POST-INDUSTRIAL SWEET:
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR SUCCESSFUL URBAN PARK DESIGN
A Thesis
Presented to
The Faculty of Graduate Studies
of
The University of Guelph
by
ROBERT CRAM
In partial fulfillment of requirements
for the degree of
Master of Landscape Architecture
April, 2011
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1*1 Canada ABSTRACT
POST-INDUSTRIAL SWEET: RECOMMENDATIONS FOR SUCCESSFUL URBAN PARK DESIGN
Robert Cram Advisor: University of Guelph, 2011 Maurice Nelischer
Over 50,000 brownfield sites have been identified across Canada. These properties, defined as sites with real or perceived contamination, offer significant potential to extend the green infrastructure of major urban centres. This research aims to ensure that the reintegration of these spaces is consistent with existing park-user preferences so that these, often negatively-perceived sites, can be transformed into functional and aesthetically-pleasing recreational hubs. Data was collected from three completed projects in Toronto, ON and Vancouver, BC. Nearly
150 park-users and several designers were interviewed to gain insight into how these spaces can be better designed and implemented. The presence of flexible spaces that catered to programmed events, commercial activity and accessibility were found to be central attributes to attracting users. To exemplify how the recommendations of the research can be readily applied to design, a sugar factory being considered for redevelopment in Vancouver, BC, is utilized as a demonstration.
Keywords: Urban park design; post-industrial rehabilitation; research based design; urban agriculture; heritage design; land reclamation; derelict land; post-industrial landscape ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The completion of this research is dependent on the support of a number of individuals and organizations. Firstly, I would like to thank my committee for their support and encouragement. Maurice Nelischer flexibly provided expertise in all areas of the research taking on the role of: research consultant; senior designer; editor-in-chief; scheduling manager; and the head of operations. The design insight and constructive criticism he provided during our Monday morning meetings often left me energized and motivated about the project. I was lucky to attend the program while such a humorous and vibrant character was director of the school.
Dr. Karen Landman not only provided remarkable assistance during this research but also ensured that the last three years were exciting, fascinating and fun. Over the last year, she aided in keeping both me and the research grounded and focused. She also recently surpassed my grandma, becoming the best editor I have ever met.
I would not only like to thank Sean Kelly for chairing my defense but also for being an excellent and flexible employer. Being a teaching assistant for Sean over the last four semesters has been a pleasure and though we never had him as a professor within the program, his knowledge has been vital to my education at the university.
I would like to acknowledge Evergreen for their support of this research.
More specifically, Bill Sinclair's enthusiasm and patience has been vital to this exercise. His inspirational vision for the Rogers' Sugar facility provided an excellent foundation for a demonstration design. Also within this organization, Allison Houser
i has been essential to the overall exercise. Supporting the research through being a great friend and research assistant. I would also like to recognize Evergreen, along with Artscape, The Toronto Stop and Granville Island for allowing me to utilize their sites to conduct interviews.
I would like to thank Megan Torza, David Leinster and Bryce Miranda for taking time from their busy schedules to participate in the research. The illumination they provided on the development and design of two of the case studies strongly impacted the outcome of the research. It was especially generous of Megan
Torza to go out of her way to provide the plans for both Evergreen Brick Works and
Artscape Wychwood Barns.
Importantly, I would like to recognize my friends and immediate family for their ongoing support and encouragement. I would first like to acknowledge the support of my mother, Lynne, who has always gone out of her way to support me in everything I pursue. I would also especially like to extend appreciation to two great friends: Kelsey Walker and Kelly Zatorski, who both graciously volunteered as research assistants. I would also like to salute Jesse Carp, Alex Hodgins and Chris
Schurmans for kindly allowing me to sleep on their couch for two weeks during the fall of 2010 while I conducted research in Vancouver. Special thanks as well to my friend and roommate Richard Rolls, who always displayed interest in the research during much appreciated, breaks.
In addition I would like to thank all of my classmates for being the fun and inspirational characters that they are. I cannot think of better people to have spent the last three years with.
