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Violence in Perspective 01-Barak.qxd 1/18/03 3:23 PM Page 21 CHAPTER 1 Violence in Perspective t is most difficult, if not impossible, to from those designated categories reported fully grasp or actually locate violence “in to their governments. Although such data is Iperspective” because much of it remains woefully incomplete, it can nevertheless hidden from or invisible to public eyes. On provide a useful calibration of some of the the other hand, much of it is overplayed, dis- most obvious forms of violent behavior, torted, or sensationalized. Media commenta- especially when evaluated in combination tors, for example, in the United States, Great with victimization and self-report surveys. Britain, and elsewhere depict their societies Accordingly, with an eye focused on bringing as engulfed in ever-rising tides of violence, forth the missing material of violence, this chaos, and destruction. Anxieties of the mod- chapter begins by presenting a general idea of ern and postmodern age are often contrasted some of the recent trends in officially with romantic notions of the good old days reported violent crime in the United States. of “law and order.” Historians, however, are It then moves to expand the discussion of quick to point out the relative continuities “violence in perspective” through an both in patterns of violent behavior and in overview of various historical and compara- society’s responses to violence over time, tive sources of information. acknowledging that the Middle Ages were Violent crimes as recorded by the police more violent than our own contemporary dropped in 2000 for the ninth consecutive period. At the same time, attitudes about vio- year, representing the longest-running lence may remain the same or change with decline in violent crime since the Federal the ages: stranger violence (violence perpe- Bureau of Investigation began keeping trated by strangers) has always been por- records in 1960. In 1999, for example, homi- trayed as a menace to society; while domestic cides, rapes, robberies, and aggravated and sexual violence, especially between inti- assaults fell a combined 7%, with slightly mates and acquaintances, has been viewed steeper declines in homicides and robberies ambivalently to say the least. than in rapes and assaults (“Serious crimes,” As a substitute for knowing the factual 2000). In virtually every demographic cate- extent and seriousness of violence in America gory considered from 1993 to 1998, when or elsewhere, most scholars and other stu- almost half of all violent victimizations were dents rely on criminally classified violent reported to the police, violent victimization behavior and on officially counted numbers decreased (Rennison, 1999). During this 21 01-Barak.qxd 1/18/03 3:23 PM Page 22 22 TYPES OF VIOLENCE period, for example, male violent victimization from 33.0 to 30.4 for females; from 38.3 to rates fell 39%, and black violent victimiza- 36.3 for whites, from 43.1 to 32.8 for tion rates fell 38%. In 1998, about half of the Hispanics, and from 49.0 to 41.7 for blacks violent crime victims knew their offenders, (Rennison, 1999). On average, between more than 70% of rape or sexual assault vic- 1992 and 1997, for every 1,000 persons, tims knew their aggressors, and 50% of those age 65 or older experienced about aggravated assault victims knew their perpe- 5 violent crimes, those between 64 and 50 trators. In the same year, weapons were used experienced about 18, those between 49 and in about a quarter of all violent victimiza- 25 experienced about 48, and those younger tions, including about 2 out of 5 robberies than age 25 experienced over 100 (Klaus, and fewer than 1 in 10 rape or sexual 2000). assaults. The tide in lowered homicide rates, how- Variations in rates of violent crime are ever, had started to turn by the late 1990s. more generally influenced by the size of the From 1997 to 1999, for example, the community (e.g., big cities, rural areas, sub- decrease in homicides was already slowing in urbs); the region of the country (e.g., West, the nation’s largest cities—which is precisely Midwest, Northeast, South); and class, where trends usually begin to rise and fall. ethnicity, gender, and age compositions. For These slowing trends in murder suggested to example, the F.B.I. reported that in 1999, a number of experts that it would not be long homicide rates were down across the nation: before the rates leveled off and then reversed, 2% in cities over 500,000, 7% to 14% in going up. In fact, in New York City, the smaller cities, 12% in the suburbs, and 17% number of reported homicides had actually in rural areas. In the same year, serious crime risen slightly by 1999, up to 671 from 633 (which includes both property and violent the previous year (“Serious crimes,” 2000). crime) dropped 10% in the West, 8% in the As of fall, 2001, trends in violent homicide Midwest, 7% in the Northeast, and 4% in overall had not reversed direction. the South (“Serious crimes,” 2000). Perhaps Unfortunately, these rates of officially more important, the nation’s murder rate reported violent crimes, as well