MAPPING NEW DIRECTIONS in Latino research
INTER-UNIVERSITY PROGRAM FOR LATINO RESEARCH
MAPPING NEW DIRECTIONS IN LATINO RESEARCH
INTER-UNIVERSITY PROGRAM FOR LATINO RESEARCH © 2018 INTER-UNIVERSITY PROGRAM FOR LATINO RESEARCH
Cover design and collage Jennifer Boles photos Rebecca Wood, Jennifer Boles Credits
Lead Editor: Dr. Maria De Los Angeles Torres, University of Illinois, Chicago Co-editors: Cynthia Brito, Dr. Olga Herrera, and Elizabeth Obregon, University of Illinois, Chicago Research: Johann Garcia, Madelina Nuñez, and Luisa Rollins, University of Illinois, Chicago Editing: Ileana Oroza
Contributors:
Families, Children, and Youth: Lead Coordinator: Dr. Harriet Romo, University of Texas, San Antonio
Participants: Yesenia Alvarez-Gonzalez, AVANCE - San Antonio, Inc. Dr. Lina Guzman, Child Trends Dr. Pamela Quiroz, University of Houston, TX
Civic and Political Engagement: Lead Coordinators: Dr. Xotchitl Bada, University of Illinois, Chicago Dr. Amalia Pallares, University of Illinois, Chicago
Participants: Erin Hustings, NALEO
Global Economy: Lead Coordinators: Dr. Teresa Cordova, University of Illinois, Chicago Dr. Edwin Melendez, CUNY
Participants: Dr. Ramon Borges Dr. Maria Enchautegui, University of Puerto Rico Dr. Barbara Robles, Federal Reserve Bank
Higher Education: Lead Coordinators: Dr. Ruben Martinez, Michigan State University Dr. Belinda Reyes, San Francisco State University
Participants: Dr. Amaury Nora, University of Texas, San Antonio Dr. Laura Rendon, University of Texas, San Antonio, Deborah Santiago, Excelencia in Education Dr. Misty Sawatzky
Language: Lead Coordinators: Dr. Patricia Baquendo-Lopez, University of California, Berkeley Dr. Kim Potowski, University of Illinois at Chicago
Participants: David Rogers, Dual Language Education of New Mexico Dr. Tenley Ruth, Dual Language Education of New Mexico
Visual Art and Artists: Lead Coordinators: Dr. Olga Herrera, Inter-University Program for Latino Research Dr. Chon Noriega, University of California, Los Angeles Dr. Charlene Villaseñor-Black, University of California, Los Angeles
Participants: Juana Guzman Dr. Maria de León, NALAC Dr. John Morán González, University of Texas, Austin
Special Thanks: Dr. Rocio Aranda-Alvarado, The Ford Foundation Dr. Taina Caragol, National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution Dr. Karen Mary Davalos, University of Minnesota Dr. Josh Franco, Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution Dr. Maria Gaztambide, Museum of Fine Arts, Houston Dr. Robb Hernandez, University of California, Riverside Dr. E. Carmen Ramos, Smithsonian American Art Museum, Smithsonian Institution Dr. Tatiana Reinoza, Dartmouth College TABLE OF CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: THE CONTEXT OF THE PROJECT ...... 2-5
FAMILIES, CHILDREN, AND YOUTH (6-9) Latino family within the society ...... 6 Changes within the internal Latino family dynamic...... 7 Latino family well-being ...... 8
CIVIC AND POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT (10-13) Latino civic and political engagement ...... 10 Latino politics ...... 11 Youth and civic engagement ...... 12
LATINOS IN THE GLOBAL ECONOMY (14-16) Entrepreneurship and financial behaviors ...... 14 Latinos in the workforce ...... 15
HIGHER EDUCATION (17-21) Student Profiles ...... 17 Latino students' campus experience ...... 19 Institutional context, Latino faculty and administrators ...... 20
LANGUAGE (22-25) Language and identity ...... 22 Language and society ...... 23 Language acquisition ...... 24
VISUAL ARTS AND ARTISTS (26-29) Artists and art practices ...... 26 Latino art, institutions, and market ...... 27 Placemaking/placekeeping ...... 28
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 30-39
END NOTES ...... 40-47
APPENDIX 1 ...... 48-50 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY MAPPING NEW DIRECTIONS FOR LATINO RESEARCH
ABSTRACT
This document presents a map of what we know about Latinos1 and what we need to know. Six issue areas are covered: families and youth, civic and political engagement, global economy, higher education, language, and visual arts and artists. Our goal is to provide guidelines to funders of research on new directions to consider as well as on specific areas that need to be investigated. These new approaches will deepen our understanding of the situation of Latinos in the United States and may lead to better conceived and targeted programs to serve these communities. This project was led by the Inter-University Program for Latino Research (IUPLR), a consortium of twenty-five Latino research centers based in major universities across the United States, in consultation with key policy experts (Appendix 1). Since 1982, IUPLR has led research projects that have contributed to changing the research paradigms though which Latinos are studied.
THE CONTEXT AND THE PROJECT
The number of Latinos in the United States continues to grow. In 1900, there were only slightly more than 500,000 Latinos. Today, the national Latino population numbers more than 58 million and represents the largest and most diverse racial/ethnic groups in the United States.2 One in every six Americans, or 17.5% of the population, is Latino. By the year 2035, “Latinos could account for one of every five residents, one of every four by 2055, and one of every three by 2100.”3
Year 2100
Year 2055 Latino Residents in the U.S. Other Residents in the U.S.
Year 2035
0 20 40 60 80 100
This includes long-established communities as well as recent arrivals. Differences along nationalities, socioeconomics, gender, regions, generations, and religion, to name a few, create a
2 richly diverse population. How we understand and consequently act upon issues facing Latinos will affect the foundation of U.S. society and its place in the hemisphere.
There has been a proliferation of Latino studies programs throughout the country. The few single ethnic programs, such as Chicano and Puerto Rican studies, that emerged in the late 1960s have been supplemented by a growing number of graduate and undergraduate degrees and research- oriented Latino studies programs. The U.S.-centric paradigm that originally framed Latino studies has been broadened to include a transnational perspective. Emerging studies focusing on Afro-Latinos and on Latinos now living in areas where there had been no previous Latino communities are contributing to the growth of the field. The impact that natural disasters and climate change have on the displacement of Latino communities and their economies are incipient areas of inquiry. Today, several institutionalized annual academic conferences focus on Latinos, and several academic journals publish peer-reviewed Latino-oriented studies.
Yet despite this growth, scholarship about Latinos and funding for programs aimed at their communities have not kept pace. Between 2011 and 2015, less than 2% of the dissertations approved had Latinos as a topic of study.4 Not surprisingly, philanthropic dollars going to Latino programs have also been minimal. In 2011, the Foundation Center found that only 1.30% of philanthropic dollars had gone to Latino programs and research. A follow-up study indicated that this trend had not changed. And federal spending on Latinos by the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA), the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH), and the National Science Foundation (NSF) hover at about 3.42%, 1.61%, and 0.67% respectively.5 The limited research that is funded is oftentimes guided by dated paradigms and trapped in rigid disciplinary boundaries.
Latinos have either been studied in models designed to explore white ethnic migration or the African American experience. In studies that focus on the immigrant experience, the conceptual paradigms are mainly informed by perspectives that have the nation-state as the organizer of people’s economies, politics, and identities. These perspectives recognize the movement of people from one part of the world to another, yet they are mainly based on concepts developed to understand immigrants in their new countries. This linear model of adaption in new homelands assumes that people leave behind many of their cultural practices and language, and predicts cultural, linguistic, and political incorporation within a generation. Frameworks such as assimilation and even acculturation are based on premises that may no longer hold, given the group inequalities that make incorporation difficult and far removed from a unidirectional upward mobility. We know that borders are more porous to the flow of capital, goods, and ideas. Transportation has allowed for more rapid movement of people, even as borders have simultaneously become less permeable to them. Those who leave are still engaged in multiple ways with the places they left, which inform them as they continue to be informed by them.
Latinos have also been viewed through the lens of U.S. racial experiences, and while this lens may indeed grasp part of Latino life, it also misses important elements of Latino reality, particularly in the present moment of globalization. For instance, several years ago, a call for proposals from the federal government to create a Hispanic Research Center asked about the impact of the missing father on Latino communities. Instead, considering that 67% of Latino children lived with two parents, and that 48% of Latino households were composed of married couples in 2016, this call could have asked about what happens when both parents work in low- income-generating jobs, or for that matter, what happens to families when a parent is deported. 3 Furthermore, Latino-oriented research tends to either ignore cultural factors or overemphasize them. As we were preparing this report, a program officer at a major foundation suggested that if we presented a proposal without the word “Latino” in the title, they could consider it: They had decided not to fund proposals with explicit reference to ethnic or racial groups. In contrast, vast amount of research continues to point to Latino conservative cultural values as a major influencer of Latino behavior, whether it is family structure, reproductive and sexual well-being, or civic engagement. These conceptual paradigms, therefore, either render Latinos invisible or suggest cultural determinism in behavioral and social patterns. In either case, they do not get to the complexities of Latinos, particularly in the context of globalization.
One of consequences of ill-fitting paradigms is that contemporary debates––and consequently, policies––that emerge about who properly belongs to the citizenry, what kinds of communities are desirable, who is entitled to jobs and benefits, how to address cultural and linguistic diversity in public schools, the nature of hybrid cultural productions, etc., are particularly contentious and non-productive, in part because they are anchored in inadequate conceptual frameworks that do not get to the underlying causes in this global reality.
When we started this project two years ago, we decided to focus on issue areas in which our centers had substantial expertise. It is at these crossroads that it becomes more urgent to develop a new infrastructure for the analysis and mapping of research directions and projects about Latinos. There are other obvious areas not included here, such as health and K-12 education, because we decided to focus on areas that showcase our research strengths and capabilities. In addition, we have not included a separate area for immigration, race, or gender, since these issues are constantly present in most debates.
Directors of centers with expertise in the issue areas oversaw the initial work, which included extensive review of the literature. This initial step was supplemented by a series of consultations with policy experts as well as by broader discussions at workshops held at the IUPLR Siglo XXI conference in 2017. The major findings in the literature have been synthesized here. There is a general reference list at the end of the document. The list is not meant to be exhaustive but rather to give examples of trends in the field. The complete report distills the main points from these two phases of the project.
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR NEW RESEARCH DIRECTIONS AND PRIORITY PROJECTS
In this section, we discuss new directions for research on Latinos. We first include recommendations for general directions for all research, and then we offer summaries of current literature, briefly presenting what we know with recommendations for each specific issue area. In each category, multiple studies were consulted, and what we present are main trends in each field. A selected bibliography is added at the end of the document.
GENERAL GUIDELINES FOR FUTURE RESEARCH TOPICS
• Diversity within: Research about Latinos needs to take into consideration racial, gender, regional, national, and generational diversity in Latino communities.
4 • Mixed status families: Except for Puerto Ricans, who are U.S. citizens, the increase in mixed-status families presents challenges in understanding Latino communities.
• Better databases: In all issue areas, there is a need to update and expand basic data sets.
• Transnationalism: While there are multiple generations of Latino immigrants and communities that are older than the United States itself, the impact of globalization on Latino communities demands a transnational and historical lens to be brought to the study of Latinos in general. This would also include comparative studies on U.S. Latinos and Latin Americans at home.
• Youth: The relative youthfulness of the Latino community should be kept in mind when formulating research projects about Latinos. Intergenerational studies would be particularly valuable.
• Asset-based perspectives: There is a strong tendency to document Latinos from a deficit perspective, which obfuscates their assets. As such, research projects should also encourage comprehensive examinations of assets.
• Interdisciplinary approaches: Most issues would benefit from collaborative cross-disciplinary work that can set up new intellectual scaffolds to construct more comprehensive conceptualizations of Latinos.
5 FAMILIES, CHILDREN, AND YOUTH
Despite the size of the Latino population, not much is known about the changes to the Latino family structure after immigration to the United States or among later generations. Young people make up by far the largest and fastest-growing subgroup of the Latino community nationwide. Between 1980 and 2011, there was a 495% increase in the number of Latino students at the national level. The majority of them (roughly 71%) come from immigrant, Spanish-speaking households. The majority of Latino youth (over 90% since 2013) are U.S.-born, but still over half have at least one immigrant parent. Immigration is a transformative event for the Latino family, as it is for individuals themselves. Research must acknowledge the impact of immigration on family integration and child development, but also expand the research focus to acknowledge the growing number of citizen-born Latino children and their experiences.
Latino family within the society What we know
• U.S. births have been the major factor for Latino population growth since 2000.6 Since 2013, over 90% of Latino children have been U.S.-born, over 50% of them with at least one parent who was not born in the United States.7
Latino children that are U.S. born Latino children born outside of the U.S.
6%
94%
• The immigration status of undocumented parents and mixed-status families may place children and subsequent generations in precarious situations because of the legal barriers these families face.
