Developing an Institutional Political Economy Framework Integrating Firms, Markets, and States
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Microeconomics Exam Review Chapters 8 Through 12, 16, 17 and 19
MICROECONOMICS EXAM REVIEW CHAPTERS 8 THROUGH 12, 16, 17 AND 19 Key Terms and Concepts to Know CHAPTER 8 - PERFECT COMPETITION I. An Introduction to Perfect Competition A. Perfectly Competitive Market Structure: • Has many buyers and sellers. • Sells a commodity or standardized product. • Has buyers and sellers who are fully informed. • Has firms and resources that are freely mobile. • Perfectly competitive firm is a price taker; one firm has no control over price. B. Demand Under Perfect Competition: Horizontal line at the market price II. Short-Run Profit Maximization A. Total Revenue Minus Total Cost: The firm maximizes economic profit by finding the quantity at which total revenue exceeds total cost by the greatest amount. B. Marginal Revenue Equals Marginal Cost in Equilibrium • Marginal Revenue: The change in total revenue from selling another unit of output: • MR = ΔTR/Δq • In perfect competition, marginal revenue equals market price. • Market price = Marginal revenue = Average revenue • The firm increases output as long as marginal revenue exceeds marginal cost. • Golden rule of profit maximization. The firm maximizes profit by producing where marginal cost equals marginal revenue. C. Economic Profit in Short-Run: Because the marginal revenue curve is horizontal at the market price, it is also the firm’s demand curve. The firm can sell any quantity at this price. III. Minimizing Short-Run Losses The short run is defined as a period too short to allow existing firms to leave the industry. The following is a summary of short-run behavior: A. Fixed Costs and Minimizing Losses: If a firm shuts down, it must still pay fixed costs. -
Short Run Supply Curve Is
Review 1. Production function - Types of production functions - Marginal productivity - Returns to scale 2. The cost minimization problem - Solution: MPL(K,L)/w = MPK(K,L)/r - What happens when price of an input increases? 3. Deriving the cost function - Solution to cost minimization problem - Properties of the cost function (marginal and average costs) 1 Economic Profit Economic profit is the difference between total revenue and the economic costs. Difference between economic costs and accounting costs: The economic costs include the opportunity costs. Example: Suppose you start a business: - the expected revenue is $50,000 per year. - the total costs of supplies and labor are $35,000. - Instead of opening the business you can also work in the bank and earn $25,000 per year. - The opportunity costs are $25,000 - The economic profit is -$10,000 - The accounting profit is $15,000 2 Firm’s supply: how much to produce? A firm chooses Q to maximize profit. The firm’s problem max (Q) TR(Q) TC(Q) Q . Total cost of producing Q units depends on the production function and input costs. Total revenue of is the money that the firm receives from Q units (i.e., price times the quantity sold). It depends on competition and demand 3 Deriving the firm’s supply Def. A firm is a price taker if it can sell any quantity at a given price of p per unit. How much should a price taking firm produce? For a given price, the firm’s problem is to choose quantity to maximize profit. max pQTC(Q) Q s.t.Q 0 Optimality condition: P = MC(Q) Profit Maximization Optimality condition: 1. -
Methods of Measuring the Economy, Efficiency and Effectiveness Of
Methods Of Measuring The Economy, Efficiency And Effectiveness Of Public Expenditure ANNEX 7: August 2015 1 | P a g e TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................... 3 2 PER Context ........................................................................................................................................... 3 3 Necessity of the measures .................................................................................................................... 4 4 Measurement and coding ..................................................................................................................... 5 5 Assumptions .......................................................................................................................................... 5 6 Definitions and basic qualitative measures .......................................................................................... 6 6.1 Measuring Efficiency with DEA ..................................................................................................... 9 6.1.1 DEA ...................................................................................................................................... 10 6.1.2 Assumption of DEA ............................................................................................................. 10 6.2 Scale Efficiency Issues in DEA ..................................................................................................... -
A Historical Sketch of Profit Theories in Mainstream Economics