ii TABLE OF CONTENTS
1.0 INTRODUCTION 01
1.1 BACKGROUND 01
1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM 04
1.3 GOALS AND OBJECTIVES 04
1.4 OVERVIEW OF THESIS 05
2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW 07
2.1 INTRODUCTION 07
2.2 MAJOR ACADEMIC CONTRIBUTIONS 08
2.3 LITERATURE REVIEW SUMMARY 17
3.0 METHODS 19
3.1 SOURCES AND DATA SETS 20
3.2 ANALYSIS 22
3.3 DEMONSTRATION DESIGN METHODOLOGY 24
3.4 METHODOLOGY FLOW CHART 25
3.5 LIMITATIONS OF STUDY 25
4.0 EVERGREEN BRICK WORKS CASE STUDY 27
4.1 INTRODUCTION 27
4.2 BACKGROUND 29
4.3 GENESIS 31
4.4 DESIGN/PROGRAMMING 33
4.5 CRITIQUE 39
4.6 PARK USER INTERVIEWS 40
ii 4.7 SUMMARY OF PARK USER INTERVIEWS 43
4.8 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS 44
5.0 ARTSCAPE WYCHWOOD BARNS AND WYCHWOOD BARNS PARK CASE STUDY 49
5.1 INTRODUCTION 49
5.2 BACKGROUND 52
5.3 GENESIS 54
5.4 DESIGN/PROGRAMMING 55
5.5 CRITIQUES 60
5.6 PARK USER INTERVIEWS 61
5.7 SUMMARY OF PARK USER FINDINGS 65
5.8 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS 66
6.0 GRANVILLE ISLAND 71
6.1 INTRODUCTION 71
6.2 BACKGROUND 72
6.3 GENESIS 74
6.4 DESIGN/PROGRAMMING 75
6.5 CRITIQUES 79
6.6 PARK USER INTERVIEWS 80
6.7 SUMMARY OF PARK USER INTERVIEWS 84
6.8 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS 85
7.0 CASE STUDY SUMMARY, ANALYSIS AND RESULTS 89
7.1 INTRODUCTION 89
iii 7.2 LITERATURE 90
7.3 RECOMMENDATIONS DERIVED FROM THE LITERATURE 93
7.4 PARK USER INTERVIEWS 94
7.5 SUMMARY OF PARK USER INTERVIEWS 101
7.6 INTERVIEWS WITH DESIGNERS 104
7.7 SUMMARY OF INTERVIEWS WITH DESIGNERS 106
7.8 CONCLUDING SUMMARY 107
8.0 DEMONSTRATION DESIGN 108
8.1 INTRODUCTION 108
8.2 CULTURAL HERITAGE 109
8.3 NATURAL HERITAGE Ill
8.4 SURROUNDING CONTEXT 112
8.5 ECOLOGICAL INVENTORY 113
8.6 OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS 113
8.7 CONCEPT 114
8.8 PLAN 116
8.9 APPLICATION OF DESIGN RECOMMENDATIONS 120
8.10 LIMITATIONS OF DEMONSTRATION DESIGN 127
9.0 CONCLUSION 129
9.1 FURTHER RESERARCH 129
9.2 CONCLUDING REMARKS 129
REFERENCES 132
iv APPENDIX 139
DESIGNER INTERVIEW QUESTIONAIRRE 139
PARK USER INTERVIEW QUESTIONAIRRE 139
PARK USER INTERVIEW FREQUENCIES 140
EVERGREEN BRICKWORK'S BUILDING RE-USE STRATEGIES 142
ARTSCAPE WYCHWOOD BARN'S BUILDING RE-USE STRATEGIES 144
LESSONS LEARNED BY MEGAN TORZA DURING THE WYCHWOOD BARNS PROJECT 145
v LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE 3.1: Flowchart displaying methodology 25
FIGURE 7.1: Park user interview comparative analysis 99
FIGURE 8.1: South facade of building 109
FIGURE 8.2: South facade and surrounding industrial area 109
FIGURE 8.3: Alliance Grain facility directly adjacent to site 109
FIGURE 8.4: View to North Vancouver and facility from nearby
residential neighbourhood 109
FIGURE 8.5: Raw sugar concept 115
FIGURE 8.6: Proposed conceptual plan for Rogers' Sugar site 119
FIGURE 8.7: Overview of site 120
FIGURE 8.8: View from roof of Roger's Sugar building 122
FIGURE 8.9: Entering the site via elevated pathway 124
FIGURE 8.10: Vertical agriculture and adaptive re-use 126
VI 1.0 INTRODUCTION
"The contemporary city is never complete and thus never totally different from its predecessors."
- E.C. Relph, Place and Placelessness (1976, p. 27)
1.1 BACKGROUND
Our relationship with the natural environment radically changed following the onset of the industrial revolution (Sattler, Li, Carlson & Day, 2001). Some, such as Krinke (2001), suggest the beginning of this era can be pinpointed to the invention of the steam engine in 1769. Much harder to pinpoint is the onset of the post-industrial revolution in developed countries (such as Canada), yet the evidence of its manifestation remains omnipresent. Beaugard & Haila (1997) propose that the decline of the manufacturing industry began to occur in the U.S. following World
War II, though the global division of labour is believed to have begun as early as the
19th century. For them, it was not until the 1970's that the presence of this phenomenon had implications for the landscape, as basic manufacturing facilities
(such as metals production and textiles) were left abandoned becoming today what we refer to as brownfields. The United States Environmental Protection Agency defines these as sites with real or perceived contamination issues (Kirwood, 2001).