• Some studies indicate that U.S.-born Latinos and subsequent generations are subject to more negative aspects of integration than Latinos who emigrated to the United States. That includes, but is not limited to, higher reporting of discrimination,8 working-class and educational stagnation,9 and greater chance of criminal conviction.10 Researchers continue to credit these differences to ‘immigrant optimism’—where immigrants feel motivated and optimistic about their opportunities in the United States, whereas later, U.S.-born generations may be more attuned to the marginal status of Latinos.11
6 • Roughly 50% of U.S. gang members are Latino. A study on Latino adolescents in Atlanta, Georgia, published in 2013, suggested that U.S.-born Latinos experiencing discrimination were more likely to be involved in gangs, but gang involvement of U.S.- born Latinos was only slightly higher than that of foreign-born Latinos.12
Future research directions
• More research on the integration experiences of the second and later generations, considering that the U.S.-born population is making up a significant portion of Latino growth.
• More longitudinal research to critically assess the stagnation of Latinos among second and later generations, especially where cross-sectional research methods may not adequately capture the diversity of individual experiences.
• More research on the strategies of incorporation and integration of deportees in their country of origin.
• More research on the impact of gang violence on children and youth in the Latino community.
• More research on the involvement of young Latinas in gangs, as they are largely absent from the research, yet some studies suggest that young women are just as likely to be involved in gangs as their male counterparts.
Changes within the internal Latino family dynamic What we know
• Children tend to adapt more quickly to the United States than their adult family members. Research suggests this unevenness may lead to higher stress within the family and to changes to the family dynamic, such as when children act as primary interpreters for the family.13 Statewide research in Oregon published in 2011 revealed that the different rates of adaptation between children and their families may be linked to negative overall integration over time.14
• Research suggests an increase in the prevalence of single-parent households among second- and later-generation Latinos, with evidence that the traditionally strong family 15 centrality weakens through longer exposure in the United States. Research from a national survey published in 2017 suggests that, in particular, Latinas not born in the United States were more likely to live in two-parent households than their U.S.-born peers, Latinas or not.16
• A review of nationwide data published in 2013 revealed that one in four deportations involved the family of a child who is a U.S. citizen; however, these figures did not include undocumented children.17
7 • According to research from 2009 in Texas, which has the largest subgroup of undocumented children on welfare outside of California, undocumented children are less likely to be placed with kin when their parent(s) and/or guardians are detained or deported than are their documented Latino peers.18
Future research directions
• More research on the mechanisms of incorporation within and between Latino families into U.S. society. One possible avenue is a more nuanced look at the various ways adults and their children adapt to U.S. society, and the impact of this adaptation on the family dynamic and overall integration.
• New research would benefit from asking questions on how immigration, incorporation, and labor availability impact the family dynamic and the integration of family members.
• More research to better understand the diversity in family dynamics and living arrangements among various racial and ethnic groups in the United States, with comparisons between U.S.-born families and families not born in the United States.
• More research on the societal factors that impede family integration along different scales (i.e., national, regional, local) and their impact at the family and individual levels.
• More research on the consequences to the immediate family and the well-being of the children when, during deportation and detainment, the rights of undocumented parents are terminated.
• More research on the impact of circular migrations, detainment, and deportations on the dynamics of the immediate family, as well as on that of informal and extended family units. For example, what happens when children left behind are sent to live with extended family members?
• More research on the employment patterns of Latinos and their impact on the family, such as how many families have two working parents and how the type of work they do, their work schedule, and work hours affect the family dynamic.
Latino family well-being What we know
• Latinos make up the largest portion of teen births in the United States, although their rates have declined more than any other ethnic group (by 50%) since the 1990s.19
• Young Latinas are less likely to use contraceptives than their non-Latina white peers, even though their sexual intercourse rates are similar.20 In 2010, Latino youth had over three times the HIV rates of non-Latino white youth.21 Research suggests that minorities are less likely to have access to reproductive health care than whites.22
8 • Several studies have found that healthy monitoring by parents and guardians and productive parent/child communications are linked to positive adolescent sexual practices and activities and may act as a buffer for later sexual violence. 23
• Research published in 2014 indicated that, among Latinas (in this case, the majority of Mexican origin), those who immigrated to the United States may have more access to sex education and greater reproductive agency.24
• After the implementation of the Affordable Care Act, the uninsured rates among Latino adults (whose uninsured rate is much larger than that of any other ethnic group) has seen a near 20-point decline. Despite this, Latinos are still less likely to be insured than non- Latinos, with generational differences among the Latino population.25
• Latinos who immigrated to the United States were the least likely to have full year-round coverage, with roughly half not being insured and only about one-third insured year- round. The rates for later-generation Latinos are rising slowly. Those enrolled in aid programs such as WIC (Special Supplemental Program for Women, Infants, and Children) and the Food Stamp Program are more likely to be insured.26
Future research directions
• More research on the factors that may be affecting the significant decrease in Latino teen births since the 1990s.
• More research to assess the best practices for making health care more accessible to the Latino community (i.e., linguistically, culturally, etc.).
• More research to understand how Latino well-being differs from that of other immigrant and minority groups.
• More research employing both longitudinal and qualitative methods to assess the impact that detainment and deportation have on the well-being and development of family and young people.
9 CIVIC AND POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT
The research continues to demonstrate that Latinos are actively invested in U.S. society and engage at local, regional, national, and transnational levels. Naturalization has been used as a marker of immigrant political integration, and the research suggests that well over 90% of non- naturalized Latinos want to naturalize, but various barriers (e.g., language, application process, etc.) may impede them. Meanwhile, the majority of Latino youth (over 90% since 2013) are U.S.-born, making the majority of young Latinos citizens by birthright. Of the roughly 27.3 million eligible Latino voters in 2016, millennials made up a significant portion of the electorate population (roughly 44%). While some work has been done on Latino civic engagement, we are just beginning to parse through the diversity of this dynamic community.
Latino Millenials Made Up Significant Portion of the Latino Electorate Population
Millenial Gen X Boomer Silent/Greatest
44
35 34 29 30 30 29 26 27 27 24 22 15 11 9 7
Latino Black Asian White
Latino civic and political engagement What we know
• Researchers have found that U.S. born Latinos are not significantly more likely to engage in non-electoral political activities than Latino immigrants,27 while U.S.-born Latinos may be more likely to engage in unconventional politics (e.g., protests).28
• Research indicates that social networks and other contextual factors (i.e., documentation status, transnational engagement, social capital, inclusiveness of society, age, local context, etc.) may be better predictors of Latino civic and political engagement than socioeconomic status alone.29
Future research directions
• More qualitative and local research with a comparative lens to understand how the local and regional context may shape Latino civic engagement.30
10
• More research to explore how and when policy issues drive Latino mobilization and civic engagement.
• More research on the impact of discrimination and neighborhood segregation on the Latino community and its civic engagement.31
• Research suggests that Latinos, as a group, perceive themselves to be targets of dehumanization, most recently during the 2016 Republican primaries.32 More research is needed to explore how perceptions of dehumanization may impact civic engagement and voter turnout.
• More research on how Latinos may be encouraged, or discouraged, to integrate politically by their non-Latino social networks at the local and regional levels.
Latino politics What we know
• Research suggests that well over 90% of non-naturalized Latinos want to naturalize, but various barriers (e.g., language, application process, etc.) may impede them. 33
• In 2015, lawful Mexican immigrants were less likely than all other immigrant groups (42% versus 62%) to actually obtain naturalization.34
• Research suggests that dual nationality does not negatively impact U.S. political engagement, but may actually promote greater U.S. political connectedness.35 For example, since the 1990s, there has been a 10-point percentage increase in naturalizations among Latin American immigrants.36
• Latinas, compared to women across other ethnic groups, are more likely to hold elected positions and even more likely to be elected over their male counterparts in certain communities and contexts.37
• Latinas who have spent a greater percentage of their life in the United States are more likely than Latino males to identify with a political ideology or party; gender gaps may vary by national origin, generation, and age.38
• A study published in 2017 on U.S.-born Latinos of Mexican origin indicates that stronger Mexican cultural identity is linked to more liberal political ideologies, but Anglo- American identity among Mexican Americans is not linked to any particular political ideology.39
• Research suggests voter turnout is slightly higher among Latinos who immigrated to the United States, with a slight decrease for each subsequent generation.40
• Approximately 47.6% of eligible Latinos voted in the 2016 presidential elections; however, this means that only about 12.7 million Latinos voted, while about 14 million 11 eligible Latino voters did not.41 Overall, approximately 56% of eligible voters cast their ballots in the 2016 presidential elections.
Future research directions
• More research on the multiple factors that influence naturalization rates among Latinos.
• More research to understand how Latino panethnic, interethnic, transnational, and immigrant perspectives intersect within a Latino political experience, and in what ways these perspectives may increase political engagement and beliefs.
• More research to understand the factors (e.g., generation, age, country of origin, etc.) that impact transnational political participation, and the ways in which they interact with U.S. civic and political engagement of immigrants and their later generations.
• More research to understand why Latinos may vote for coethnics under some circumstances and not under others.
• More research to explore what issues and political events contribute to a Latino coalition, and how they may intersect with diverse positions (e.g., documentation status, generation, age, location, etc.).
Youth and civic engagement What we know
• Of the roughly 27.3 million eligible Latino voters in 2016, millennials made up a significant portion of the electorate population (roughly 44%).42
• In contrast to the popular image of youth as apolitical, some research suggests that young people are active participants in civic and political activities. Education, representation in popular culture, and immigration issues appear to be important topics in which youth engage civically.43
• Research suggests that ethno-racial identity is an important aspect of Latino youth’s civic and political engagement and sense of national belonging in the United States.44
• Research indicates that U.S.-born Latinos (birthright citizens) may still feel excluded from the national body politic as an ethno-racial “other.” 45
• Research conducted on high school seniors found that increased perceptions of discrimination did not increase civic beliefs but did increase civic activism.46
• Research has found that Latino youth primarily use their phone to stay connected to the internet. Additionally, their access to social media and virtual news outlets provides “unofficial citizenship training,” where they are informed by, and participate in, political issues and debates.47
12 • A review of U.S. civic and politically inclined websites suggests that the majority of young Latinos do not take advantage of the participation potential. Instead, the review found most websites framed youth as “citizens-in-training” instead of “actualizing citizens.” 48
Future research directions
• More research on how young people develop political and civic skills and how these intersect with local contexts, ethno-racial identities, gender, socioeconomic status (SES), documentation status, etc.
• Although civic and political beliefs are continually (re)created throughout one’s life, more research, both qualitative and longitudinal, is needed on what factors motivate civic and political beliefs in early adolescence and their implications in later activism and political engagement.
• More research on the role of social media in the formation of civic beliefs and on how social media facilitates and helps shape civic and political engagement.
13 LATINOS IN THE GLOBAL ECONOMY
The growing U.S. Latino population is multicultural, has strong networks, high rates of business ownership, and in some cases, double citizenship. Concurrently, Latinos are operating within a changing economy with reduced employment security, benefits, and quality full-time jobs.49 It is a critical time to focus research on the implications of a growing Latino population within a changing U.S. economy. Between the years 2009 and 2013, Latinos accounted for 43.4% of total jobs growth,50 with U.S.-born Latinos driving most of that growth. And the group’s purchasing power is on the rise. In 2014, the purchasing power of Latinos was $1.3 trillion, a gain of 155% since 2000.51 A reexamination of Latinos in the global economy is needed that considers the effects of accelerated globalization on the Latino labor force, particularly on young people.52
Entrepreneurship and financial behaviors What we know
• In 2015, the GDP produced by all Latinos in the United States was $2.13 trillion, out of $18.04 trillion total GDP.53
• The growth rate of Latino businesses in the United States has outpaced the growth rate of businesses owned by any other group, even though Latino businesses have the lowest rate of loans from financial institutions.54
• There is a growth in self-employment among Latinos, especially those not born in the United States. Successful Latino immigrant entrepreneurs are more likely to be millennials who came to the United States as children.55
• The 2012 U.S. Small Business Administration survey counted 3.3 million Latino-owned business, a 46% growth from 2007.56
3,500,000 3,305,873
3,000,000
2,500,000
2,000,000 1,785,172
1,500,000
1,000,000
500,000
0 Latino Owned Businesses 2007 2012
• Latino owned businesses are global-minded; among employer firms (firms with paid employees), Latino firms have the highest rate of business clients and customers outside the United States.57
14 • Latina entrepreneurs represent nearly half of all Latino-owned firms, yet they face a funding ceiling compared to their male counterparts.58
• In 2016, Latinos contributed $74.3 billion in remittances to their countries of origin despite the recession. Post-recession remittance patterns to Latin American countries are stabilizing and increasing.59
• The Latino communities’ underutilization of wealth-enhancing financial instruments is related to two primary factors: income constraints tied to educational outcomes, and lack of knowledge and understanding of financial markets and products.60
Future research directions
• More research on pipelines of Latino business formation and sustainability, owner demographics, expansion to international markets, and what business-formation programs work best.61
• More research on how to most effectively engage Latino communities in understanding and using financial services and instruments.
• Research on the long-term effects of natural disasters and population displacement, specifically on home countries and new destinations using a transnational perspective.
• Research on the impact on Latino communities of the globalization of cities and on political representation resulting from new settlement patterns.
Latinos in the workforce What we know
• 15% of all U.S. adults in both the GIG economy (where organizations employ independent workers on limited-time engagements) and online sales are Latino. They are 21% of GIG workers and 13% of online sellers.