International Business Research; Vol. 9, No. 4; 2016 ISSN 1913-9004 E-ISSN 1913-9012 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education A Historical Sketch of Profit Theories in Mainstream Economics Ibrahim Alloush Correspondence: Ibrahim Alloush ,Department of Economic Sciences, College of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Zaytouneh University, Amman, Jordan. Tel: 00962795511113, E-mail: [email protected] Received: January 4, 2016 Accepted: February 1, 2016 Online Published: March 16, 2016 doi:10.5539/ibr.v9n4p148 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v9n4p148 Abstract In this paper, the main contributions to the development of profit theories are delineated in a chronological order to provide a quick reference guide for the concept of profit and its origins. Relevant theories are cited in reference to their authors and the school of thought they are affiliated with. Profit is traced through its Classical and Marginalist origins into its mainstream form in the literature of the Neo-classical school. As will be seen, the book is still not closed on a concept which may still afford further theoretical refinement. Keywords: profit theories, historical evolution of profit concepts, shares of income and marginal productivity, critiques of mainstream profit theories 1. Introduction Despite its commonplace prevalence since ancient times, “whence profit?” i.e., the question of where it comes from, has remained a vexing theoretical question for economists, with loaded political and moral implications, for many centuries. In this paper, the main contributions of different economists to the development of profit theories are delineated in a chronological order. The relevant theories are cited in reference to their authors and the school of thought they are affiliated with. -
Unemployment Insurance and Macroeconomic Stabilization
153 Unemployment Insurance and Macroeconomic Stabilization Gabriel Chodorow-Reich, Harvard University and the National Bureau of Economic Research John Coglianese, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System Abstract Unemployment insurance (UI) provides an important cushion for workers who lose their jobs. In addition, UI may act as a macroeconomic stabilizer during recessions. This chapter examines UI’s macroeconomic stabilization role, considering both the regular UI program which provides benefits to short-term unemployed workers as well as automatic and emergency extensions of benefits that cover long-term unemployed workers. We make a number of analytic points concerning the macroeconomic stabilization role of UI. First, recipiency rates in the regular UI program are quite low. Second, the automatic component of benefit extensions, Extended Benefits (EB), has played almost no role historically in providing timely, countercyclical stimulus while emergency programs are subject to implementation lags. Additionally, except during an exceptionally high and sustained period of unemployment, large UI extensions have limited scope to act as macroeconomic stabilizers even if they were made automatic because relatively few individuals reach long-term unemployment. Finally, the output effects from increasing the benefit amount for short-term unemployed are constrained by estimated consumption responses of below 1. We propose five changes to the UI system that would increase UI benefits during recessions and improve the macroeconomic stabilization role: (I) Expand eligibility and encourage take-up of regular UI benefits. (II) Make EB fully federally financed. (III) Remove look-back provisions from EB triggers that make automatic extensions turn off during periods of prolonged unemployment. (IV) Add additional automatic extensions to increase benefits during periods of extremely high unemployment. -
The Neoclassical Economics of Consumer Contracts
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2007 The Neoclassical Economics of Consumer Contracts Richard A. Epstein Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Richard A. Epstein, "The Neoclassical Economics of Consumer Contracts," 92 Minnesota Law Review 803 (2007). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Exchange The Neoclassical Economics of Consumer Contracts Richard A. Epsteint There is little doubt that the major new theoretical ap- proach to law and economics in the past two decades does not come from either of these two fields. Instead it comes from the adjacent discipline of cognitive psychology, which has now morphed into behavioral economics. Starting with the path- breaking work of Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman in the 1970s, the field has asked one question in a thousand guises: do ordinary people obey the principles of rational choice in making their decisions?' The usual answer given in the field is that in at least some domains they do not.2 The new law and economics literature uses these behavioral findings, especially in the study of cognitive bias, to open a new chapter in the long- standing debate over the extent to which market failures pave t The James Parker Hall Distinguished Service Professor of Law, The University of Chicago, and the Peter and Kirsten Bedford Senior Fellow, The Hoover Institution. -