as the actual had, by 1998, reached its lowest level in three numbers of recorded homicides, do not pro- decades (6.3 per 100,000 people, compared vide a perspective for grasping the relative to 4.5 per 100,000 in 1963), having peaked seriousness either of violence in general or at just over 10 murders per 100,000 people of any particular associated problem, such in 1980 and again in the early 1990s, when as family violence and child neglect. Nor do gun homicides by teenagers and young adults homicide rates and numbers by themselves were also peaking. Since 1993, teen homi- provide any contexts necessary for making cides have fallen, as have the overall rates for sense out of the reproduction of or reduc- murder. In cities with populations of more tion in violence, or for drawing any infer- than 1 million, for example, the overall ences about the reciprocal relationships homicide rate fell from 35.5 per 100,000 between the pathways to violence and non- inhabitants in 1991 to 16.1 per 100,000 in violence. The biannual reports made avail- 1998 (Fox & Zawitz, 2000). able by the F.B.I. to the public on the In a 1-year period, 1997 to 1998, the “state” of crime and violence in America number of violent crimes per 1,000 persons exclude a whole panoply of related and age 12 or older declined demographically as unrelated behaviors of interconnected follows: from 45.8 to 43.1 for males and expressions of violence. 01-Barak.qxd 1/18/03 3:23 PM Page 23 Violence in Perspective 23 Sanctioned and unsanctioned acts of institutions; (b) institutional violence—what violence are carried out by an assortment of happens within an institutional context individuals, groups, collectivities, institutions, vis-à-vis the action of institutional agents and and nation-states. Furthermore, the existing others; and (c) structural violence—what classification schemes for measuring some happens within the context of establishing, forms of violence ignore altogether the struc- maintaining, extending, and/or resisting tural forms of violence that are part and parcel hierarchy, privilege, and inequality (see of the way in which societies, past and present, Figure 1.1). have been organized and stratified both locally What follows is a nonexhaustive listing of and globally. When mediated attention is examples of violence from each of the three focused almost exclusively on the violence of fields. the relatively powerless and away from the violence of the relatively powerful, a picture of INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE violence emerges that is, at best, incomplete, • and at worst, distorted and misguided. Assault and battery • Even if all the different measures and sta- Corporal punishment • Homicide and murder tistics on violence were in place, they would • Kidnapping not begin to touch the human tragedy that • Rape and sexual assault violence is for both its victims and victimizers • Robbery alike. To reemphasize, violence classification • Suicide schemes do not provide much insight into the • Verbal abuse, threat, and intimidation causes of violence and the ways it can be pre- vented, nor do they shed any light on the INSTITUTIONAL VIOLENCE connections between the visible and invisible • Family: child and elder abuse (i.e., physical, forms of violence—interpersonal, familial, sexual, neglect), spousal abuse (i.e., batter- institutional, and global. In short, a full- ing, emotional taunting, marital rape) fledged study of violence calls for an alterna- • Economic: corporate and workplace abuse tive model of violence that includes both its (i.e., distributing defective products, sub- sanctioned and unsanctioned forms. jecting workers to unsafe or unhealthy conditions) • Military: ranging from petty hazing of recruits to war crimes (i.e., torture and SANCTIONED AND murder of civilian or noncivilian enemy UNSANCTIONED VIOLENCE: populations) AN ALTERNATIVE PERSPECTIVE • Religious: abuse in the name of religious organizations, sects, or beliefs (i.e., cultism, In Violence, Inequality, and Human witch hunts, heresy persecutions, religion- Freedom, Iadicola and Shupe (1998) provide based terrorism) a conceptualization of violence that affords a • State: abuse by authority (including crimi- comprehensive examination and dissection nal justice) of fundamental human rights (i.e., assassinations, discrimination, enslave- of violence in any society. These authors ment, genocide, state-supported terrorism) have divided the world of violence into three interacting spheres, domains, or contexts: STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE (a) interpersonal violence—what happens between people acting in their private lives, The term structural violence refers to at without regard to occupational roles or formal least two kinds of group violence that are 01-Barak.qxd 1/18/03 3:23 PM Page 24 24 TYPES OF VIOLENCE Institutional Structural Violence Violence Interpersonal Violence Figure 1.1 Three Contexts or Interactional Spheres of Violence socially stirred in relation to the political and violence, unfortunately, are limited to legalis- economic status quo.
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