• One in seven women in the U.S. workforce is a Latina. The share of Latinas in the labor force has nearly doubled over the last 20 years. By 2014, Latinas were projected to account for 18.1% of the female labor force and 8.5% of the total labor force in the United States.62
• Of the estimated 2.5 million farmworkers in the United States, 48% lack work authorization, and 73% were not born in the United States, the majority of Mexican descent.63
• Latinos are overrepresented in the lower ranks of blue-collar jobs, including operations, laborers, farm laborers, service workers, and textile workers.64 In 2014, Latinos accounted for 16.1% of the 146.3 million employed people in the United States. Workers of Latino ethnicity made up 27.3% of the construction labor force in 2014. There are also large concentrations of Latinos in agriculture. 15 • Latinos in the day-worker and marginal-labor markets face discriminatory environments, wage theft, low incomes, violations of legal conditions of labor market, and violations of occupational safety regulations.65 The immigrant population is particularly vulnerable in this industry due to the difficulty to organize against violation of labor standards.66
• Latino workers are least likely to hold jobs where employers provide health insurance; fewer than 40% of Latino workers receive health care coverage from an employer, compared to an estimated 45% of African Americans and 67% of whites.67
• Over 20% of Latino seniors live in poverty, the highest proportion among all groups in the United States. Moreover, Latino workers are less likely to receive employee benefits– –life insurance, health insurance, and pensions––than their African American and white counterparts.68
• 2015 data reveals that Latinas earn less than their male Latino and white female and male counterparts. 31.8% of Latinas work in the service sector, and 30.4% work in sales and offices, at comparatively lower earning than their white, non-Latina counterparts.69 The rate of participation in the labor force for Latinas, at 59%, is similar to that of non- Latinas, at 61%. U.S.-born Latinas have a higher participation rate, at 64%. Latinas are twice as likely as non-Latinas to live in poverty.
• Latinos lost 41.3% of their average net wealth between 2007 and 2010 due to the Great Recession and because they were targets of subprime lending.70
Future research directions
• Research on how Latino workers and consumers have been affected by the reduction of full-time employment and employment security and by the rise of share and GIG economies. (Share economy is a trending business concept that highlights the ability and/or preference for individuals to rent or borrow goods rather than buy and own them.)
• Research on the conditions of workers in new agricultural destinations, specifically the Midwest.
• Additional research on factors influencing the retirement outcomes of Latinos, including exploration of the impact of the changing economic landscape and the decrease of full- time traditional employment.
• Research on Latinos’ interactions with technology, using a digital inclusion framework that considers quality of connections, not just access.71
• Research on the factors and conditions of both U.S.-born and immigrant Latinas in the workforce.
16 HIGHER EDUCATION
In the last decades, increasing tuition, decreasing state appropriation for higher education, and decreasing government support for financial aid has not only limited access for low-income students, it has limited the types of institutions they can attend and presented a real challenge for the retention of Latino students. Still, as the demographic shift continues to unfold, the number of Latinos in higher education continues to increase, even as Latinos fall behind other groups in earning Bachelor’s degrees. Graduation rates for Latino students are still low, and we do not know enough about their college experience to build better-informed strategies. Moreover, the pipeline to higher education for Latinos must be addressed both in terms of information dissemination to parents and students, and in terms of academic preparedness to best serve the growth of Latino staff, faculty, and administrative leaders. Student profiles What we know
• Latino students accounted for 17.3% of all undergraduates in the nation in fall 201572 and 12% of Bachelor’s degree recipients.73 The number of Latino students almost doubled since 2000.74
• The Latino high-school dropout rate has fallen dramatically in the last ten years, from 32% in 2000 to 12% in 2014, increasing the pool of potential college students.
• The percentage of 18- to 24-year-old Latinos enrolled in colleges and universities increased from 21.75% in 2000 to 36.6% in 2015. 75
Latinos Enrolled in Colleges and Universities
40.00% 36.60% 35.00%
30.00%
25.00% 21.75% 20.00%
15.00%
10.00%
5.00%
0.00% 2000 2015
Latinos enrolled in Colleges and Universities
• Half of all Latino undergraduates received Pell grants in 2011.76 In 2014, two thirds of Latino students who went into the workforce or joined the military cited the need to help 17 support the family as a reason for not enrolling in college, compared with 39% of white students.
• Latinos from all socio-economic backgrounds represent the fastest-growing population attending community colleges today.77 In 2014, 31% of all first-time, full-time undergraduates were enrolled in community colleges, this includes 43% of Latinos.78
• The number of Bachelor’s degrees awarded to Latino students more than doubled between 2003-04 and 2013-14.79
• College attendance of Latino males continues to decrease. Latino males earned two of five Associate’s or Bachelor’s degrees awarded to Latinos in 2010.80
• In 2010, 45% of Latino college students were enrolled in remedial courses.81 There is no national standardized data on remedial education enrollment, progress, completion, or cost. Remedial classes increase the time students’ take to obtain their degrees and decrease the likelihood of completion.
• Undocumented Latino college students face additional barriers in their college experience and an unpredictable system that varies across state and even city lines. These barriers include extreme financial hardships, psychological and social burdens, lack of access to financial assistance, and assets that are underutilized.82
Future research directions
• More research on the Latino experience in community colleges: The types of majors/tracks that are available, transferability, pedagogical experience, educational and cultural experience.
• Research on the role of parents and their involvement in higher education, including an examination of institutionalized parent-education initiatives and other best practices.
• Further research on the effectiveness of college strategies being used to address the decrease in enrollment of Latino males.
• Research to capture data and trends on the relationship between remedial education and Latino college students, including completion rates and cost.
• New research on the experience of undocumented students suggests a set of institutional best practices is needed to increase students’ rate of completion and success.
• Research on what happens to students once they are deported and what home countries are doing.
18 Latino students’ campus experience What we know
• Between 1995 and 2004, Latino students received the lowest average amount of federal aid relative to all other racial/ethnic groups.83
• Latinos are often working while learning: 41% of full-time students and 80% of part-time Latino students were found to be employed while attending college.84
• The rate of transfer among Latino community college students beginning in academic year 2003-2004 was 20%.85 The transfer processes to four-year universities are unclear at community colleges where many Latinos attend.
• Latino students who perceive their campus climate as hostile to diversity are more likely to struggle with academic, social, and emotional integration and in turn, feel less connected to their campus and less able to succeed.86 Predominantly white institutions (PWIs), colleges, and universities must work especially hard on their campus culture and climate in order to fully integrate their Latino students, both academically and socially.
Future research directions
• Research on the experience of Latino students in higher education.
• Research on the impact of undergraduate research opportunities, on success rates, and on the impact on the pipeline to graduate studies.
• Research on the level of institutional commitment to Latino studies and knowledge production.
• A longitudinal study that includes completion and outcome and their economic impact, as well as quality of life, health, and education correlations.
• Research on the mentoring provided to Latino doctoral students. This is critical for understanding their preparation for assuming and succeeding in faculty roles.
• Work to develop a pipeline of graduating doctoral students to professoriate positions.
• Further research on the specific barriers faced by undocumented students in different educational contexts. This is essential to ensuring that students succeed in higher education. In addition, a mapping is needed of the institutions that undocumented students are attending, and of the students’ career trajectories and pathways after deportation.
19 Institutional context, Latino faculty and administrators What we know
• The presence of Latino faculty promotes equity in higher education, increases the academic achievement of Latinos and other students of color, improves educational quality, better prepares students to live and work in an increasingly global society, exposes students to a broader range of scholarly viewpoints, and through their teaching and research, advances the progress of Latino students.87
• Latino faculty members increased in numbers from 28,022 in 2009 to 33,217 in 2013,88 but they still made up about 5% of all faculty.
• In 2013, 57.5% of Latino faculty members were in tenure-track positions, 25.2% were instructors or lecturers, and 17.2% fell under other categories (e.g., research, public service, non-ranked positions). Among white faculty, 65.6% were in tenure-track positions, 17.6% were instructors or lecturers, and 16.8% were in other categories.89
• According to a 2005 U.S. Department of Education report, 75% of white faculty members gain tenure, compared to 64% of Latino faculty. Ultimately, Latinos account for 1.4% of full-time professors.90
• Latino faculty members are often expected to fill multiple roles (e.g., administration, committee work, community outreach, serving students). They are called to fill roles that other faculty members are not required to fill, reducing the time they have available for research, which is necessary for promotions.
• An equity gap in higher education among Latino administrators exist, a fact that becomes more apparent at four-year research universities. In 2013, Latinos made up only 6% of “executive, administrative, managerial” personnel in higher education.91
• Most Latino presidents of institutions of higher learning serve in public, two-year colleges. A decreasing number serve in this role as we move up the academic ladder from community colleges to the elite research universities.92 More Latino administrators would likely mean greater support for policy changes focused on bridging educational equity gaps for Latinos at the institutional level.
• Hispanic-serving institutions (HSIs) make up 13% of all higher education institutions and educate 60% of the Latino college-going population. HSIs more than doubled from 189 institutions in 1994 to 409 in 2015.93 HSIs often lack an inherent culture of service to their designated population and proof of their success remains weak.94
20 Future research directions
• Studies to identify barriers to Latino administrators.
• Research on the differences in educational well-being and support for Latino students in HSIs and overall impact of the financial resources coming into designated HSI institutions through mandates.
21 LANGUAGE
With over 50 million Spanish speakers, the United States is the second largest Spanish-speaking country in the world, after Mexico. The Spanish language continues to be a legitimizing marker of latinidad and of a panethnic Latino identity, while at the same time it is perceived as impeding social mobility. Although research indicates that Spanish speakers occupy a marginal place in U.S. society (i.e., they suffer from stigmatization, discrimination, inadequate bilingual resources, etc.) there has been exponential growth in dual language programs (DLPs) (where 50% to 90% of instruction is in the second language) to prepare an ever-increasing number of bilingual (mainly Spanish-language) learners for a globalized economy. Meanwhile, the growth of the U.S.-born Latino population is also changing the linguistic landscape of the Latino community. Roughly 68% of all Latinos over 5 years old are proficient in English, and according to research, 87% of Latino children born in the United States are English-dominant or at least English- proficient. The diverse linguistic capacities of the Latino community (e.g., Spanglish, non- Spanish speakers, etc.) problematize the stereotypical image of a foreign, Spanish-speaking “other.” Language provides an important lens for understanding the Latino identity and experience of immigrants and subsequent generations.
Language and identity What we know
• Spanish language is simultaneously considered both a legitimizing marker of latinidad95 and threatening to the economic and social mobility of the community.96
• Research suggests that native and heritage Spanish speakers (even those with English proficiency) are often devalued and racialized as linguistic and racial “others.” 97
• Not all Latinos speak Spanish, and those who do, speak in multiple regional variations and with differing proficiencies.98
• Research conducted on college students suggests that non-Spanish speaking Latinos feel excluded from a Latino identity and are less likely to identify as Latino.99
• A growing number of second- and third-generation Latinos represent a new and emerging “hybrid/border culture,” with real transnational implications for a redefining of latinidad.100 As the knowledge of Spanish declines among second- and third-generation Latinos, new and different signifiers are being worked into claiming a Latino identity.
• Research suggests that Latinos who see themselves as members of a separate ethnic group are more likely to choose Spanish-language media because of expected cultural affinity.
• English- and Spanish-language television may have different effects on identity formation among Latinos but also serve as defining markers of “authentic” Latino identity for non-Latinos.101
22 • Some research suggests media plays an active role in constructing discourses of latinidad and what that means within a U.S. context. For example, some scholars have noted that the media’s limited representation of non-Spanish speaking Latinos does not adequately represent the linguistic diversity of the Latino population and reinforces the idea that Latinos must speak Spanish.102
• Research has shown that indigenous Latinos use the Spanish language in an attempt to blend into the United States and conform to the stereotypical Latino identity.103 In addition, many Afro-Latinos use Spanish as a way to enact their identities as separate from African Americans.104
Future research directions
• Research on how language gets (re)worked into the multiple intra- and inter-Latino, and non-Latino, conceptualizations of latinidad.
• Research on how this “hybrid/border culture,” latinidad, may be influencing the stereotype of the fluent Spanish speaker in the United States and abroad.
• An assessment of how inter-group and inter-community relations may be impacted by the growth of Spanish-language acquisition among non-Latinos.
• Research on the growing portion of self-identified Latinos who do not speak Spanish and the implications for latinidad. For example, how do individuals use language to negotiate their latinidad?
• Research with a linguistic focus to better understand the experiences and adaptation processes of Latino indigenous, non-native Spanish speakers in the United States.
Language and society What we know
• Qualitative studies indicate that many native Spanish and heritage speakers experience discrimination in academic, work, and public spaces (e.g., English-only policies).105
• Scholars have noted a gradual shift from the strict English-only educational policies (e.g., California’s Proposition 227) to one advocating languages other than English as a resource in a globalized economy. Paradoxically, some scholars argue that there is a tendency to undervalue the cultural and linguistic assets that minority-language speakers bring to the classroom and later, to society.106
• Due to the demographic changes within the United States, Latino children have the linguistic and cultural capabilities to succeed in a diversifying ethnic, racial, and linguistic landscape.
