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Euro-Atlantic Discourse in Georgia from the Rose Revolution to the Defeat of the United National Movement

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Euro-Atlantic Discourse in Georgia from the Rose Revolution to the Defeat of the United National Movement FACULTEIT POLITIEKE EN SOCIALE WETENSCHAPPEN INSTRUMENTALISING EURO-ATLANTICISM EURO-ATLANTIC DISCOURSE IN GEORGIA FROM THE ROSE REVOLUTION TO THE DEFEAT OF THE UNITED NATIONAL MOVEMENT Frederik Coene 6 December 2013 A dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Political Sciences Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Rik Coolsaet Co-supervisors: Prof. Dr. Bruno De Cordier and Dr. Oliver Reisner FOREWORD Pursuing a doctoral programme is both an academic and a personal challenge. When a student embarks on this long and ambitious adventure, he is not aware of the numerous hindrances and delightful moments that will cross his path in the following years. Also I have experienced a mosaic of emotions and stumbled over many obstacles during my journey, but I have been fortunate to be surrounded by a large number of great colleagues and friends. Without their support, I might not have brought this to a successful end. Two people have unconditionally supported me for the past thirty five years. My parents have done anything they could to provide me with a good education and to provide me with all opportunities to develop myself. I may not always have understood or appreciated their intentions, but without them I would not have been able to reach my humble achievements. I want to thank my supervisors Prof. Dr. Rik Coolsaet, Prof. Dr. Bruno De Cordier and Dr. Oliver Reisner for their guidance and advice during the research and writing of this dissertation. A large number of people helped to collect data and information, brought new insights during fascinating discussions, and provided their feedback on early drafts of the dissertation. These are Dr. Adrian Brisku, Prof. Dr. Bruno Coppieters, Dr. Jos de la Haye, Deren Derya, Davlatsulton Dorgabekova, Juan Echánove, Dr. Luc Janssens, Prof. Pål Kolstø, Hrant Kostanyan, Dr. Suzanne Levi-Sanchez, Anders Lynch, Edward Stoddard, Beso Tskhovrebashvili, Dr. Donnacha Ó Beacháin, Dr. Abel Polese, Thijs Rommens, Tika Tsertsvadze, Dr. Don van Atta, and Giuseppe Vasques. I am equally grateful for the constructive comments I received during a presentation of my early findings and conclusions at the Works-In-Progress academic discussion series in Tbilisi on 3 September 2012. Finally, I wish to thank all my friends and extend a dzalian didi madloba to those in Georgia for their support and amity. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD ..................................................................................................................................................... 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................................................................ 3 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................... 4 RESEARCH QUESTION AND HYPOTHESES ....................................................................................................................... 4 STRUCTURE OF THE DISSERTATION .............................................................................................................................. 6 CHAPTER I – CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK .......................................................................... 8 CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS .................................................................................................................................. 8 POLITICAL LEGITIMACY ........................................................................................................................................... 11 SMALL STATES ’ FOREIGN POLICY ............................................................................................................................... 21 RESEARCH METHODS ............................................................................................................................................. 27 LIMITATIONS OF THE RESEARCH ................................................................................................................................ 30 CHAPTER II – GEORGIA AND ITS EURO-ATLANTIC ORIENTATION ................................................................... 32 GEORGIA – A SMALL COUNTRY IN A HOSTILE REGION .................................................................................................... 32 HISTORY OF GEORGIA ’S EUROPEAN ORIENTATION BEFORE THE 1991 INDEPENDENCE ......................................................... 34 THE EURO -ATLANTIC ASPIRATION AND ORIENTATION SINCE INDEPENDENCE ...................................................................... 41 PUBLIC OPINION AND EURO -ATLANTIC SCEPTICISM IN GEORGIA ..................................................................................... 53 CHAPTER III – THE GEORGIAN EUROPEANNESS .............................................................................................. 71 PROJECTIONS OF GEORGIAN EUROPEANNESS BEFORE 1991 .......................................................................................... 72 PERCEPTION OF GEORGIA ’S EUROPEANNESS IN THE REST OF THE WORLD ......................................................................... 75 EUROPEANNESS AS MARKER OF GEORGIAN AND SUPRANATIONAL IDENTITY ...................................................................... 77 MARKERS OF GEORGIAN EUROPEANNESS .................................................................................................................. 79 THE NON -EUROPEAN ‘OTHER ’ ................................................................................................................................. 98 CHAPTER IV – EURO-ATLANTIC DISCOURSE AS A LEGITIMACY MANAGEMENT STRATEGY ........................... 101 LEGITIMACY OF EXERCISING POWER ........................................................................................................................ 101 LEGITIMACY OF HOLDING POWER ........................................................................................................................... 108 THE ROLE OF EUROPEAN SYMBOLISM ...................................................................................................................... 137 CHAPTER V – THE EURO-ATLANTIC COMMUNITY AS A NEW PATRON .......................................................... 143 GEORGIA IN SEARCH FOR A PATRON AGAINST RUSSIAN DOMINATION ............................................................................. 143 THE EURO -ATLANTIC ENTITLEMENT ........................................................................................................................ 145 CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH ...................................................................... 156 USED LITERATURE AND SOURCES ................................................................................................................ 162 ANNEXURE I – MAIN POLITICAL FIGURES ..................................................................................................... 182 ANNEXURE II – EXAMPLES OF VISUAL EURO-ATLANTIC SYMBOLISM ........................................................... 184 ANNEXURE III – VALUES ............................................................................................................................... 187 3 INTRODUCTION RESEARCH QUESTION AND HYPOTHESES After gaining independence in 1991, Georgia and its leadership had to find their place in the international system. Against the background of domestic constraints and external challenges, the orientation of the country's foreign policy was not stable as the political elite struggled to balance between Russia and the West. After the 2003 Rose Revolution, especially as relations with Russia were souring, the Euro-Atlantic orientation, portrayed as a single and coherent strategy, became the cornerstone of the foreign policy as well as a model for domestic reforms. This promise of a prosperous future offered a new hope to the Georgian population and seemed unconditionally trusted by politicians in the West. Scepticism or critical thinking towards President Saakashvili and his government were equated to pro-Russian treason, creating a precarious situation where any government action had to be accepted as being in the interest of the population. The Euro-Atlantic orientation and impressive reforms emerged simultaneously with an outspoken rhetoric and active symbolism. References to Europe and the Euro-Atlantic structures became ubiquitous as European flags were brandished throughout the country, and almost all reforms and infrastructure programmes are promoted as being modelled along the ‘European standards’. In addition to the ruling political elite, opposition and civil society figures constantly referenced ‘Europe’, and to a smaller extent various Euro-Atlantic structures in their speeches and publications. This Euro-Atlantic promise, symbolism and obsession have galvanised some and aggravated others. The role of the ‘Europeanness’ of the Georgian nation plays a central role in this process and has puzzled many analysts and scholars. For example Pål Kolstø and Aleksander Rusetskii asked: ‘Why is this European identity so urgent?’ 1 Consequently, it led to the following general research question that drives this dissertation: ’To what ends have discourses of Euro-Atlanticism been instrumentalised in domestic and international affairs by the political elite in Georgia during the Saakashvili era?’ A survey of the academic literature and early empirical findings
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