Their emergence on the landscape was largely due to the economies of North
America shifting towards the service industry and advanced manufacturing. This outcome led to the visual presence of decaying structures and polluted sites in city centres and along major transportation routes. Their central location is dependent upon original interests in situating facilities near worker populations and sites that
1 offered efficient access to international markets. The first adaptive reuse project in
North America was Ghirardelli Square, San Francisco (CA), designed by the landscape architect Lawrence Halprin in 1962. Following the success of this space, similar projects were created across North American cities during the 1970's including: Fisherman's Wharf in San Francisco (CA), Navy Pier in Chicago (IL), and
Granville Island in Vancouver (BC) (Gorman, 2003). This popular trend was strengthened by policies such as the Comprehensive Environmental Response,
Compensation, and Liability Act of 1980 (better known as the Superfund), passed during the presidential administration of Richard Nixon and the Brownfield
Initiative created in 1993 by President Bill Clinton and Vice-President Al Gore. The
Brownfield Initiative alone has issued 500 grants for rehabilitation projects stimulating the creation of 7,000 jobs and "leveraging over $2.3 billion in private investment" (Dorsey, 2003, p. 71). While the advantages of utilizing these sites for urban renewal is becoming increasingly recognized, some, such as DeSousa (2002) suggest that few have taken full advantage of these sites' extraordinary potential as venues for community growth and environmental reintegration.
With the Canadian population increasingly migrating towards urban centres, it is expected that there will be an escalation in the demand for accessible public space. Given that potential opportunities for park development within cities is declining due to lack of open space, it is perceived that the public will show an amplified interest in creatively integrating post-industrial sites into the fabric of their community. This outcome seems likely given the observation that approximately 50,000 brownfield sites have been identified in Canada alone
2 (Quinlan, 2005). DeSousa (2002) reinforces the importance of these sites by noting that within urban Canadian settings, as much as 25% of the land is contaminated from previous industrial use. These sites have the potential to complement the existing infrastructure of urban public space given that they are often unsuitable for other types of development (e.g. residential), often exist in central locations and are often under-utilized or abandoned. The popular publication Maclean's identified brownfields as the "most visible sign of urban rot in the country" (Beltrame,
Bergman & Demont 2002,1J10). Marshall (2001) recognizes the significance that these sites have in negatively defining the image of city neighbourhoods, but reflects that they offer potential venues where this imagery can be reconstituted and remade. Gorman (2003) reiterates this perspective noting that abandoned warehouses, overgrown rail lines, dilapidated structures and other contaminated sites offer a negative aesthetic for local residents symbolizing the failure of local industries and environmental degradation. These sites also create significant concerns for safety and declining property values. When rehabilitated, these urban eyesores can become important venues for community interaction emerging as cultural landmarks for surrounding residents. Severcan & Barlas (2007) credit these sites with creating civic identity and encouraging local residents to explore conceptions of'self given their connection to generational divides and the heritage landscape. Smith (2008, Tf 1) suggests that these sites signify a "broader urban renaissance", improving the quality of life within urban centres. Brownfields, and more specifically waterfront brownfields rehabilitation developments, have also been recognized by some, such as Carmichael & McCann (2004), for their potential
3 to generate tax revenue streams and to stimulate local economic growth. The rehabilitation and development of brownfield sites offers the unique opportunity to showcase commitments to curtail environmental contamination while satisfying demands for increased access to green infrastructure from local residents and tourists, thereby energizing the local economy (Siikamaki & Wernstedt, 2008).
1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
Current literature on brownfield and post-industrial rehabilitation is vast, yet contains several important shortcomings. Existing studies often fail to incorporate existing user preferences; rely solely on secondary research or bias; focus on existing mega-projects; disregard varying scales of development; and present conclusions or findings that rarely have real-world implications for design. This research aims to ensure that the reintegration of these spaces is consistent with existing park-user preferences, so that these often negatively-perceived sites can be transformed into functional and aesthetically-pleasing recreational hubs based on lessons learned from existing projects. The recommendations generated from this research will then be applied to a demonstration site in Vancouver (BC) to visually demonstrate the conclusions reached.
1.3 GOALS AND OBJECTIVES
Goals:
1) To explore the realm of post-industrial development to further an understanding of major themes and issues
2) To aid future designers of these spaces through conveying major issues and developing recommendations
4 3) To provide a preliminary conceptual design for Evergreen.
