The Implications of a No-Deal Brexit for the EU Jannike Wachowiak
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It Could Get Much Worse Once Brexit Is Done!
It could get much worse once Brexit is done! By Dr. Steven McCabe, Associate Professor, Institute of Design and Economic Acceleration (IDEA) and Senior Fellow, Centre for Brexit Studies, Birmingham City University The current general election may be about Brexit. However, it is probably one of the most important since the second world war. It will undoubtedly have a profound influence on the way in which British society develops over not just the period until the next national vote, whenever that may be (depending on whether there is a majority for any party), but future generations. In any ‘normal’ general election, we’d be assumed to be voting on the basis of the range of promises made in the manifestos of political parties standing. Though each of the parties have floated a number of commitments, the one big question that still dominates debate is what approach they will take to the way in which the United Kingdom (UK) will, or will not, leave the European Union (EU). Assuming the opinion polls are correct, always dangerous, we cannot expect Jo Swinson’s LibDem Party to win enough seats to form a government. Accordingly, the notion that after 12th December the revocation of Article 50 which, following a majority vote by Parliament in March 2017, triggered the process for the UK’s departure from the EU, should be seen as utterly bizarre. Though surprises do happen, this would be off the scale of what is credible. Opinion polls suggest that Labour will probably not win a majority. Though, of course, the polls were wrong in the last election in 2017, Labour winning sufficient seats to form a majority government seems a stretch for the imagination. -
Attitudes to Infrastructure in Brexit Britain
Attitudes to infrastructure in Brexit Britain What do leave voters want from the government’s infrastructure revolution? Foreword The UK is going through a moment of change. But this leaves a number of questions: The election result indicated an ushering in of a new era. Austerity is making way for a post-Brexit • How is government going to use country where nations, regions, constituencies infrastructure to show that Brexit can make a and voters outside London and the South East real difference to people’s lives? play a greater role in political discourse. • What kind of infrastructure do people At no point in a generation have communities who voted to leave want? The vote across the UK played such a central role in leave demographic is one of the biggest government direction. constituencies and holds enormous power in the UK, having dominated the last election. The 2019 election debate was dominated by What does this group really want? Brexit and infrastructure, and how transformative forces can deliver change in seemingly forgotten • How is infrastructure going to address their parts of the UK. concerns and how should the industry build support amongst this demographic? People who voted to leave the EU in 2016 did so partly because of frustration with Europe, but also • What does the confluence of Brexit and in response to the sense that communities have infrastructure tell us about the UK in the been left behind. 2020s? Government now wants to take action and the In this report, we set out to consider these public is expecting to see results. -
854 Final ANNEXES 1 to 3 ANNEXES to The
EUROPEAN COMMISSION Brussels, 25.12.2020 COM(2020) 854 final ANNEXES 1 to 3 ANNEXES to the Proposal for a REGULATION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL on the Brexit Adjustment Reserve EN EN ANNEX I Allocation method for the pre-financing of the Brexit Adjustment Reserve The pre-financing of the Brexit Adjustment Reserve shall be distributed between the Member States according to the following methodology: 1. Each Member State’s share from pre-financing of the Brexit Adjustment Reserve is determined as the sum of a factor linked to the fish caught in the waters that belong to the UK Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and a factor linked to trade with the UK. 2. The factor linked to fish caught in the UK EEZ is used to allocate EUR 600 million. The factor linked to trade is used to allocate EUR 3 400 million. Both amounts are expressed in 2018 prices. 3. The factor linked to fisheries is determined on the basis of the following criterion and by applying the following steps: a) share of each Member State of the total value of the fish caught in the UK EEZ; b) these shares are increased for Member States with fisheries that have an above average dependency on the fish caughts in the UK EEZ and decreased for the ones that have a below average dependency as following: (i) for each Member State, the value of fish caught in UK EEZ as a percentage of the total value of fish caught by that Member State is expressed as an index of the EU average (index of dependency); (ii) the initial share of the value of fish caught in the UK EEZ is adjusted by multiplying it with the Member State’s index of dependency; (iii) these adjusted shares are rescaled to ensure that the sum of all Member States’ shares equals 100%. -
