education. Contact address: School of Business, Economics and Public Policy, University of New England, Armidale, NSW 2351, Australia. E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]