Objectives:
1) To review existing literature on brownfields, post-industrial development and waterfront revitalization
2) To gain a clear understanding of the major issues related to the development and design of these spaces
3) To utilize three case studies from across Canada as a vantage point to create design and development recommendations based on secondary sources, interviews with designers and users
4] To apply these findings to a design demonstration site in Vancouver, British Columbia
1.4 OVERVIEW OF THESIS
This thesis is divided into 9 sections. Section 2.0 provides a literature review which discusses major academic contributions to the study area and how these previous studies aided in molding the focus of this research. Section 3.0 will explain the method used for this study, discussing how data was gathered, analyzed and applied to a site design. Sections 4.0, 5.0 and 6.0 examine three case studies and analyze them individually. Within these sections, the history, design and research findings will be presented to introduce readers to these spaces and how lessons learned from their implementation can be applied to similar sites across the country. The sites researched are Evergreen Brick Works (Toronto, ON), Artscape
Wychwood Barns and Wychwood Barns Park (Toronto, ON) and Granville Island
(Vancouver, BC). Section 7.0 compares the findings from these three sites and provides a coherent list of recommendations that have direct implications for post- industrial design in Canada. These recommendations are then applied to a
5 demonstration site in Vancouver, BC. Section 9.0, the conclusion, summarizes the major findings of the research and discusses several extraneous attributes encountered during the study and how they could have implications for future design and research.
6 2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 INTRODUCTION
The topic of brownfield rehabilitation has received extensive attention in academic literature. Marshall (2001) suggests that the subject of heritage waterfront development alone has generated its own academic discipline. This circumstance offers a significant advantage for this research, as extensive accessibility exists to a range of conflicting views and studies. Conversely, due to volume, this procedure required a considerable filtering process. The relevant literature has been primarily created within the disciplines of geography
(Wakefield, 2007), planning (Lehrer & Laidley, 2009) and public policy (DeSousa,
2002). The field of landscape architecture has also produced several important texts
(e.g. Kirkwood, 2001). These fields were all scrutinized, yet special attention was given to those perspectives emerging from landscape architecture professionals, and especially those that discussed the subject within the context of Canadian or
North American development. Unfortunately, post-industrial design has received little attention within the literature and therefore those articles that dealt specifically with successful and undesirable design attributes received the most attention within this research. Academic literature on brownfield development also frequently ignores the perspective of the users of these sites. In response to this finding, the research presented here attempts to expose user perspectives on brownfield sites within the urban Canadian context.
7 2.2 MAJOR ACADEMIC CONTRIBUTIONS
Academic literature on brownfields or waterfront rehabilitation largely focuses on several important attributes of development, yet unfortunately omits others. Major themes that are discussed within the literature include: the importance of community support; government sustenance and policy; case studies that rely on quantifiable measures such as cost or green technologies; approaches to design; heritage preservation and sustainability; ecological integration; rehabilitation techniques; and socio-economic controversies such as gentrification.
These themes will be briefly discussed, acknowledging major contributors to each subject.
The importance of community involvement and utilizing established public participation campaigns is frequently discussed in brownfields literature. As
DeSousa (2002, p. 191] notes, brownfield developments are often "plagued by public suspicion and mistrust regarding exposure levels to contamination." Due to this, many authors discuss the importance of educating and disseminating information to local communities prior to and during the development process.
Dorsey (2003) suggests that failing to do so has in the past created local protests and litigation lawsuits. Some, such as Bone (2003) and the Urban Land Institute
(2004), specifically note the importance of establishing grassroots community organizations to garner support during rehabilitation and to ensure long-term care for completed sites. Carmichael & McCann (2004) suggest that every effort should be made to include as many local residents and organizations as possible during the
8 initial phases of development. This is perceived as essential to reducing resistance from community members who may not attend public participation sessions and might aid in constructing public opposition. Quinlan (2005] recognizes public awareness and involvement as being paramount to achieving socio-economic benefits from these spaces. Some, such as McGovern (2008), discuss specific developments to evidence conclusions on the importance of community involvement. However, many authors who discuss the importance of involving local communities avoid utilizing case studies to evidence their claims. Also omitted by some authors are direct strategies for integrating community members into the design and development process. The importance of public partnership campaigns is often discussed as an absolute, where authors frequently make grandiose assertions while offering little or no evidence to support their arguments.
Several authors suggest the importance of forming public/private partnerships and the vital role that government bodies serve in aiding these developments. It is believed that the presence of public institutions inherently creates confidence among local residents that these sites will be successfully cleaned and reconstituted. Within the literature, policy is often referred to but not discussed in detail. The authors suggest that political entities should extend policies that encourage and support development but are reluctant to evidence how these bodies have and should take an active role in rehabilitation. Specific recommendations are also avoided as authors commonly reserve themselves to making broad recommendations that are difficult for public officials to adopt and implement.