• Bilingual speakers are in a better position to acquire employment than monolingual speakers. 23 Future research directions
• More research on how English-only policies are affecting Latinos in the educational setting and work spaces.
• More inter-Latino comparative work, as well as comparative work on how non-Latino immigrants are affected by the lack of bilingual and bicultural services, as well as more research on the impact of multilingual policies, such as DLPs, on Latino well-being and incorporation.
• More qualitative and longitudinal research to assess the long-term impact of bilingualism and biliteracy beyond primary school and into higher education and work-place settings.
Language acquisition What we know
• Research conducted in South Florida suggests that the vocabulary skills of the dominant language for young children who learn two languages at once is within the normal variation range of monolingual children. The research supports previous studies that indicate children learning two or more languages can actually differentiate between language systems and vocabularies.107
• Since the 1990s, there has been a considerable growth in DLPs.108 These programs facilitate bilingual fluency/biliteracy and are broadly divided into: o One-way immersion programs where students are of one linguistic group and bilingual instruction facilitates the learning of a second language (e.g., heritage language learners). o Two-way immersion programs where native speakers of both majority and minority languages are enrolled in the same class to promote bilingual fluency (e.g., dual language immersion [DLIs]).
• Research has shown that DLIs that provide roughly 50% to 90% content in the home language result in better academic gains, not only in the minority language, but in the majority language as well. Despite this data, the majority of educational policies continue to push English-only education.109
• Generally, English Language Learners (ELLs) have lower oral language skills in the home language and the second language. However, some scholars argue that the effectiveness of language assessment tests (often administered in English only) need to be reevaluated.110 For example, research conducted on emergent bilingual children in a DLI program and published in 2016 suggests that bilingual assessments offer a more adequate measurement of oral narrative retelling skills and better inform the modes of instruction.111
24 Future research directions
• With a significant portion of U.S. household being bilingual and multilingual, more research is needed on both language acquisition and the cognitive benefits for children who learn two or more languages simultaneously.
• More research to better understand the experiences of the dual language teachers and their management of the policies, preparation, and practices of dual language learning (DLL) education.112
25 VISUAL ARTS AND ARTISTS
Research on the aesthetic practices of self-identified Latino visual artists demonstrates that they have been actively invested in American art as the largest minority group in the United States. Yet their artistic production often appears to be on the margins of a still rigid and narrowly defined Eurocentric field and art market in need of recalibration. Latino artists––U.S.-born and diasporic––participated in major 20th century art movements experimenting with various forms of expression, media, and techniques, and contributing to intellectual debates on the meaning of art. Like other U.S. artists, they have made keen visual observations on community, society, and contemporary times. Even though a great number of Latino artists have attended art school and hold advanced degrees, research also reveals that, for the most part, they are notably absent from mainstream U.S. art narratives, evolving canons, larger museum exhibitions, and permanent collections.
Artists and art practices What we know
• The scholarship in the last fifteen years reveals an upward trend on the documentation of Latino artists and their production and practices, sustained by an intellectual infrastructure of preservation of primary documents, digitization and archival projects, and publication initiatives.113
• The research registers a preoccupation with definitions of what constitutes Latino art as inherent in American art. Scholars agree that an “essentially” Latino aesthetic perspective is not, and has never been, a reality.114
• Latino art, as an art historical category, is a construct whose coordinates change according to new generations.115
• Artists are exploring shifting paradigms of identity by disrupting normative narratives of a culturally constructed U.S. identity.116
• Research indicates a questioning in the literature about an evolving Latino art canon that privileges Northeast and Southwest regions, yet excludes the Midwest, the Southeast, and groups such as artists of Central American and South American descent.117
• Artists of the Dominican, Puerto Rican, Nuyorican, and Cuban diaspora are interested in themes of memory, movement, and displacement framed as absence, borders, migration, and exile/loss.118
• Research suggests some Latino artists are increasingly invested in artivism and social justice.119
• Recent research and curatorial frameworks to analyze the production of Latino artists include urbanism and urban space, science fiction, feminism, LGBTQ collectives and their networks, and the transnational art connections between place of residence and home country.120 26
Future research directions
• In this emerging field of study, more rigorous monographic research on Latino artists is needed to allow for in-depth analysis of a lifelong arc of individual artistic production.
• To fully comprehend the overall development, relations, and intersections of Latino artists in the United States, research would benefit from additional mapping and archival projects on Latino artists and art organizations in urban and rural areas and regions that have been under-studied, including the Pacific Northwest, Southeast, and Northeast.
• To help measure the impact of the last fifteen years of archival, research, and curatorial projects asking questions about the recognition of older generation and emerging artists in the art world, a longitudinal study of Latino artists should be conducted, taking as its bases the investigation of citations and textbooks.
• As American art continues to expand its geographic and transnational boundaries, more research is needed on the links of Latino diasporic artists with their countries of origin and on how they contribute to the circulation of contemporary art, including the impact on their home countries and the United States.
• More research is needed on contemporary artists and the impact of globalization and technology.
Latino art, institutions, and market What we know
• In the last twenty years, research on themes related to the politics of representation and Latino national belonging in mainstream national museums indicate a minimal presence of Latino artists in exhibitions and permanent collections.121
• Recent research on Latino art in academia is marginal or invisible, and “lags alarmingly,” thus reflecting a thin higher-education pipeline. A study reveals limited MA and PhD programs on Latino art history, with 24 art historians teaching at least one course on, or including, Latino art, and only three exclusively teaching and writing on Latino art.122
• A 2016-2017 study points to a limited participation of Latino artists in the booming contemporary art market, revealing that only 1.6% of artists represented in the top 45 galleries in New York are Latino.123
27 • A foundation study on museum demographics found that only 3% of curators, conservators, educators, and leaders in U.S. museums are Latino.124
Latinos only 3% of Museum Curators, Conservators, and Leaders
White Asian Black Latino Two or More Races
3% 3% 4%
6%
84%
Future research directions
• Research on the structural barriers to acquisitions and representation of Latinos in mainstream museums and the presence of Latino art in mostly elite art history programs in academia.
• Studies on the impact of the defunding of the humanities on Latino artists and art, and on their representation in the art world.
• More research on how Latino artists are participating (or not) in the circuits and networks of global contemporary art and art market.
Placemaking/placekeeping What we know
• Research reveals that since the late 1960s, Latino artists and cultural workers have created their own community-based museums and cultural centers to provide critical education and a sense of belonging.125
• Research suggests that sustaining and investing in existing art and cultural grassroots organizations contribute to stabilization and successful creative placemaking and placekeeping.126
28 • Latino artists and art organizations have an economic, social, and cultural impact. Yet when it comes to community development, there is not enough research data to quantify it into dollar amounts.127
Future research directions
• New data is needed to quantify the monetary impact of artists in placekeeping and community strengthening in traditional Latino neighborhoods in cities such as Los Angeles, San Francisco, Chicago, New York, Miami, and Austin.
• New research on the ways Latino creative placemaking is impacting neighborhood revitalization.
• New research to identify whether ethnic cultural institutions continue (or not) to sustain a contemporary identity formation as agents of social change.
• More research on street art and urban interaction and the ways that marginalized art forms become mainstream.
29 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
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GLOBAL ECONOMY Chapa, J. (2000). The burden of interdependence: Demographic, economic, and social prospects for Latinos in the reconfigured U.S. Economy. In F. Bonilla, E. Meléndez, & R. Morales (Eds.), Borderless borders: U.S. Latinos, Latin Americans, and the paradox of interdependence (pp. 71–82). Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. 32 Córdova, T. (2016). The neoliberal policy regime and implications for Latino studies scholarship. Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies, 41(1), 55–83. Katz, V.S., & González, C. (2016). Community variations in low-income Latino families’ technology adoption and integration. American Behavioral Scientist, 60(1), 59–80. doi:10.1177/0002764215601712 López-Garza, M. (2001). A study of the informal economy and Latina/o immigrants in Greater Los Angeles. In M. López-Garza & D. Días (Eds.), Asian and Latino Immigrants in a Restructuring Economy, (pp. 141–163). Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Lubin, J. (2014). Inclusion and exclusion of Latinos in the Affordable Care Act: Challenges and opportunities for achieving health equity. Harvard Journal of Hispanic Policy, 26, 21– 24. Robinson, W.I. (1992). The global economy and the Latino populations in the United States: A world systems approach. Critical Sociology, 19(2), 29–59. Robinson, W.I. (2006). “Aquí estamos y no nos vamos!” Global capital and immigrant rights. Race & Class, 48(2), 77–91. Robles, B.J., & Cordero-Guzmán, H. (2007). Latino self-employment and entrepreneurship in the United States: An overview of the literature and data sources. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 613(1), 18–31. doi:10.1177/0002716207303541 Robles, B. (2007). Financial services and product usage by Latinos in the United States. Retrieved from the Filene Research Institute website: https://filene.org/assets/pdf- reports/142_Robles_Latino_Financial_Services.pdf Schink, W., & Hayes-Bautista, D. (2017). Latino gross domestic product (GDP) report: Quantifying the impact of American Hispanic growth. Retrieved from the Latino Donor Collaborative website: http://latinodonorcollaborative.org/latino-gdp-report/ Theodore, N. (2015). Generative work: Day labourers’ Freirean praxis. Urban Studies, 52(11), 2035–2050. Waters, M.C., & Gerstein Pineau, M. (Eds.). (2015). Integration of immigrants into American society: Panel on the integration of immigrants into American society. Washington, DC: National Academic Press.
HIGHER EDUCATION Aguirre Jr., A., Martínez, R., & Hernández, A. (1993). Majority and minority faculty perceptions in academe. Research in Higher Education, 34(3), 371–385. Castellanos, J., & Jones, L. (2003). The majority in the minority: Expanding the representation of Latina/o faculty, administrators and students in higher education (1st ed.). Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing. Contreras, F. (2011). Achieving equity for Latinx students: Expanding the pathway to higher education through public policy. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Gildersleeve, R.E., & Vigil, D. (2015). Institutionalizing support for undocumented Latino/a students in American higher education. doi:https://doi.org/10.1002/he.20151 Hubbard, S. M., & Stage, F.K. (2009). Attitudes, perceptions, and preferences of faculty at Hispanic serving and predominantly black institutions. The Journal of Higher Education, 80(3), 270–289. doi:10.1080/00221546.2009.11779013 Hurtado, S. & Carter, D.F. (1997). Effects of college transition and perception of the campus racial climate on Latinx college students’ sense of belonging. Sociology of Education, 70(1), 342–345.
33 Hurtado, S., Carter, D.F., & Spuler, A. (1996). Latinx student transition to college: Assessing difficulties and factors in successful college adjustment. Research in Higher Education, 37(2), 135–157. June, A.W. (2007). Presidents: Same Look, Different Decade. The Chronicle of Higher Education, 53(24), A33. Kezar, A., Eckel, P., Contreras-McGavin, M., & Quaye, S.J. (2008). Creating a web of support: An important leadership strategy for advancing campus diversity. Higher Education. 55(1), 69–92. Kurlaender, M. (2006). Choosing community college: Factors affecting Latinx college choice. New Directions for Community Colleges, 2006(133), 7–16. McGee, E.O. (2016). Devalued black and Latino racial identities: A by-product of STEM college culture? American Educational Research Journal, 53(6), 1626–1662. doi:https://doi.org/10.3102/0002831216676572 Medina, C., & Luna, G. (2000). Narratives from Latina professors in higher education. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 31(1), 47–66. Nagaoka, J., Roderick, M., & Coca, V. (2009). Barriers to college attainment: Lessons from Chicago. Retrieved from the Center for American Progress website: https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/education- postsecondary/reports/2009/01/27/5432/barriers-to-college-attainment-lessons-from- chicago/ Perna, L.W. (2000). Differences in the decision to attend college among African Americans, Hispanics, and whites. The Journal of Higher Education, 71(2), 117-141. doi:10.1080/00221546.2000.11778831 Perna, L.W., & Titus, M.A. (2005). The relationship between parental involvement as social capital and college enrollment: An examination of racial/ethnic group differences. Journal of Higher Education, 7(5), 486–518. Sáenz, V.B., & Ponjuan, L. (2009) The vanishing Latino male in higher education. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 8(54). doi:10.1177/1538192708326995 Sahay, K. M., Thatcher, K., Núñez, C., & Lightfoot, A. (2016). “It’s like we are legally, illegal”: Latino/a youth emphasize barriers to higher education using photovoice. The High School Journal, 100(1), 45–65. Santiago, D.A., & Cunningham, L.F. (2005). How Latinx students pay for college: Patterns of financial aid in 2003-04. Washington, DC: Excelencia in Education. Suárez-Orozco, C. et al. (2015). Undocumented undergraduates on college campuses: Understanding their challenges and assets and what it takes to make an undocufriendly campus. Harvard Educational Review, 85(3), 427–463 Witham, K., Malcom-Piqueux, L.E., Dowd, A.C., & Bensimon, E.M. (2015). America’s unmet promise: The imperative for equity in higher education. Washington, DC: Association of American Colleges & Universities.