Feasibility Study for the Resettlement of the British Indian Ocean Territory
Feasibility Study for the Resettlement of the British Indian Ocean Territory Draft Report 13th November 2014 CONTENTS 1 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 4 1.1 The British Indian Ocean Territory 4 1.2 Aims and overview of this study 5 1.3 Structure of this draft report 6 2 STUDY APPROACH AND METHODOLOGY 7 2.1 Guiding principles 7 2.2 Analytical framework 8 2.3 Key phases of activity 11 3 KEY ACTIVITIES AND RESETTLEMENT OPTIONS 13 3.1 Field visit to the British Indian Ocean Territory 13 3.2 Consultations and survey results 15 3.3 Overview of resettlement options 18 4 LEGAL AND POLITICAL ANALYSIS 20 4.1 Introduction and overview 20 4.2 Constitutional and governance framework 22 4.3 Treaty arrangements between the US and the UK 31 4.4 Environmental protection laws and conventions 32 4.5 Conclusions and implications for resettlement 35 5 ENVIRONMENTAL ANALYSIS 38 5.1 Introduction and overview 38 5.2 Assessment of key environmental issues 38 5.3 Evaluation of potential resettlement locations 48 5.4 Summary environmental comparison of resettlement options 55 6 INFRASTRUCTURE ANALYSIS 58 6.1 Introduction and overview 58 6.2 Assessment of key infrastructure issues 59 6.3 Summary of implications for resettlement 66 7 ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL ANALYSIS 68 7.1 Introduction and overview 68 7.2 Data sources 68 7.3 Indicative cost estimates 68 8 COMPARISON OF RESETTLEMENT OPTIONS 74 8.1 Choice of resettlement location 74 8.2 Environmental considerations 76 8.3 Comparative costs of resettlement options 79 ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS BIOT British Indian Ocean -
The Brexit Vote: a Divided Nation, a Divided Continent
Sara Hobolt The Brexit vote: a divided nation, a divided continent Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Hobolt, Sara (2016) The Brexit vote: a divided nation, a divided continent. Journal of European Public Policy, 23 (9). pp. 1259-1277. ISSN 1466-4429 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2016.1225785 © 2016 Routledge This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/67546/ Available in LSE Research Online: November 2016 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. The Brexit Vote: A Divided Nation, a Divided Continent Sara B. Hobolt London School of Economics and Political Science, UK ABSTRACT The outcome of the British referendum on EU membership sent shockwaves through Europe. While Britain is an outlier when it comes to the strength of Euroscepticism, the anti- immigration and anti-establishment sentiments that produced the referendum outcome are gaining strength across Europe. -
Article the Empire Strikes Back: Brexit, the Irish Peace Process, and The
ARTICLE THE EMPIRE STRIKES BACK: BREXIT, THE IRISH PEACE PROCESS, AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW Kieran McEvoy, Anna Bryson, & Amanda Kramer* I. INTRODUCTION ..........................................................610 II. BREXIT, EMPIRE NOSTALGIA, AND THE PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................615 III. ANGLO-IRISH RELATIONS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION ...........................................................................624 IV. THE EU AND THE NORTHERN IRELAND PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................633 V. BREXIT, POLITICAL RELATIONSHIPS AND IDENTITY POLITICS IN NORTHERN IRELAND ....637 VI. BREXIT AND THE “MAINSTREAMING” OF IRISH REUNIFICATION .........................................................643 VII. BREXIT, POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND THE GOVERNANCE OF SECURITY ..................................646 VIII. CONCLUSION: BREXIT AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW ...............................................................................657 * The Authors are respectively Professor of Law and Transitional Justice, Senior Lecturer and Lecturer in Law, Queens University Belfast. We would like to acknowledge the comments and advice of a number of colleagues including Colin Harvey, Brian Gormally, Daniel Holder, Rory O’Connell, Gordon Anthony, John Morison, and Chris McCrudden. We would like to thank Alina Utrata, Kevin Hearty, Ashleigh McFeeters, and Órlaith McEvoy for their research assistance. As is detailed below, we would also like to thank the Economic -
Singapore on the Thames : Model for a Post‑Brexit UK?