Supply and Demand Is Not a Neoclassical Concern
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Supply and Demand Is Not a Neoclassical Concern Lima, Gerson P. Macroambiente 3 March 2015 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/63135/ MPRA Paper No. 63135, posted 21 Mar 2015 13:54 UTC Supply and Demand Is Not a Neoclassical Concern Gerson P. Lima1 The present treatise is an attempt to present a modern version of old doctrines with the aid of the new work, and with reference to the new problems, of our own age (Marshall, 1890, Preface to the First Edition). 1. Introduction Many people are convinced that the contemporaneous mainstream economics is not qualified to explaining what is going on, to tame financial markets, to avoid crises and to provide a concrete solution to the poor and deteriorating situation of a large portion of the world population. Many economists, students, newspapers and informed people are asking for and expecting a new economics, a real world economic science. “The Keynes- inspired building-blocks are there. But it is admittedly a long way to go before the whole construction is in place. But the sooner we are intellectually honest and ready to admit that modern neoclassical macroeconomics and its microfoundationalist programme has come to way’s end – the sooner we can redirect our aspirations to more fruitful endeavours” (Syll, 2014, p. 28). Accordingly, this paper demonstrates that current mainstream monetarist economics cannot be science and proposes new approaches to economic theory and econometric method that after replication and enhancement may be a starting point for the creation of the real world economic theory. -
The Institutionalist Reaction to Keynesian Economics
Journal of the History of Economic Thought, Volume 30, Number 1, March 2008 THE INSTITUTIONALIST REACTION TO KEYNESIAN ECONOMICS BY MALCOLM RUTHERFORD AND C. TYLER DESROCHES I. INTRODUCTION It is a common argument that one of the factors contributing to the decline of institutionalism as a movement within American economics was the arrival of Keynesian ideas and policies. In the past, this was frequently presented as a matter of Keynesian economics being ‘‘welcomed with open arms by a younger generation of American economists desperate to understand the Great Depression, an event which inherited wisdom was utterly unable to explain, and for which it was equally unable to prescribe a cure’’ (Laidler 1999, p. 211).1 As work by William Barber (1985) and David Laidler (1999) has made clear, there is something very wrong with this story. In the 1920s there was, as Laidler puts it, ‘‘a vigorous, diverse, and dis- tinctly American literature dealing with monetary economics and the business cycle,’’ a literature that had a central concern with the operation of the monetary system, gave great attention to the accelerator relationship, and contained ‘‘widespread faith in the stabilizing powers of counter-cyclical public-works expenditures’’ (Laidler 1999, pp. 211-12). Contributions by institutionalists such as Wesley C. Mitchell, J. M. Clark, and others were an important part of this literature. The experience of the Great Depression led some institutionalists to place a greater emphasis on expenditure policies. As early as 1933, Mordecai Ezekiel was estimating that about twelve million people out of the forty million previously employed in the University of Victoria and Erasmus University. -
The Market Structure of Higher Learning
The Park Place Economist Volume 4 Issue 1 Article 16 5-1996 The Market Structure of Higher Learning Brett Roush '97 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/parkplace Recommended Citation Roush '97, Brett (1996) "The Market Structure of Higher Learning," The Park Place Economist: Vol. 4 Available at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/parkplace/vol4/iss1/16 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. The Market Structure of Higher Learning Abstract A student embarking on a college search is astounded at the number of higher learning institutions available -- an initial response may be to consider their market structure as one of perfect competition. Upon fkrther consideration, though, one sees this is inaccurate. In fact, the market structure of higher learning incorporates elements of monopolistic competition, oligopoly, and monopoly. An institution may not explicitly be a profit maximizer. However, treating it as such allows predictions of actions to be made by applying the above three market structures. -
The Socialization of Investment, from Keynes to Minsky and Beyond