LANGUAGE Bailey, B. (2000). Language and negotiation of ethnic/racial identity among Dominican Americans. Language in Society, 29(4), 555–582. Baquedano-López, P., & Borge Janetti, G. (2017). The Maya diaspora Yucatan-San Francisco: New Latino educational practices and possibilities. In S. Salas & P. Portes (Eds.), U.S. Latinization: Education and the new Latino South (pp. 161–183). New York, NY: SUNY Press.
34 Cervantes-Soon, C.G. (2014). A critical look at dual language immersion in the new Latin@ diaspora. Bilingual Research Journal, 37(1), 64–82. Davis, T.Y., & Moore, W.L. (2014). Spanish not spoken here: Accounting for the racialization of the Spanish language in the experiences of Mexican migrants in the United States. Ethnicities, 14(5), 676–697. Delerme, S. (2013). The Latinization of Orlando: Language, whiteness, and politics of place. Centro Journal, 25(11), 60–95. García Bedolla, L. (2003). The identity paradox: Latino language, politics, and selective dissociation. Latino Studies, 1(2), 264–283. Glassman, M., & Glassman, A. (2017). Is dual language marketing socially responsible? Business Horizons, 60(4), 565–572. Hill, J.H. (1998). Language, race, and white public space. American Anthropologist, 100(3), 680–689. Katznelson, N., & Bernstein, K.A. (2017). Rebranding bilingualism: The shifting discourses of language education policy in California’s 2016 election. Linguistics and Education, 40, 11–26. Lindholm-Leary, K., & Block, N. (2010). Achievement in predominantly low SES/Hispanic dual language schools. Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 13(1), 43–60. Lucero, A. (2018). Oral narrative retelling among emergent bilinguals in a dual language immersion program. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 21(2), 248–264. Machado-Casas, M. (2012). Pedagogías del camaleón/Pedagogies of the chameleon: Identity and strategies of survival for transnational indigenous Latino immigrants in the U.S. South, Urban Review, 44(5), 534–550. Negrón, R. (2014). New York City’s Latino ethnolinguistic repertoire and the negotiation of latinidad in conversation. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 18(1), 87–118. Ortiz, M., & Behm-Morawitz, E. (2015). Latinos’ perceptions of intergroup relations in the United States: The cultivation of group-based attitudes and beliefs from English- and Spanish-language television. Journal of Social Issues, 71(1), 90–105. Palermo, F., with Mikulski, A., Fabes, R., Martin, C., & Hanish, L. (2017). Cross-language associations and changes in Spanish-speaking preschoolers’ English and Spanish academic abilities. Applied Psycholinguistics, 38(2), 347–370. Parkes, J., & Tenley, R. (2011). How satisfied are parents of students in dual language education programs?: “Me parece maravillosa la gran oportunidad que le están dando a estos niños.” International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 14(6), 701–718. Piñón, J., & Rojas, V. (2011). Language and cultural identity in the new configuration of the U.S. Latino TV industry. Global Media and Communication, 7(2), 129–147. Potowski, K. (2016). Bilingual youth: Spanish-speakers at the beginning of the 21st century. Language and Linguistic Compass, 10(6), 272–283. Rosa, J.D. (2016). Standardization, racialization, languagelessness: Raciolinguistic ideologies across communicative contexts. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, 26(2), 162–183. Salzman, R. (2014). News or noticias: A social identity approach to understanding Latinos’ preferred language for news consumption in the United States. Mass Communication and Society, 17(1). doi:https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2013.782048 Sánchez, D., & Chávez, G. (2010). Are you minority enough? Language ability affects targets’ and perceivers’ assessments of a candidate’s appropriateness for affirmative action. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 32(1), 99–107.
35 Sánchez, D.T., with Chávez, G., Good, J.J., & Wilton, L. (2012). The language of acceptance: Spanish proficiency and perceived intragroup rejection among Latinos. Journal of Cross- Cultural Psychology, 46(6), 1019–1033. Simon-Cereijido, G., with Gutiérrez-Clellen, V., & Sweet, M. (2013). Predictors of growth or attrition of the first language in Latino children with specific language impairment. Applied Psycholinguistics, 34, 1219–1243. Waters, M.C., & Gerstein Pineau, M. (Eds.). (2015). Integration of immigrants into American Society: Panel on the integration of immigrants into American society. Washington, DC: National Academic Press. Watzinger-Tharp, J., with Swenson, K., & Mayne, Z. (2016). Academic achievement of students in dual language immersion. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism. doi:https://doi.org/10.1080/13670050.2016.1214675 Wilton, L.S., with Sánchez, D.T., & Chávez, G. (2013). Speaking the language of diversity: Spanish fluency, white ancestry and skin color in the distribution of diversity awards to Latinos. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 35(4), 346–359.
VISUAL ARTS AND ARTISTS Anreus, A. (2009). Contra-notas. Irreverent thoughts and questions on Latino and Latin American art. Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies, 34(1), 263-275. Anreus, A. (2014). Luis Cruz Azaceta. A Ver Series. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. Aranda-Alvarado, R. (2017). Among the islands: Dominican art at home and abroad. In T. Flores (Ed.), Relational undercurrents: Contemporary art of the Caribbean archipelago (205– 218). Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Barrio, R. (1975). Mexico’s art & Chicano artists. Sunnyvale, CA: Ventura Press. Bedoya, R. (2014). Spatial justice: Rasquachification, race and the city. Retrieved from the Creative Time Reports website: http://cretivetimereports.org/2014/09/15/spatial-justice- rasquachification-race-and-the-city/ Benavídez, M. (2007). Gronk. A Ver Series. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. Caragol, T.B. (2005a). Archives of reality: Contemporary efforts to document Latino art. American Art Journal, 19(3), 2–8. Caragol, T.B. (2005b). Aesthetics of exile: The construction of Nuyorican identity in the art of El Taller Boricua. Centro Journal, 17(2), 7–19. Case-Leal, J. Art Statistics 2016-2017. (Study conducted by Arts in NYC course at CUNY Guttman College). Retrieved from http://www.havenforthedispossessed.org Cerejido, E. Cuban (American) Art: Beyond nation and diaspora (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Florida, Gainesville, FL. Chavoya, C.O. (2018) Axis mundo: Queer networks in Chicano L.A. New York, NY: Prestel. Chavoya, C.O., & González, R. (2011). ASCO: Elite of the obscure: A Retrospective 1972-1987. Berlin: Hatje Cantz. Chicago Latino ArTchive Project (2016). Chicago: University of Illinois at Chicago. Retrieved from https://iuplr.uic.edu/iuplr/chicagolatinoartchive Córdova, C. (2017). The heart of the mission: Latino art and politics in San Francisco. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Cornejo, K. (2015). Does that come with a hyphen? A space? The question of Central American- American in Latino art and pedagogy. Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies, 40(1) 189– 209. 36 Cortez, C. (2010). Carmen Lomas Garza. A Ver Series. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. Cosentino, D. (2017). Geography unbound in Héctor Duarte’s Mariposas migrantes. Diálogo, 20(1), 101–112. Cullen, D. (2012). Rafael Ferrer. A Ver Series. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. Dávalos, K.M. (2001). Exhibiting mestizaje: Mexican (American) museums in the diaspora. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press. Dávalos, K.M. (2008). Yolanda M. López. A Ver Series. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. Dávalos, K.M. (2017). Chicano remix: Art and errata since the sixties. New York, NY: New York University Press. Dávila, A. (1999). Latinizing culture: Art, museums and the politics of U.S. multicultural encompassment. Cultural Anthropology, 14(2), 180–202. De León, M.L. (2017). Ethics of development: A shared sense of place. In How to do creative placemaking (pp. 78-81). Washington, DC: National Endowment for the Arts. Flores, T. (2017). Relational undercurrents: Contemporary art of the Caribbean archipelago. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. García, R. (2013). Ricardo Valverde. A Ver Series. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. Gaspar de Alba, A. (1998). Chicano art inside/outside the master’s house: Cultural politics and the CARA exhibition. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. González, J.A. (2013). Pepón Osorio. A Ver Series. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. González, R. (2003, April). Archiving the Latino arts before it is too late. (Latino Policy and Issues Brief No. 6). UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. González, R. (2003, August). An undocumented history: A survey of index citations for Latino and Latina artists. (Research Report No. 2). UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. Grimm, T. (2005, April). Identifying and preserving the history of the Latino visual arts: Survey of archival initiatives and recommendations. (Research Report, No. 6). UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. Grimm, T.B., & Noriega, C.A. (2013). Documenting regional Latino arts and culture: Case studies for a collaborative, community-oriented approach. The American Archivist, 76(1), 95–112. Fajardo-Hill, C., & Guerrero, M. (2017). Latina art through the exhibition lens, Radical Women: Latin American Art, 1960-1985. Diálogo, 20(1), 133–140. Guzmán, J. (2017, May). Creative placemaking. Paper presented at the Siglo XXI Conference at the University of Texas at San Antonio. Hernández, R. (2009). The fire of life: The Robert Legorreta-Cyclona collection. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. Hernández, R. (2013). Viva Records, 1970-2000: Lesbian and gay Latino artists of Los Angeles. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. Hernández, R. et al. (2017). Mundos alternos: Art and science fiction in the Americas. Riverside, CA: UCR Artsblock. Herrera, O.U. (2008). Toward the preservation of a heritage: Latin American and Latino art in the Midwestern United States. South Bend, IN: University of Notre Dame. Herrera, O.U. (2012). Smithsonian Institution Latino, Hispanic and Latin American art collections. (Report). Washington, DC: Smithsonian Latino Center. 37 Herrera, O.U., & Gaztambide, M.C. (2017). En Diálogo: Contemporary Latin American and Latino art. Diálogo, 20(1), 3–8. Malagamba, A. (2006). Caras vemos, corazones no sabemos: Faces seen, hearts unknown. Notre Dame, IN: Snite Museum, University of Notre Dame. Indych-López, A. (2018). Judith F. Baca. A Ver Series. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. Martínez, J.A. (2009). María Brito. A Ver Series. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. McEwen, A. (2015). Olga Albizu and the borders of abstraction. American Art Journal, 29(2), 86–111. Noriega, C.A. (2005). Preservation matters. Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies, 30(1), 1–20. Noriega, C.A. (2012). Encuentros: Rethinking America through artistic exchange. American Art Journal, 26(2), 2–6. Noriega, C.A., González, R., & Fox, H. (2008). Phantom sightings: Art after the Chicano Movement. Oakland, CA: University of California Press. Noriega, C.A., Romo, T., & Tompkins Rivas, P. (Eds.). (2011) L.A. Xicano. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center Press. Noriega, C.A., Ramírez, M., & Tompkins Rivas, P. (Eds.). (2018) Home –– So different, so appealing. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center Press. Nunn, T.M. (2001). Sin Nombre: Hispana and Hispano artists of the New Deal era. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press. Olea, H., Ramírez, M.C., and Ybarra-Frausto, T. (Eds.). (2012) Resisting Categories: Latin American and/or Latino? Houston, TX: The Museum of Fine Arts, Houston. O'Reilly Herrera, A. (2011). Cuban artists across the diaspora: Setting the tent against the house. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Ramírez, M.C., & Papanikolas, T. (2002). Collecting Latin American art for the 21st century. Houston, TX: International Center for the Arts of the Americas. Ramírez, Y. (2005). Nuyorican vanguards, political actions, poetic visions. A history of Puerto Rican artists in New York: 1964-1984 (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). CUNY Graduate Center, New York, NY. Ramírez, Y. (2007). The activist legacy of Puerto Rican artists in New York and the art heritage of Puerto Rico. (Working Paper No. 1). ICAA Documents Project, 46–53. Retrieved from https://icaadocs.mfah.org/icaadocs/Portals/0/WorkingPapers/No1/Yasmin%20Ramirez.p df. Ramos, E.C. (2012). The Latino presence in American art. American Art Journal, 26(2), 7–13. Ramos, E.C. (2014). Our America: The Latino presence in American Art. London: D. Giles Limited. Reinoza, T. (2015) Latino Print Cultures in the U.S., 1970-2008 (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Texas at Austin. Reinoza, T. (2017). Retorno: Salvadoran repatriation and the landscapes of memory: Interview with Mark Menjivar. Diálogo, 20(1), 181–186. Ríos Bustamante, A. et al. (1998) Latinos and museums: A heritage reclaimed. Malabar, FL: Krieger Publishing Company. Romo, T. (2012). Mexican heritage, American art: Six Angeleno artists. In Chon Noriega et al., (Eds.), L.A. Xicano (p. 3). Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. Romo, T. (2011). Malaquías Montoya. A Ver Series. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center.