This document is downloaded from DR‑NTU (https://dr.ntu.edu.sg) Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Singapore on the Thames : Model for a Post‑Brexit UK? Martin, David 2020 Martin, D. (2020). Singapore on the Thames : Model for a Post‑Brexit UK? (RSIS Commentaries, No. 020). RSIS Commentaries. Singapore: Nanyang Technological University. https://hdl.handle.net/10356/137261 Nanyang Technological University Downloaded on 30 Sep 2021 07:03:19 SGT Singapore on the Thames: Model for a Post-Brexit UK? By David Martin SYNOPSIS Last week, the UK formally exited the European Union. As it charts a new destiny outside the EU post-Brexit, the domestic debate is whether it should adopt the Singapore model of economic self-reliance. Can ‘Singapore on the Thames’ work? COMMENTARY ‘SINGAPORE ON the Thames’ has become an unfortunate shorthand for what many Brexiteers laud as a model for Britain’s economy, now that it has formally left the European Union on 31 January 2020. Unfortunate for Singapore because it promotes a flawed view of its economic success and an international image it could do without. Unfortunate for the United Kingdom because the version of the Singapore model it promotes is both undeliverable and certain to make any trade deal with the EU more difficult, if not impossible, to deliver. Singapore’s Image in Britain The image of Singapore being promoted is that of a low tax (even tax haven), unregulated, small government laissez faire paradise. The advocates of ‘Singapore on the Thames’ either ignore or are ignorant of the fact that on top of a relatively low tax rate the Central Provident Fund compels workers and employers to contribute 37% of wages and salaries. -
BREXIT DIVORCE BILL” Eulalia Rubio | Senior Research Fellow, Jacques Delors Institute
TRIBUNE 21 NOVEMBER 2017 UNDERSTANDING THE “BREXIT DIVORCE BILL” Eulalia Rubio | Senior research fellow, Jacques Delors Institute T he UK’s financial settlement, or so-called “Brexit divorce bill”, refers to the expected payment the United Kingdom has to make to the EU to honour its share of the financial commitments jointly undertaken by EU countries while the UK was a member of the European Union. In media and in public discussions, there is some con- remaining EU-27 should adjust the MFF to reflect the fusion with regard to the nature of this payment and fact that one of the biggest net contributors is leaving. the legal and political arguments supporting the EU’s However, enlargement differs from withdrawal in that claim. The UK media tends to label this payment as an it is a decision adopted unanimously by EU member “exit bill” the EU is imposing on the UK to open trade states, not imposed by one of them on the others. talks. Brexit bill talks are also frequently portrayed as classical, zero-sum money negotiations. In reality, dis- It is also important to note that part of spending com- agreements on the amount of the bill hide more pro- mitments linked to this MFF will be executed after found discrepancies regarding the nature and compo- 2020. This is the famous RAL or “Reste-à-Liquider”, sition of this payment and, ultimately, in relation to the that is, the amount of spending authorised in EU nature of EU membership and the purpose of Brexit annual budgets but still not executed. -
Background, Brexit, and Relations with the United States
The United Kingdom: Background, Brexit, and Relations with the United States Updated April 16, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33105 SUMMARY RL33105 The United Kingdom: Background, Brexit, and April 16, 2021 Relations with the United States Derek E. Mix Many U.S. officials and Members of Congress view the United Kingdom (UK) as the United Specialist in European States’ closest and most reliable ally. This perception stems from a combination of factors, Affairs including a sense of shared history, values, and culture; a large and mutually beneficial economic relationship; and extensive cooperation on foreign policy and security issues. The UK’s January 2020 withdrawal from the European Union (EU), often referred to as Brexit, is likely to change its international role and outlook in ways that affect U.S.-UK relations. Conservative Party Leads UK Government The government of the UK is led by Prime Minister Boris Johnson of the Conservative Party. Brexit has dominated UK domestic politics since the 2016 referendum on whether to leave the EU. In an early election held in December 2019—called in order to break a political deadlock over how and when the UK would exit the EU—the Conservative Party secured a sizeable parliamentary majority, winning 365 seats in the 650-seat House of Commons. The election results paved the way for Parliament’s approval of a withdrawal agreement negotiated between Johnson’s government and the EU. UK Is Out of the EU, Concludes Trade and Cooperation Agreement On January 31, 2020, the UK’s 47-year EU membership came to an end. -
Alastair Campbell