9 Case studies are abundant within brownfields literature; unfortunately, these publications frequently discuss the lessons learned from North American mega- projects. Ignored in most case studies are user perspectives as many authors merely construct conclusions from discussing quantifiable data, referring to secondary or media sources or making direct observations. It is perceived here that these techniques for gathering information lead to researchers echoing the biases of previous authors and over-representing their personal beliefs. Farr (2007) discusses brownfields in relation to quantifiable data such as L.E.E.D. (Leadership in
Energy and Environmental Design) accreditation and energy output and though this information is useful for encouraging the propagation of 'green thinking', it does little to aid future designers in constructing functional community spaces. The
Urban Land Institute (2004) makes information on major projects available yet tends to focus on highly publicized developments such as those in Seattle (WA),
Boston (MA), Portland (OR), Toronto (ON) and Vancouver (BC). These case studies only serve to educate those engaged in major redevelopments and ignore smaller neighbourhood examples. Here, too, user feedback is often avoided and authors rely on merely producing attributes such as size, cost and other directly measureable qualities. Case studies such as these have been constructed by other authors in abundance, including: Keating, Krumholz & Wieland (2005), Lockwood (1996),
Raine (2003), Robertson (2008), Vogel (2007), Wakefield (2007), Warson (1998) and Fisher (1999). These case studies rarely diverge from discussing developments in major North American cities; this is perceived to be a gap within the literature.
10 These publications also tend to be descriptive and fail to construct specific recommendations or prescribe solutions for successful design and implementation.
Several authors do discuss general design guidelines for brownfields rehabilitation, though they often omit how these conclusions were reached. Often these frameworks for successful design are vaguely presented and largely useless, such as Loures & Panagopoulos' (2007, p. 793) principle for brownfield design that they should "protect and conserve quality landscapes." It is positioned here that overly-general guidelines do little in providing designers with the necessary tools to construct functional and attractive design. Trzesicka-Mlynarz's (2005) approach to categorizing potential design solutions for brownfields development is useful in her exploratory study, where she separates strategies into four major sections: design by reduction, modification, expansion and minimum intervention. This study provides an excellent starting point for understanding the complexities of brownfields development.
Apart from discussing general principles of design, some authors delve into more specific topics such as access, conserving viewpoints, security and safety, flexible design and the importance of diverse programming. Many authors, such as the Urban Land Institute (2004), Hudnut (1999) and Huang (2007) have stressed the importance of granting the public access to a waterfront, should one be present.
This access is presented as not only restricted to sites themselves but also as a cohesive means of active transportation along a city's waterfront (Urban Land
Institute, 2004). The creation of multiple modes of access is seen as paramount to a site's success; so, too, is the visual quality that visitors will experience while
11 commuting to and from the sites. Huang (2007) suggests that both visual and physical barriers should be minimized to encourage visitors to explore the site and surrounding area. Smith (2008) advises that these sites need to address vehicular circulation, parking, public transportation linkages and pedestrian connections to surrounding areas. The Urban Land Institute (2004) further suggests the importance of including access to housing as being central to any major waterfront project's success. Carmichael & McCann (2004) argue that these sites must reside near or encourage the development of a thriving commercial district. Carmichael &
McCann (2004) discuss the success of these projects as dependent upon developing channels of transportation to the surrounding cityscape; they offer a series of design strategies to ensure that these spaces are well integrated with their surrounding context:
[...] connection can be provided by trees that frame rather than block views to the water and by clearly defined gateway points, usually in the form of plazas or other large gathering spaces, that invite people in. New circulation paths should mesh with the existing civic corridors at regular intervals so people can easily find their way between the park and city. Parks are most likely to thrive when they are seamless extensions of the city's existing patterns and daily life (Carmichael & McCann, 2004, TflO).
Guidelines such as these are perceived as being useful for designers of these spaces, though the foundation from which their conclusions are drawn are relatively ambiguous. Carmichael & McCann (2004) further discuss the importance of making a space accessible while providing an atmosphere which users will find safe and comfortable. They suggest that deeply sunken areas should be avoided, lighting should be slightly brighter than the surrounding area, trees should be appropriately pruned, shrubs should be low to the ground and that the presence of evening events
12 and venues should be promoted.
Within the literature several authors also propose the importance of having a diverse range of program elements and flexible spaces that users can adapt to a variety of uses. This argument extends beyond a site's boundaries, as Hudnut (1999] cautions that without the presence of a variety of nearby attractions these sites are unlikely to be heavily-utilized. Within the site, Smith (2008, Tf9] suggests the importance of "creating stages for activity." For him it is vital to ensure that a range of programs exist to attract park users throughout the day during all seasons of the year. He proposes that the design of these rehabilitation projects should be flexible and adaptive so they can be constructed slowly, in phases over time. Constructing an appropriate and flexible programming plan is considered as being essential to a brownfield project's success. Greenberg (2006] reiterates the importance of creating a design that provides a stimulating framework from which others can develop and adapt uses; for him, design should be recognized as an ongoing process and not a means to an absolute end.