Working Paper No. 822 The Socialization of Investment, from Keynes to Minsky and Beyond by Riccardo Bellofiore* University of Bergamo December 2014 * [email protected] This paper was prepared for the project “Financing Innovation: An Application of a Keynes-Schumpeter- Minsky Synthesis,” funded in part by the Institute for New Economic Thinking, INET grant no. IN012-00036, administered through the Levy Economics Institute of Bard College. Co-principal investigators: Mariana Mazzucato (Science Policy Research Unit, University of Sussex) and L. Randall Wray (Levy Institute). The author thanks INET and the Levy Institute for support of this research. The Levy Economics Institute Working Paper Collection presents research in progress by Levy Institute scholars and conference participants. The purpose of the series is to disseminate ideas to and elicit comments from academics and professionals. Levy Economics Institute of Bard College, founded in 1986, is a nonprofit, nonpartisan, independently funded research organization devoted to public service. Through scholarship and economic research it generates viable, effective public policy responses to important economic problems that profoundly affect the quality of life in the United States and abroad. Levy Economics Institute P.O. Box 5000 Annandale-on-Hudson, NY 12504-5000 http://www.levyinstitute.org Copyright © Levy Economics Institute 2014 All rights reserved ISSN 1547-366X Abstract An understanding of, and an intervention into, the present capitalist reality requires that we put together the insights of Karl Marx on labor, as well as those of Hyman Minsky on finance. The best way to do this is within a longer-term perspective, looking at the different stages through which capitalism evolves. -
A Primer on Modern Monetary Theory
2021 A Primer on Modern Monetary Theory Steven Globerman fraserinstitute.org Contents Executive Summary / i 1. Introducing Modern Monetary Theory / 1 2. Implementing MMT / 4 3. Has Canada Adopted MMT? / 10 4. Proposed Economic and Social Justifications for MMT / 17 5. MMT and Inflation / 23 Concluding Comments / 27 References / 29 About the author / 33 Acknowledgments / 33 Publishing information / 34 Supporting the Fraser Institute / 35 Purpose, funding, and independence / 35 About the Fraser Institute / 36 Editorial Advisory Board / 37 fraserinstitute.org fraserinstitute.org Executive Summary Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) is a policy model for funding govern- ment spending. While MMT is not new, it has recently received wide- spread attention, particularly as government spending has increased dramatically in response to the ongoing COVID-19 crisis and concerns grow about how to pay for this increased spending. The essential message of MMT is that there is no financial constraint on government spending as long as a country is a sovereign issuer of cur- rency and does not tie the value of its currency to another currency. Both Canada and the US are examples of countries that are sovereign issuers of currency. In principle, being a sovereign issuer of currency endows the government with the ability to borrow money from the country’s cen- tral bank. The central bank can effectively credit the government’s bank account at the central bank for an unlimited amount of money without either charging the government interest or, indeed, demanding repayment of the government bonds the central bank has acquired. In 2020, the cen- tral banks in both Canada and the US bought a disproportionately large share of government bonds compared to previous years, which has led some observers to argue that the governments of Canada and the United States are practicing MMT. -
Challenging Mercantilism: the Impact of David Hume on the Evolution of Monetary Thought
Student Economic Review, Vol. 22, 2008 CHALLENGING MERCANTILISM: THE IMPACT OF DAVID HUME ON THE EVOLUTION OF MONETARY THOUGHT ALEXANDER TOFT Senior Sophister Despite its somewhat irrational and outdated nature, mercantilist sentiment is very much alive today. In times of economic slowdown, it often bubbles to the surface of popular economic discourse, threatening to make an unwelcome return to politics and policy. The spirits of mercantilism and protectionism have always gone very much hand in hand. In this paper, Alexander Toft provides an excellent appraisal of David Hume’s monetary thought, in particular examining his attack on the 17th century mercantilist monopoly over economic discourse. Introduction The history of economic thought can be viewed as a series of ideological battles, and key amongst them must rank the debate surrounding the notion that the government has a role to play in ensuring a more favorable balance of trade – what is commonly called mercantilism. Adam Smith is often credited with initiating this debate when he attacked the concept in The Wealth of Nations (Smith, 1776). However, this paper will examine the work of another original detractor from mercantilist thinking, David Hume. A philosopher and historian first and foremost, Hume was also an eminent economist. This paper will argue that through his analysis of the influence of money on inflation and the balance of payments, Hume played a pioneering role in challenging the mercantilist monopoly on economic thought. He contributed towards the development of an alternative theory which centered on free trade, as opposed to a ‘fear of goods’ and ‘love of money’.