38 Salceda, R.G. (2014). The new wave of identity politics, Juan Capistran’s White Minority. American Art Journal, 28(1), 24–31. Schonfeld, R., & Westermann, M. (2015). The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Art Museum staff demographic survey. Retrieved from https://mellon.org/media/filer_public/ba/99/ba99e53a-48d5-403 80e166f9ba1c020e/awmf_museum_diversity_report_aamd_7-28-15.pdf Tejada, R. (2009). Celia Álvarez Muñoz. A Ver Series. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center. Vargas, G. (2000). A historical overview/update on the state of Chicano art. In D.R. Maciel, I.D. Ortíz, & M. Herrera-Sobek. (Eds.), Chicano Renaissance: Contemporary Cultural Themes (pp. 191–231). Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press. Vargas, G. (2010). Contemporary Chican@ art: Color and culture for a new America. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Vaugh, S.L., & Sorell, V. (2015). Born of resistance: Cara a cara encounters with Chicana/o visual culture. Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press. Villaseñor Black, C. (2017, October 6). Teaching and writing the art histories of Latino American Los Angeles: Institutional challenges. Getty Keynote address. Villaseñor-Black, C. (2017). Past, present and future in the work of Luis Tapia. Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies, 42(2), 1–14. Ybarra-Frausto, T. (2005) Imagining a more expansive narrative of American art. American Art Journal, 19(3), 9–15. Ybarra-Frausto, T. (2013) A panorama of Latino arts. Washington, DC: National Park Service. Ybarra-Frausto, T. (2014) Primeros pasos: First steps toward an operative construct of Latino art. In E.C. Ramos (Curator), Our America: The Latino presence in American Art. London: D. Giles Limited. Zavala, A. (2015) Latino art at the intersection. Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies, 40(1), 125–140.
39 END NOTES
1 While acknowledging the rich, ongoing debate regarding the multiple terms used to identify Latin Americans and their descendants in the United States, we have chosen to use “Latino,” since this is the term used by most of our centers. 2 U.S. Census Bureau (2017). 3 Sáenz, R. (2004). Latinos and the Changing Face of America. New York and Washington, DC: Russell Sage Foundation and Population Reference Bureau. 4 IUPLR Mellon Program Report 2016. 5 IUPLR Federal Dollars Report, 2018. 6 Stepler, R., & Lopez, M.H. (2016, September). U.S. Latino population growth and dispersion has slowed since onset of the Great Recession. Retrieved from the Pew Research Center website: http://www.pewhispanic.org/2016/09/08/latino-population-growth-and-dispersion-has-slowed-since-the-onset- of-the-great-recession/ 7 Clarke, W., with Turner, K., & Guzmán, L. (2017). One quarter of Hispanic children in the United States have an unauthorized immigrant parent. (Brief No. 2017-10). Retrieved from the National Research Center on Hispanic Children and Families website: http://www.hispanicresearchcenter.org/?publications=one-quarter-of-hispanic- children-in-the-united-states-have-an-unauthorized-immigrant-parent 8 Waters, M.C., & Gerstein Pineau, M. (Eds.). (2015), Integration of Immigrants into American Society: Panel on the Integration of Immigrants into American Society. Washington DC: National Academic Press: 261. 9 Terriquez, V. (2014) Trapped in the working class? Prospects for the intergenerational (im)mobility of Latino youth. Sociological Inquiry, 84(3), 382–411. 10 Miller, H.V. (2015). Juvenile justice system outcomes among foreign-born and native-born Latinos in the United States: An exploratory study. Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice. 13(4), 428–442. 11 Turner, R.N., & Thiede, B. (2016). Mexican American educational stagnation: The role of family structure. International Migration Review. 51(4), pp. 1–24. doi:https://doi.org/10.1111/imre.12286 12 Barrett, A.N., with Kuperminc, G.P., & Lewis, K.M. (2013). Acculturative stress and gang involvement among Latinos: U.S.-born versus immigrant youth. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 35(3), 370–389. 13 Benson-Flórez, G., with Santiago-Rivera, A., & Nagy, G. (2017). Culturally adapted behavioral activation: A treatment approach for a Latino family. Clinical Case Studies 16(1), 9–24. 14 Martínez Jr., C.R., with McClure, H.H., Eddy, J.M., & Wilson, D.M. (2011). Time in U.S. residency and the social, behavioral, and emotional adjustment of Latino immigrant families. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 33(3), 323–349. 15 Waters & Gerstein Pineau (2015): 364 16 Karberg, E., Cabrera, N., Fagan, J., Scott, M.E., & Guzman, L. (2017) Family stability and instability among low- income Hispanic mothers with young children. (Brief No. 2017-12). Bethesda, MD: National Research Center on Hispanic Children & Families. 17 Rogerson, S. (2013). Lack of detained parents’ access to the family justice system and the unjust severance of the parent-child relationship. Family Law Quarterly, 47(2), 141–172. 18 Scott, J., with Faulkner, M., Berger Cardoso, J., and Burstain, J. (2014) Kinship care and undocumented Latino children in the Texas foster care system: Navigating the child welfare-immigration crossroads. Child Welfare, 93(4), 53–69. 19 Patten, E., & Livingston, G. (2016, April). Why is the teen birth rate falling? Retrieved from the Pew Research Center website: http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/04/29/why-is-the-teen-birth-rate-falling/ 20 Welti, K. with Wildsmith, E., & Manlove, J. (2011). Trends and recent estimates: Contraceptive use among U.S. teens and young adults. (Child Trends Research Brief 2011-12). Washington, DC: National Research Center on Hispanic Children & Families. 21 Fuxman, S., with de los Santos, S., Finkelstein, D., Landon, M.K., & O’Donnell, L. (2015) Sources of Information on sex and antecedents of early sexual initiation among urban Latino youth. American Journal of Sexuality Education, 10(4), 333–350. 22 Patten, E., & Livingston, G. (2016, April). Why is the teen birth rate falling? Retrieved from the Pew Research Center website: http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/04/29/why-is-the-teen-birth-rate-falling/ 23 Fuxman, de los Santos, Finkelstein, Landon, & O’Donnell (2015), 333–350.
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24 Quelopana, A.M., & Alcalde, C. J. (2014). Immigrant Minority Health, 16, 1001. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1007/s10903-013-9807-7 25 Doty, M.M., & Collins, S. R. (2017). Millions more Latino adults are insured under the Affordable Care Act. To the Point, The Commonwealth Fund. Retrieved from http://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/blog/2017/jan/more-latino-adults-insured 26 DeCamp, L.R., & Bundy, D.G. (2012). Generational status, health insurance, and public benefit participation among low-income Latino children. Maternal and Child Health Journal, 16, 735–743. 27 Pantoja, A.D., Ramírez, R., & Segura G.M. (2001) Citizens by choice, voters by necessity: Patterns in political mobilization by naturalized Latinos. Political Research Quarterly, 54(4), 729–750; Martínez, L.M. (2005). Yes we can: Latino participation in unconventional politics. Social Forces, 84(1), 135–55; Bada, X., Fujimoto, K., & Schmit, J. (2011). Does birth place matter? Determinants of non-electoral civic and political engagement. Diálogo, 14(1). Retrieved from http://via.library.depaul.edu/dialogo/vol14/iss1/10 28 Barreto, M.A., & Muñoz, J.A. (2003). Reexamining the ‘politics of in-between’: Political participation among Mexican immigrants in the United States.” Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 25(4), 427–447. doi:http://dx.doi.org.proxy.cc.uic.edu/10.1177/0739986303258599; Waters & Gerstein Pineau (2015). 29 Jones-Correa, M. (1998). Different paths: Gender, immigration and political participation. The International Migration Review, 32(2), 326–349; DeCamp, L.R., & Bundy, D.G. (2012). Generational status, health insurance, and public benefit participation among low-income Latino children. Maternal and Child Health Journal, 16, 735–743; Espino, R., Leal, D.L., & Meier, K.J. (2007) Latino politics: Identity, mobilization, and representation. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press; Okamoto, D., & Ebert, K. (2010). Beyond the ballot: Immigrant collective action in gateways and new destinations in the United States.” Social Problems, 57(4): 529-558. doi:10.1525/sp.2010.57.4.529; García Bedolla, L. (2003). The identity paradox: Latino language, politics, and selective dissociation. Latino Studies, 1(2), 266-283. 30 Price, P.L., Lukinbeal, C., Gioioso, R.N., Arreola, D.D., Fernández, D.J., Ready, T., & Torres, M.A. (2011). Placing Latino Civic Engagement. Urban Geography, 32(2), 179–207. 31 Pearson-Merkowitz, S. (2012). The limits of the homogeneity model: Segregation and civic engagement in Latino communities. American Politics Research 40(4), 701–736. 32 Kteily, N., & Bruneau, E. (2017). Backlash: The politics and real-world consequences of minority group dehumanization. In Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 43(1), 87–104. 33 González-Barrera, A. (2017, June). Mexican lawful immigrants among the least likely to become U.S. citizens. Retrieved from Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project website: http://www.pewhispanic.org/2017/06/29/mexican-lawful-immigrants-among-least-likely-to-become-u-s-citizens/ 34 González-Barrera, A. (2017, June). Mexican lawful immigrants among the least likely to become U.S. citizens. Retrieved from Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project website: http://www.pewhispanic.org/2017/06/29/mexican-lawful-immigrants-among-least-likely-to-become-u-s-citizens/ 35 Portes, A., Escobar, C., & Arana, R. (2008). Bridging the gap: Transnational and ethnic organizations in the political incorporation of immigrants in the United States.” Ethnic and Racial Studies, 31(6), 1056–1090; Ramírez, R., & Félix, A. (2011). Transnational stakeholders: Latin American migrant transnationalism and civic engagement in the United States. Harvard Journal of Hispanic Policy, 23, 59–82; Gershon, S.A., & Pantoja, A.D. (2014). Pessimists, optimists, and skeptics: The consequences of transnational ties for Latino immigrant naturalization. Social Science Quarterly, 95(2), 328–342. 36 Waters & Gerstein Pineau (2015): 174 37 Fraga, L.R., García, J.A., Hero, R.E., Jones-Correa, M., Martínez-Ebers, V., & Segura, G.M. (2006). Su casa es nuestra casa: Latino politics research and the development of American political science. The American Political Science Review, 100(4), 515–521. 38 Montoya, L.J., Hardy-Fanta, C., & García, S. (2000). Latina politics: Gender, participation, and leadership. Political Science and Politics, 33(3), 555–561; Bejarano, C.E. (2014). Latino gender and generation gaps in political ideology. Politics & Gender, 10(1), 62–88. 39 Naumann, L.P., with Benet-Martínez, V., & Espinoza, P. (2017). Correlates of political ideology among U.S.-born Mexican Americans: Cultural identification, acculturation attitudes, and socioeconomic status. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 8(1), 20–28. 40 Waters and Gerstein Pineau (2015): 182.