Alastair Campbell Adviser, People’s Vote campaign 2017 – 2019 Downing Street Director of Communications 2000 – 2003 Number 10 Press Secretary 1997– 2000 5 March 2021 This interview may contain some language that readers may find offensive. New Labour and the European Union UK in a Changing Europe (UKICE): Going back to New Labour, when did immigration first start to impinge in your mind as a potential problem when it came to public opinion? Alastair Campbell (AC): I think it has always been an issue. At the first election in 1997, we actually did do stuff on immigration. But I can remember Margaret McDonagh, who was a pretty big fish in the Labour Party then, raising it often. She is one of those people who does not just do politics in theory, in an office, but who lives policy. She is out on the ground every weekend, she is knocking on doors, she is talking to people. I remember her taking me aside once and saying, ‘Listen, this immigration thing is getting bigger and bigger. It is a real problem’. That would have been somewhere between election one (1997) and election two (2001), I would say. Politics and government are often about very difficult competing pressures. So, on the one hand, we were trying to show business that we were serious about business and that we could be trusted on the economy. One of the messages that business was giving us the whole time was that Page 1/31 there were labour shortages, skill shortages, and we were going to need more immigrants to come in and do the job. -
Brexit Tax Competition Between the UK and the EU27
Brexit: tax competition between the UK and the EU27 Since the outcome of the Brexit referendum there has been speculation about whether any UK/EU trade agreement would allow the UK to position itself as a tax haven. The UK/EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement imposes a number of restrictions on the UK, including subsidy controls and commitments to maintain certain OECD tax standards. Outside of these restrictions, opportunities remain for the UK to make its tax regime more competitive as compared to its EU27 neighbours, but it seems likely that divergences between the tax regimes of these jurisdictions will in any event develop over time. Throughout the various stages of the Brexit negotiations, there has been speculation about what the final terms of any trade agreement would say about tax; in particular, whether the deal might allow the UK to position itself as the media-dubbed ‘Singapore-on-Thames’. The broad idea being that the UK could set itself up as a tax haven boldly neighbouring the EU27 jurisdictions by aggressively reducing its corporate tax rate, offering targeted tax incentives to attract businesses to the UK and diluting rules countering tax avoidance. The question is whether the Brexit trade deal, as agreed at the eleventh hour, allows for this. The ‘Singapore-on-Thames’ concept can be traced back to comments made by the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, Philip Hammond, in January 2017, that in the event of a no-deal Brexit the UK would be forced to change its economic model to remain competitive. Boris Johnson, in his capacity as both foreign secretary and subsequently prime minister, fanned the flames of this idea with comments about seizing the opportunity of Brexit to reform the UK’s tax system and simplify regulation. -
Britain's No-Deal Debacle?
Britain’s No-Deal Debacle? The Costs at Home and Likely Setbacks Abroad John Ryan STRATEGIC UPDATE OCTOBER 2020 LSE IDEAS is LSE’s foreign policy think tank. Ranked #1 university affiliated think tank in the world in the 2019 Global Go To Think Tank Index. We connect academic knowledge of diplomacy and strategy with the people who use it. CONTENTS Brexit—Endgame of the Reluctant European?— 4 The Phase of Scepticism 1945-2016 No-Deal Brexit Consequences for Ireland 7 The 2020 Irish Republic Election Result 11 Has Recast Ireland’s Political Dynamics A Joe Biden Presidency and Congress May 14 Block US-UK Post-Brexit Trade Deal Conclusion 18 References 20 ‘‘ Britain’s No-Deal Debacle? The Costs at Home and Likely Setbacks Abroad | John Ryan 3 he UK left the EU on 31 January 2020 after 47 years of membership. If a No-Deal Brexit Tbecomes a reality, it may not only be a sore The historic awakening for Boris Johnson and his government, but ‘‘commitment by the also for the United Kingdom as a whole. In this paper, US government to I will examine UK scepticism over Europe as a long- the peace process established phenomenon as well as the failure over the withdrawal agreement and the problems with the in Northern Ireland poorly executed UK strategy for Brexit negotiations. is a factor, but in I will then look at how a No-Deal Brexit scenario will addition the Irish complicate the economic and political consequences American vote ‘‘ for Ireland, and the associated repercussions for trade matters in US negotiations for the UK with the United States.