Discussions on, and support for, sustainability is also heavily prevalent within the brownfields and waterfront rehabilitation literature. Sustainability, however, is a very general term and the authors individually discuss topics ranging from heritage preservation, cultural integration, economic resilience, restoring and improving natural systems, and principles of efficient design and construction.
Some, such as Loures & Panagopoulos (2007], make broad suggestions, such as that sustainable development should primarily focus on preserving the genus loci of a
space. Smith (2008] stresses the importance of vivifying existing attributes of the
13 landscape so developments enhance local history and culture; he not only discusses the importance of preserving cultural heritage but also reactivating and strengthening previous and existing natural systems. The Canada Mortgage and
Housing Corporation (C.M.H.C.) (2007) defines and categorizes aspects of sustainable development and stipulates the importance of developing plans that are economically viable and self-sustaining overtime. Within C.M.H.C. publications, approaches to sustainable rehabilitation that seek merely to superficially preserve the exteriors of structures are rejected; this strategy to development is referred to as 'facadism' and is discredited as a means to promote local heritage and culture.
Dorsey (2003) sees the development of brownfields as inherently complementing environmental initiatives given that they reduce urban sprawl and discourage further development of existing greenfields. Others, such as Carmichael & McCann
(2004), focus on the importance of specific green techniques and how they can serve to extend the environmental and cultural benefits of brownfield development.
Due to the ambiguity surrounding the concept of sustainability, many authors address the subject broadly and offer few insights on its importance or application.
Some authors more specifically discuss design in relation to ecological integration and rehabilitation techniques. While many publications exist that suggest a range of environmental techniques to rehabilitate brownfields, few have employed these strategies or tested them. Kirkwood (2001) is exempted from this critique given that his text offers several important sections on design and implementation. Kirkwood (2001) addresses the importance of appropriately integrating these sites with the surrounding landscape, both visually and
14 ecologically. Krinke (2001, p.126) perceives these spaces as offering excellent potential to restore and extend "the healthy functioning of the ecosystem." This premise has since been expanded by Lafotezza, Sanesi, Pace, Corry & Brown (2004), who recognize the rehabilitation of these sites as having implications for the entire landscape, both socially and ecologically; more specifically they observed how these spaces could serve to complement existing patches and corridors for flora and fauna. Lafotezza, Sanesi, Pace, Corry & Brown (2004) assert the importance of doing contextual analyses to explore the potential that individual sites have in extending natural systems of the landscape. The publications produced within this category are perceived as being more helpful for design given the authors' tendency to develop clear recommendations and present coherent findings.
The most abundant topic discussed within academic publications on brownfield development is socio-economic considerations. This subject includes environmental justice, social exclusion, gentrification and industrial displacement.
These publications have been produced mainly within the discipline of geography and mostly view the redevelopment of these spaces as negative. Dorsey (2003) notes that contaminated industrial properties are disproportionately located in low- income or minority neighborhoods within North America; he does not perceive the rehabilitation of these sites as benefitting local communities. Beauregard & Haila
(1997) also present this perspective, believing that modern cities are fragmented and divided, and that the experience of local citizens can vary highly. Here it is stipulated that these developments transform productive or potentially productive sites into 'landscapes of consumption' that only service the elites and discourage the
15 creation of employment opportunities for the working class. Unfortunately, publications such as these often fail to present any findings to justify their claims.
The Urban Land Institute [2004] generally regards these developments as favourable, yet suggests the importance of preserving and complementing local industries during the development process. Hagerman (2007] utilizes the example of Portland (OR) as the basis of his arguments. He suggests that the development of these spaces displaces local working class populations, extends social exclusions and reinforces existing power structures. He claims their rehabilitation constructs a false narrative on previous industrial activities and presents them as over-romantic reincarnations. Lehrer & Laidley (2009, p. 787) further support this perspective stating that these projects are "reproducing rather than resolving urban inequality and disenfranchisement." Curran (2007) also addresses the phenomena of gentrification and the displacement of industrial and unskilled workers in
Williamsburg, Brooklyn (NY). Others, such as McGovern (2008) and Severcan &
Barlas (2007) further extend the tenets of these largely general and unfounded arguments. Within these publications, groups and organizations are often presented as corresponding to absolute dichotomous groups with unified ambitions and characteristics. For example, the authors frequently make references to groups such as 'developers', 'working class', 'capitalists', and the 'middle class'. The suggestion is commonly made that these groups actively attempt to subvert one another and are entirely mutually exclusive. Oversimplifications such as these lead to these publications being perceived as largely irrelevant given that little is offered as a basis to found these broad accusations. Within recent years, writings such as these
16 have emerged in higher frequency, influencing perceptions of brownfields development and the outcome of its practice.