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41 Krogstad, J.M., & López, M.H. (2017). Black voter turnout fell in 2016, even as a record number of Americans cast ballots. Retrieved from Pew Research Center website: http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/05/12/black- voter-turnout-fell-in-2016-even-as-a-record-number-of-americans-cast-ballots/ 42 Krogstad, J.M., López, M.H., López, G., Passel, J.S., & Patten, E. (2016). Millennials make up almost half of Latino eligible voters in 2016; Youth, naturalizations drive number of Hispanic eligible voters to record 27.3 million. Retrieved from Pew Research Center Hispanic Trends Project website: http://www.pewhispanic.org/2016/01/19/millennials-make-up-almost-half-of-latino-eligible-voters-in-2016/ 43 Torres, M.A., with Rizzini, I., & del Río, N. (2013). Citizens in the present: Youth civic engagement in the Americas. Baltimore, MD: University of Illinois Press. 44 Torres, Rizzini, & del Río (2013). 45 Flores-González, N. (2017). Citizens, but not Americans: Race and belonging among Latino millennials. New York, NY: New York University Press. 46 Ballard, P. J. (2016). Longitudinal links between discrimination and civic development among Latino and Asian Adolescents. Journal of Research in Adolescence, 26(4), 723–737. 47 Marchi, R. (2017). New Translators: Latino Immigrant youth, social change and citizenship training. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 4(1), 189–212. 48 Bennett, W. L., with Well, C., & Freelon, D. (2011). Communicating civic engagement: Contrasting models of citizenship in the youth web sphere. Journal of Communication, 61(5), 835–856. 49 Chapa, J. (2000). The burden of interdependence: Demographic, economic, and social prospects for Latinos in the reconfigured U.S. economy. In F. Bonilla, E. Meléndez, & R. Morales (Eds.), Borderless borders: U.S. Latinos, Latin Americans, and the paradox of interdependence (pp. 71–82). Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. 50 Kochhar, R. (2014) Latino jobs growth driven by U.S. born. Pew Research Center. http://www.pewhispanic.org/2014/06/19/latino-jobs-growth-driven-by-u-s-born/ 51 Weeks, M. (2014) Minorities energize U.S. Consumer Market, according to UGA Multicultural Economy report. Retrieved from UGA Today website: https://news.uga.edu/multicultural-economy-report-2014/ 52 Córdova, T. (2016). The neoliberal policy regime and implications for Latino studies scholarship. Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies, 41(1), 55–83. 53 Schink, W., & Hayes-Bautista, D. (2017). Latino gross domestic product (GDP) report: Quantifying the impact of American Hispanic growth. Beverly Hills, CA: Latino Donor Collaborative. 54 Stanford Graduate School of Business. State of Latino Entrepreneurship 2017 Research Report. Retrieved from https://www.gsb.stanford.edu/sites/gsb/files/publication-pdf/report-slei-state-latino-entrepreneurship-2017.pdf 55 Stanford Graduate School of Business. State of Latino Entrepreneurship 2017 Research Report. 56 U.S. Small Business Administration Issue Brief Number 12. (2016, September 14). Minority Business Ownership: Data from the 2012 Survey of Business Owners. Retrieved from https://www.sba.gov/sites/default/files/advocacy/Minority-Owned-Businesses-in-the-US.pdf 57 Stanford Graduate School of Business. State of Latino Entrepreneurship 2017 Research Report. 58 Stanford Graduate School of Business. “State of Latino Entrepreneurship” 2017 Research Report. 59 Budiman, A., & Conner, P. (2018). Migrants from Latin America and the Caribbean sent a record amount of money to their home countries in 2016. Pew Research Center. Retrieved from http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/01/23/migrants-from-latin-america-and-the-caribbean-sent-a- record-amount-of-money-to-their-home-countries-in-2016/ 60 Robles, B. (2007). Financial services and product usage by Latinos in the United States. Filene Research Institute. Retrieved from https://filene.org/assets/pdf-reports/142_Robles_Latino_Financial_Services.pdf 61 Robles, B. J., & Cordero-Guzmán, H. (2007). Latino self-employment and entrepreneurship in the United States: An overview of the literature and data sources. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 613(1), 18-31. doi:10.1177/0002716207303541 62 United States Department of Labor. Women’s Bureau. (2015) Retrieved from https://www.dol.gov/wb/resources/hispanic_wlf_infographic.pdf 63 United States Department of Labor. Retrieved from https://www.doleta.gov/naws/pages/research/data- tables.cfm 64 Waters & Gerstein Pineau (2015). 65 López-Garza, M. (2002). A study of the informal economy and Latina/o immigrants in Greater Los Angeles. In M. López-Garza & D. Días (Eds.), Asian and Latino immigrants in a restructuring economy (pp. 141–163). Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. 42
66 Theodore, N. (2015). Generative work: Day labourers’ Freirean praxis. Urban Studies, 52(11), 2035–2050; Robinson, W. I. (2006). Aquí estamos y no nos vamos! Global capital and immigrant rights. Race & Class, 48(2), 77– 91. 67 Lubin, J. (2014), Inclusion and exclusion of Latinos in the Affordable Care Act: Challenges and opportunities for achieving health equity. Harvard Journal of Hispanic Policy, 26, 21–41. 68Barboza, G., Ghilarducci, T., Richman, K. and Sun, W. (2008). La Tercera Edad: Latinos’ pensions, retirement and impact on families. University of Notre Dame. Retrieved from https://www.nefe.org/Portals/0/WhatWeProvide/PrimaryResearch/PDF/LatinosSavingRetirement_NotreDameFin alRpt.pdf 69 United States Department of Labor. Women’s Bureau. (2015) Retrieved from https://www.dol.gov/wb/resources/hispanic_wlf_infographic.pdf 70 Córdova, T. (2016). The neoliberal policy regime and implications for Latino studies scholarship. Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies, 41(1), 55–83. 71 Katz, V.S., & González, C. (2016). Community variations in low-income Latino families’ technology adoption and integration. American Behavioral Scientist, 60(1), 59–80. doi:10.1177/0002764215601712 72 National Center for Education Statistics. (2017). Fast Facts: Back to School Statistics 2017. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=372 73 National Center for Education Statistics. (2016). Table 322.20. Bachelor's degrees conferred by postsecondary institutions, by race/ethnicity and sex of student: Selected years, 1976-77 through 2014-15. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d16/tables/dt16_322.20.asp?current=yes. 74 National Center for Education Statistics. (2016). 75 National Center for Education Statistics. (NCES) 2017. Fast Facts: Back to School Statistics 2017. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=372 76 National Center for Education Statistics. (2015). 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(2017). Status and trends in the education of racial and ethnic groups 2017. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/pubs2017/2017051.pdf 80 Sáenz, V.B., & Ponjuan, L. (2009) The vanishing Latino male in higher education. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 8(54). doi:10.1177/1538192708326995 81 Complete college America. Corequisite remediation: Planning the completion divide. Retrieved from http://completecollege.org/spanningthedivide/#far-too-many-students-start-in-remediation 82 Gildersleeve, R.E., & Vigil, D. (2015). Institutionalizing support for undocumented Latino/a students in American higher education. doi:https://doi.org/10.1002/he.20151; Sahay, K. M., Thatcher, K., Núñez, C., Lightfoot, A. (2016). “It’s like we are legally, illegal”: Latino/a youth emphasize barriers to higher education using photovoice. The High School Journal, 100(1), 45–6; Suárez-Orozco et al. (2015). Undocumented undergraduates on college campuses: Understanding their challenges and assets and what it takes to make an undocufriendly campus. Harvard Educational Review, 85(3), 427–463. 83 Santiago, D.A., & Cunningham, L.F. (2005). How Latinx students pay for college: Patterns of financial aid in 2003- 04. Washington, DC: Excelencia in Education. Retrieved from http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED506050.pdf. 84 Swail, W. S., Cabrera, A. F., Lee, C., & Williams, A. (2005). Latinx Students and the Educational Pipeline, Part III: Pathways to the bachelor’s degree for Latinx students. Washington, DC: Educational Policy Institute. Retrieved on April 28, 2017 from http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED499873.pdf. 85 Institute for Higher Education Policy for the Initiative on Transfer Policy and Practice. (2012). Understanding the Transfer Process. 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Creating a web of support: An important leadership strategy for advancing campus diversity. Higher Education. 55(1), 69–92; Hubbard, S. M., & Stage, F. K. (2009). Attitudes, perceptions, and preferences of faculty at Hispanic serving and predominantly black institutions. The Journal of Higher Education, 80(3), 270–289. doi:10.1080/00221546.2009.11779013 95 Bailey, B. (2000). Language and negotiation of ethnic/racial identity among Dominican Americans. Language in Society, 29(4), 555–582; Sánchez, D. & Chávez, G. (2010). Are you minority enough? Language ability affects targets’ and perceivers’ assessments of a candidate’s appropriateness for affirmative action. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 32(1), 99–107; Wilton, L.S., with Sanchez, D.T., & Chávez, G. (2013). Speaking the language of diversity: Spanish fluency, white ancestry and skin color in the distribution of diversity awards to Latinos. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 35(4), 346–359; Negrón, R. (2014). New York City’s Latino ethnolinguistic repertoire and the negotiation of latinidad in conversation. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 18(1), 87–118 96 Hill, J.H. (1998). Language, race, and white public space. American Anthropologist, 100(3), 680–689; García Bedolla, L. (2003). The identity paradox: Latino language, politics, and selective dissociation. Latino Studies, 1(2), 266-283; Delerme, S. (2013). The Latinization of Orlando: Language, whiteness, and politics of place. Centro Journal, 25(11), 60–95; Davis, T.Y. and Moore, W.L. (2014). Spanish not spoken here: Accounting for the racialization of the Spanish language in the experiences of Mexican migrants in the United States. Ethnicities, 14(5), 676–697; Rosa, J.D. (2016). Standardization, racialization, languagelessness: Raciolinguistic ideologies across communicative contexts. 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Mass Communication and Society, 17(1), 54–73. 102 Piñón & Rojas (2011): 129–147; Ortiz, M. & Behm-Morawitz, E. (2015). Latinos’ perceptions of intergroup relations in the United States: The cultivation of group-based attitudes and beliefs from English- and Spanish- language television. Journal of Social Issues, 71(1), 90–105. 103 Machado-Casas, M. (2012). Pedagogías del camaleón/Pedagogies of the chameleon: Identity and strategies of survival for transnational indigenous Latino immigrants in the U.S. South. Urban Review, 44(5), 534–550; 44
Baquedano-López, P., & Borge Janetti, G. (2017). The Maya diaspora Yucatan-San Francisco: New Latino educational practices and possibilities. In S. Salas & P. Portes (Eds.), U.S. Latinization: Education and the new Latino South (pp. 161–183). New York, NY: SUNY Press. 104 Bailey, B. (2000). Language and negotiation of ethnic/racial identity among Dominican Americans. Language in Society, 29(4), 555–582. 105 Delerme (2013): 60–95. 106 Cervantes-Soon, C.G. (2014). A critical look at dual language immersion in the new Latin@ diaspora. Bilingual Research Journal, 37(1), 64–82; Katznelson, N., & Bernstein, K.A. (2017). Rebranding bilingualism: The shifting discourses of language education policy in California’s 2016 election. Linguistics and Education, 40, 11–26. 107 Hoff, E., with Core, C., Place, S., Rumiche, R., Señor, M., & Parra, M. (2012). Dual language exposure and early bilingual development. Journal of Child Language, 39(1), 1–27. 108 Watzinger-Tharp, J., with Swenson, K., & Mayne, Z. (2016). Academic achievement of students in dual language immersion. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism. doi:10.1080/13670050.2016.1214675 109 Lindholm-Leary, K., & Block, N. (2010). Achievement in predominantly low SES/Hispanic dual language schools. Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 13(1), 43–60; Simon-Cereijido, G., with Gutiérrez-Clellen, V., & Sweet, M. (2013). Predictors of growth or attrition of the first language in Latino children with specific language impairment. Applied Psycholinguistics, 34, 1219–1243. Davis, T.Y., & Moore, W.L. (2014). Spanish not spoken here: Accounting for the racialization of the Spanish language in the experiences of Mexican migrants in the United States. Ethnicities, 14(5), 676–697; Potowski, K. (2016). Bilingual youth: Spanish-speakers at the beginning of the 21st century. Language and Linguistic Compass, 10(6), 272–283; Palermo, F., with Mikulski, A., Fabes, R., Martin, C., & Hanish, L. (2017). Cross-language associations and changes in Spanish-speaking preschoolers’ English and Spanish academic abilities. Applied Psycholinguistics, 38(2), 347–370. 110 Hoff, E., with Core, C., Place, S., Rumiche, R., Señor, M., & Parra, M. (2012). Dual language exposure and early bilingual development. Journal of Child Language, 39(1), 1–27. 111 Lucero, A. (2018). Oral narrative retelling among emergent bilinguals in a dual language immersion program. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 21(2), 248–264. 112 Parkes, J., & Tenley, R. (2011). How satisfied are parents of students in dual language education programs?: ‘Me parece maravillosa la gran oportunidad que le están dando a estos niños.’ International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 14(6), 701–718. 113 The ICAA-MFAH Digital Archive and Documents, the University of Notre Dame MidLAD, The UCLA/CSRC A Ver: Revisioning Art History Series and the UIC ArTchive are examples of projects contributing to a research infrastructure. For discussions about these initiatives see Noriega, C.A. (2012). Encuentros: Rethinking America through artistic exchange. American Art Journal, 26(2), 2–6; Herrera, O.U., & Gaztambide, M.C. (2017). En Diálogo: Contemporary Latin American and Latino art. Diálogo, 20(1), 3–8; Ramírez, M.C. & Papanikolas, T. (2002). Collecting Latin American art for the 21st century. Houston, TX: International Center for the Arts of the Americas; González, R. (2003, April). Archiving the Latino arts before it is too late. (Latino Policy and Issues Brief No. 6). UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center; Caragol, T.B. (2005a). Archives of reality: Contemporary efforts to document Latino art. American Art Journal, 19(3), 2–8; Ybarra-Frausto, T. (2005) Imagining a more expansive narrative of American art. American Art Journal, 19(3), 9–15; Noriega, C.A. (2005). Preservation matters. Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies, 30(1), 1-20; Grimm, T. (2005, April). Identifying and preserving the history of the Latino visual arts: Survey of archival initiatives and recommendations. (Research Report, No. 6). UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center; Herrera, O.U. (2008). Toward the preservation of a heritage: Latin American and Latino art in the Midwestern United States. South Bend, IN: University of Notre Dame; Grimm, T.B., & Noriega, C.A. (2013). Documenting regional Latino arts and culture: Case studies for a collaborative, community-oriented approach. The American Archivist, 76(1), 95–112. 114 Vargas, G. (2000). A historical overview/update on the state of Chicano art. In D.R. Maciel, I.D. Ortiz, & M. Herrera-Sobek. (Eds.), Chicano Renaissance: Contemporary Cultural Themes. Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press; Vargas, G. (2010). Contemporary Chican@ art: Color and culture for a new America. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press; Ybarra-Frausto, T. (2005) Imagining a more expansive narrative of American art. American Art Journal, 19(3), 9–15; Ramos, E.C. (2014). Our America: The Latino presence in American Art. London: D. Giles Limited. 115 Anreus, A. (2009). Contra-notas. Irreverent thoughts and questions on Latino and Latin American art. Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies, 34(1), 263-275; Olea, H., Ramírez, M.C., & Ybarra-Frausto, T. (2012). Resisting categories. In H. Olea, M.C. Ramírez, & T. Ybarra-Frausto, (Eds.), Resisting Categories: Latin American and/or 45