2.3 LITERATURE REVIEW SUMMARY
Literature on brownfield or brownfield waterfront development is abundant.
Though the quantity of publications is high in frequency, significant gaps exist among recent studies. The majority of these publications rely on secondary or media sources, ignoring the perspective of common users of these spaces. They also generally rely on utilizing several common developments across North America, omitting smaller local initiatives. Recently, this subject area has received a substantial amount of negative attention. This research supports Wakefield's (2007, p. 300) proclamation that:
In recent years the focus has shifted to negative aspects of waterfront revitalization, such as: an emphasis on recreation and leisure at the expense of real work; the exclusion of local (often working-class) people; insufficient attention to ecological concerns; and limited public involvement in decision making.
Unfortunately, these studies generally fail to make specific recommendations for design (discussions on ecological integration are excluded from this critique) and offer little evidence to support their broad over-arching conclusions. This literature review concludes that what is needed within brownfields literature is the creation of peer-reviewed studies that construct specific guidelines for brownfield development and design within the urban Canadian context. Findings should be based on empirical research through such techniques as interviewing and surveying random users, recording the perspectives of designers, and observing user movements through these spaces. Research should also look at different scales of
17 development in an effort to create guidelines that can be applied to a variety of project types.
18 3.0 METHODS
In the summer of 2009, the researcher approached the western chapter of
Evergreen, a non-profit organization with a mission to "make cities more livable [...] by strengthening the connection between people and nature" (Evergreen, 2011).
This organization has many initiatives across the country but, at the time, the organization was rehabilitating the Don Valley Brick Works (see Section 4.0). Given an interest in post-industrial heritage design, the author approached the management offering my services for any potential research initiatives the organization was currently undertaking. The management disclosed there was interest in a heritage site in Vancouver, British Columbia and that they would be interested in exploring several themes related to urban agriculture, post-industrial development and brownfield rehabilitation. Working alongside members of the
Evergreen team and with the University of Guelph faculty, a framework was developed to explore the terrain of these subjects and create a demonstration design.
This research is primarily exploratory in nature, though, as Babbie &
Benaquisto (2002) note, seldom is research solely encapsulated by exploration, description or explanation. This study not only aims to explore common themes and principles within existing literature but also seeks to uncover new findings, dependent upon primary research. This research was undertaken to illuminate what attributes serve to attract users to these spaces and what factors encourage their development. The methods were developed, balancing an interest in obtaining the most useful and coherent results with the two largest constraints of the thesis: time
19 and funding. The methods that were utilized in the field were first tested in the spring of 2010, to ensure that the highest level of precision and accuracy could be achieved under the given circumstances.
3.1 SOURCES AND DATA SETS
The research commenced with an in-depth analysis of existing peer- reviewed academic literature. The subject areas researched transcended various disciplines and presented often-contradictory conclusions. After the relevant literature was reviewed, areas lacking in research related to design and development were identified and a suitable framework was developed. Case studies were recognized as an appropriate means for constructing applicable design and development recommendations. The criteria for selecting appropriate case study locations were that the site had to:
1) Be a post-industrial heritage re-use project where a strategy of minimum intervention was utilized
2) Be located within a major Canadian city
3) Be constructed to the point of substantial completion
4) Be utilized for food production and/or distribution
5] Employ a range of uses, including (but not limited to] industrial, commercial, institutional and/or recreational facilities
6] Contrast each other in scope, scale and location
The three sites that were selected were Evergreen Brick Works, located in
Toronto (ON); Artscape Wychwood Barns and Wychwood Barns Park, located in
Toronto (ON); and Granville Island, located in Vancouver (BC). The case studies
20 were researched from three perspectives: primary and secondary literature on design and implementation; designer interviews; and user interviews.
CASE STUDY LITERATURE REVIEW
A review of each site's history, development and design was conducted utilizing primary and secondary sources of information. These sources included magazine periodicals, academic journals, newspaper columns and books published by established individuals or organizations.
DESIGNER INTERVIEWS
Architects and landscape architects directly involved in the design and implementation of these sites were contacted and asked to voluntarily participate in a face-to-face interview or phone interview. A semi-structured interview questionnaire was developed to guide the interviews (see Appendix]. Interviews ranged in length from 30 minutes to just over an hour. During these sessions the researcher took notes.