Latino? (pp. 40-49). Houston: The Museum of Fine Arts, Houston; Noriega, C.A., González, R., & Fox, H. (2008). Phantom sightings: Art after the Chicano Movement. Oakland, CA: University of California Press. 116 See Noriega, González, & Fox (2008); Salceda, R.G. (2014). The new wave of identity politics, Juan Capistran’s White Minority. American Art Journal, 28(1), 24-31; Cerejido, E. Cuban (American) Art: Beyond nation and diaspora (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Florida, Gainesville, FL.; Vaugh, S.L., & Sorell, V. (2015). Born of resistance: Cara a cara encounters with Chicana/o visual culture. Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press. 117 See Cornejo, K. (2015). Does that come with a hyphen? A space? The question of Central American-American in Latino art and pedagogy. Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies, 40(1), 189-209; Herrera & Gaztambide (2017): 3–8. 118 Malagamba, A. (2006). Caras vemos, corazones no sabemos: Faces seen, Hearts unknown. Notre Dame, IN: Snite Museum, University of Notre Dame; O'Reilly Herrera, A. (2011). Cuban artists across the diaspora: Setting the tent against the house. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press; McEwen, A. (2015). Olga Albizu and the borders of abstraction. American Art Journal, 29(2), 86–111. 119 Salceda (2014): 24-31; Noriega, González, & Fox (2008); Ramírez, Y. (2007). The activist legacy of Puerto Rican artists in New York and the art heritage of Puerto Rico. (Working Paper No. 1). ICAA Documents Project, 46–53. Retrieved from https://icaadocs.mfah.org/icaadocs/Portals/0/WorkingPapers/No1/Yasmin%20Ramirez.pdf; Cerejido, Cuban (American) Art: Beyond nation and diaspora; Caragol (2005); O'Reilly Herrera (2011). 120 Noriega, C.A., González, R., Fox, H. (2008); Hernández, R. et al. (2017). Mundos alternos: Art and science fiction in the Americas. Riverside, CA: UCR Artsbloc; Chavoya, C.O., & González, R. (2011). ASCO: Elite of the Obscure: A Retrospective 1972-1987. Berlin: Hatje Can; Hernández, R. (2009). The fire of life: The Robert Legorreta-Cyclona collection. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center; Chavoya, C.O. (2018). Axis mundo: Queer networks in Chicano L.A. New York, NY: Prestel; Fajardo-Hill, C. & Guerrero, M. (2017). Latina art through the exhibition lens, Radical Women: Latin American Art, 1960-1985. Diálogo, 20(1), 133–140; Cosentino, D. (2017). Geography Unbound in Héctor Duarte’s Mariposas migrantes. Diálogo, 20(1), 101–112. Reinoza, T. (2017). Retorno: Salvadoran repatriation and the landscapes of memory: Interview with Mark Menjivar. Diálogo, 20(1), 181-186; Dardashti, A.L. (2017). El Dorado: The Neobaroque in Dominican American art. Diálogo, 20(1), 73–78; Aranda-Alvarado, R. (2017). Among the islands: Dominican art at home and abroad. In T. Flores (Ed.), Relational undercurrents: Contemporary art of the Caribbean archipelago (205-218). Durham, NC: Duke University Press; Noriega, C.A., Ramírez, M., & Tompkins Rivas, P. (Eds.). (2018). Home – so different, so appealing. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center Press. 121 Ríos Bustamante, A. et al. (1998) Latinos and museums: A heritage reclaimed. Malabar, FL: Krieger Publishing Company; Gaspar de Alba, A. (1998). Chicano art inside/outside the master’s house: Cultural politics and the CARA exhibition. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press; Dávila, A. (1999). Latinizing culture: Art, museums and the politics of U.S. multicultural encompassment. Cultural Anthropology, 14(2), 180–202; Dávalos, K.M. (2001). Exhibiting mestizaje: Mexican (American) museums in the diaspora. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press; Dávalos, K.M. (2017). Chicano remix: Art and errata since the sixties. New York, NY: New York University Press; Ramírez, Y. (2007). The activist legacy of Puerto Rican artists in New York and the art heritage of Puerto Rico. (Working Paper No. 1). ICAA Documents Project, 46–53. Retrieved from https://icaadocs.mfah.org/icaadocs/Portals/0/WorkingPapers/No1/Yasmin%20Ramirez.pdf.; Caragol (2005a): 2–8; Herrera, O.U. (2012). Smithsonian Institution Latino, Hispanic and Latin American art collections. (Report). Washington, DC: Smithsonian Latino Center; Ramos, E.C. (2014). Our America: The Latino presence in American Art. London: D. Giles Limited; Reinoza, T. (2015) Latino print cultures in the U.S., 1970-2008 (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Texas at Austin. 122 Zavala, A. (2015, October 6) Latino art at the intersection. Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies, 40(1), 125–140; Villaseñor Black, C. (2017, October 6). Teaching and writing the art histories of Latino American Los Angeles: Institutional challenges. Getty Keynote address. 123 Case-Leal, J. Art Statistics 2016-2017. (Study conducted by Arts in NYC course at CUNY Guttman College). Retrieved from http://www.havenforthedispossessed.org 124 Schonfeld, R., & Westermann, M. (2015). The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Art Museum staff demographic survey. Retrieved from https://mellon.org/media/filer_public/ba/99/ba99e53a-48d5-403 80e166f9ba1c020e/awmf_museum_diversity_report_aamd_7-28-15.pdf 125 Ramírez, Y. (2005). Nuyorican vanguards, political actions, poetic visions. A history of Puerto Rican artists in New York: 1964-1984 (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). CUNY Graduate Center, New York, NY; Dávalos, K.M. (2017). Chicano remix: Art and errata since the sixties. New York, NY: New York University Press; Noriega, C.A., Romo, T., & 46
Tompkins Rivas, P. (Eds.). (2011) L.A. Xicano. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center Press; Reinoza (2015). 126 Bedoya, R. (2014). Spatial justice: Rasquachification, race and the city. Retrieved from the Creative Time Reports website: http://cretivetimereports.org/2014/09/15/spatial-justice-rasquachification-race-and-the-city/; De León, M.L. (2017). Ethics of development: A shared sense of place. In How to do creative placemaking (pp. 78-81). Washington, DC: National Endowment for the Arts. 127 Guzmán, J. (2017, May). Creative placemaking. Paper presented at the Siglo XXI Conference at the University of Texas at San Antonio.
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APPENDIX 1 IUPLR MEMBER INSTITUTIONS
CUNY Dominican Studies Institute Department of Latin American and Latina/o The City College of New York Studies 160 Convent Ave. John Jay College of Criminal Justice North Academic Center 4/107 City University of New York (CUNY) New York, NY 10031-9198 524 West 59th St., Room 8.63.00 NB Director: Ramona Hernández, Ph.D. New York, NY 10019 Phone: 212-650-7496, Fax: 212-650-7489 Chair: Lisandro Pérez, Ph.D. E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 212-237-8708 / 8749, Fax: 212-237-8664 https://www.ccny.cuny.edu/dsi/ Email: [email protected] https://www.jjay.cuny.edu/department-latin- Center for Latino Research american-and-latinao-studies DePaul University 2320 North Kenmore Ave., SAC, 5A-H The Julián Samora Research Institute Chicago, IL 60614 Michigan State University Director: Elizabeth C. Martínez, Ph.D. 219 S. Harrison Rd., Room 93 Phone: 773-325-7316 (general); 773-325-4373 East Lansing, MI 48824 (director) Director: Rubén Martínez, Ph.D. Fax: 773-325-7166 Phone: 517-432-1317, Fax: 517-432-2221 Email: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] https://las.depaul.edu/centers-and-institutes/center- https://jsri.msu.edu for-latino-research/Pages/default.aspx Center for Latino and Latin American Studies Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños Northern Illinois University Hunter College, CUNY 515 Garden Rd. 695 Park Ave., Room E1429 DeKalb, IL 60115 New York, NY 10021 Director: Christina Abreu, Ph.D. Director: Edwin Meléndez, Ph.D. Phone: 815-753-1531 Phone: 212-772-5695, Fax: 212-650-3673 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] https://niu.edu/latino-studies/index.shtml https://centropr.hunter.cuny.edu Center for Mexican American Studies Cuban Research Institute University of Houston Florida International University Agnes Arnold Hall Modesto A. Maidique Campus 3553 Cullen Blvd., Room 323 Deuxieme Maison, 445 Houston, TX 77204-3001 11200 SW 8th St. Director: Pamela Anne Quiroz, Ph.D. Miami, FL 33199 Phone: 713-743-3134 Director: Jorge Duany, Ph.D. Email: [email protected] Phone: 305-348-1991, Fax: 305-348-7463 http://www.uh.edu/class/cmas/ Email: [email protected] http://cri.fiu.edu
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César E. Chávez Institute El Instituto: Institute of Latina/o, Caribbean, San Francisco State University and Latin American Studies College of Ethnic Studies University of Connecticut 1600 Holloway Ave. PP750 Beach Hall, Room 413 San Francisco CA 94132 354 Mansfield Rd., Unit 2137 Director: Belinda Reyes, Ph.D. Storrs CT 06269-2137 Phone: 415-405-7586 Director: Samuel Martínez, Ph.D. Email: [email protected] Phone: 860-486-4177, Fax: 860-486-2906 http://cci.sfsu.edu E-mail: [email protected] https://elin.uconn.edu Smithsonian Latino Center Smithsonian Institution Latin American and Latino Studies Program 600 Maryland Ave., SW, Suite 7042, MRC 512 University of Illinois at Chicago Washington, DC 20024 601 S. Morgan St. Executive Director: Eduardo Díaz, J.D. 1525 University Hall Phone: 202-633-1240, Fax: 202-633-1132 Chicago, IL 60607 E-mail: [email protected] Interim Director: María de los Ángeles Torres, http://latino.si.edu Ph.D. Phone: 312-996-2445, Fax: 312-996-1796 Center for Latino Policy Research E-mail: [email protected] University of California, Berkeley https://lals.uic.edu 2420 Bowditch St., #5670 Berkeley, CA 94720-5670 Mauricio Gastón Institute for Latino Director: Patricia Baquedano-López, Ph.D. Community Development & Public Policy Phone: 510-642-6903, Fax 510-643-8844 University of Massachusetts-Boston E-mail: [email protected] 100 Morrissey Blvd. http://clpr.berkeley.edu Boston, MA 02125-3393 Director: Lorna Rivera, Ph.D. Department of Chicana/Chicano Studies Phone: 617-287-5790, Fax: 617-287-5788 University of California at Davis E-mail: [email protected] 2102 Hart Hall https://www.umb.edu/gastoninstitute One Shields Ave. Davis, CA 95616 Office of Latino/Latin American Studies of the Director: Carlos Francisco Jackson, M.F.A. Great Plains Phone: 530-867-0947, Fax: 530-752-8814 University of Nebraska-Omaha E-mail: [email protected] Arts and Sciences Hall, Room 102 https://chi.ucdavis.edu/welcome-department- Omaha, NE 68182 chicana-and-chicano-studies Director: Cristián Doña-Reveco, Ph.D. Phone: 402-554-3835 Chicano Studies Research Center Email: [email protected] University of California, Los Angeles https://www.unomaha.edu/college-of-arts-and- 193 Haines Hall, Box 951544 sciences/ollas/index.php Los Angeles, CA 90095-1544 Director: Chon Noriega, Ph.D. Latino Research Center Phone 310-825-2363, Fax: 310-206-1784 University of Nevada-Reno E-mail: [email protected] 1664 N. Virginia St. http://www.chicano.ucla.edu Reno, NV 89557-0042 Director: Emma Sepúlveda, Ph.D. Phone: 775-784-1110 Email: [email protected] https://www.unr.edu/latino-center
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Southwest Hispanic Research Institute Center for Latino/a and Latin American University of New Mexico Studies (CLLAS) MSC02 1680 Wayne State University 1 University of New Mexico 656 W. Kirby, Room 3327 F/AB 1829 Sigma Chi Rd. NE Detroit, MI 48202 Albuquerque, NM 87131-0001 Director: Jorge L. Chinea, Ph.D. Director: Bárbara Reyes, Ph.D. Phone: 313-577-4378, Fax: 313-993-4073 Phone: 505-277-2965, Fax: 505-212-0342 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] http://www.clas.wayne.edu/cllas/ https://shri.unm.edu
Institute for Latino Studies University of Notre Dame 230 McKenna Hall Notre Dame, IN 46556-0764 Director: Luis Fraga, Ph.D. Phone: 574-631-1141, Fax: 574-631-3522 E-mail: [email protected] https://latinostudies.nd.edu
Center for Mexican American Studies The University of Texas at Austin West Mall Building, Suite 5.102, MC F9200 1 University Station Austin, TX 78712 Director: John Morán González Phone: 512-471-3531 E-mail: [email protected] https://liberalarts.utexas.edu/cmas/
Chicano Studies University of Texas at El Paso Graham Hall, Room 104 500 W. University Ave. El Paso, TX 79968 Director: Dennis Bixler-Márquez, Ph.D. Phone: 915-747-5462, Fax: 915-747-6501 E-mail: [email protected] http://academics.utep.edu/Default.aspx?alias=acad emics.utep.edu/chicano
UTSA Mexico Center University of Texas at San Antonio 501 W. Durango Blvd. Monterey Bldg., Room 2.260 San Antonio, TX 78207 Director: Harriett Romo, Ph.D. Phone: 210-458-2849, Fax: 210-458-2569 E-mail: [email protected] http://mxcenter.utsa.edu
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