USER INTERVIEWS
People utilizing these spaces, who appeared over the age of 18, were randomly selected utilizing the next-to-pass method, adapted from Lynn's (2003) study at the University of Guelph titled Effects of Recreational Use Impacts on Hiking
Experiences in Natural Areas. This method was utilized to prevent the selection of people who appeared more friendly and accommodating. Due to many people's hesitation when approached by men, three female research assistants were utilized who kindly volunteered 8 hours of their spare time for little more than a free t-shirt
21 and a couple of hot beverages. The research assistants conducted the interviews with individuals or groups while the researcher took notes. The questionnaire, too, was adapted from Lynn's (2003) study and consisted of 7 questions. This questionnaire can be found in the Appendix. These interviews were short and seldom lasted longer than a couple minutes. It should also be noted that the researchers positioned themselves in areas that were not intimidating or intrusive for users. That is, if users wanted to avoid us, they could easily do so. All of the interviews took place in an outdoor or semi-outdoor setting. Each site was visited twice to conduct interviews, once on a Saturday from 8:00 A.M. to 12:00 P.M. and once during the week from 2:00 P.M. to 4:00 P.M. during the autumn of 2010. These times were selected to ensure that a range of individuals and groups were sampled.
3.2 ANALYSIS
The data was analyzed using grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). The source primarily utilized for the research was Strategies of Qualitative Inquiry
(Denzin & Lincoln, 1998). More specifically, Janesick's chapter titled The Dance of
Qualitative Research Design (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998) was used to guide the analysis of the research.
CASE STUDY LITERATURE REVIEW
The case study literature was analyzed cumulatively following the completion of the data collection. Here, similar themes and attributes found across all three case studies were synthesized to create a set of recommendations. This was
22 completed through grounded theory coding. The recommendations that were created from this process were not ranked in importance.
DESIGNER INTERVIEWS
The notes collected during each interview were individually discussed within each case study. Cumulatively, the findings were coded employing the principles of grounded theory. Common themes and attributes noted across at least two of the interviews were utilized as recommendations in the results section. These findings were not ordered in perceived importance.
USER INTERVIEWS
This data was coded (then recoded, and then recoded again) until major categories and sub-categories became apparent. Each site was analyzed and frequencies were allotted to each category and sub-category if an interviewee discussed the importance of the specific attribute. It should be noted that the findings represent users' overall comments and not their responses under specific questions. This was done to ensure that individual respondents would not inflate certain attributes due to repetition. For example, if an interviewee discussed the same attribute across three questions, it would simply be coded that they mentioned the specific attribute and not that they discussed it three times. Once individual categories and sub categories were created, and frequencies were created, a scale of importance was developed. Depending on how many users discussed specific attributes, they were ranked as either being Most Important (20 + users), Very Important (10 - 19 users), Important (1-9 users) or having Little
23 Importance (0 users). These frequencies are presented in the Appendix. This was done for each site, individually, and a chart was developed to reflect these findings in a more coherent graphic manner {Figure 7.1). Overall importance was created by scoring the individual findings and not by combining the case study frequencies.
Here, Most Important scored a 3, Very Important a 2, Important a 1 and Little
Importance a 0. These scores were averaged and an overall score was given. This allowed each category and sub-category to be given an individual score. For example, if accessibility was found to be Most Important (3) for users at Granville
Island (A), Important (1) for users at Wychwood Barns (B) and Very Important (2) for users at Evergreen Brick Works (C), a score of 2 (A + B + C/3) would be achieved and this category overall would receive a Very Important standing within the research. These findings were adapted into a set of recommendations that are ordered in overall importance.
3.3 DEMONSTRATION DESIGN METHODOLOGY
The recommendations specific to design have been applied to the Rogers'
Sugar project in Vancouver (BC), providing a visual representation of the findings from the research. Graphics that specifically demonstrate the recommendations from the research were used.
24 3.4 METHODOLOGY FLOW CHART
Literature Review
Case Studies
Case Study Literature Designer Interviews Park-user Interviews ~w
Analysis
Recommendations
Demonstration Design
Conclusions
Figure 3.1: Flowchart displaying methodology
3.5 LIMITATIONS OF STUDY
The main limitations of the study are time and funding. The recommendations presented here merely offer a glimpse into how and why post- industrial spaces should be designed in Canada and by no means offers a definitive guide. Only three sites were utilized as case studies, given existing constraints. For future research, a greater range of sites and development types would contribute to generating more accurate and precise universal guidelines and recommendations.
25 Also, due to the semi-intrusive nature of the study, many people within
Vancouver (BC] and Toronto (ON) assumed we were trying to sell something or raise money as this is a common phenomena within major Canadian cities. Due to this, it is believed that certain groups of individuals were not accounted for within the study. It should be noted to that those under 18 years of age were not approached and therefore not represented within the research. Also, potentially skewing results was the fact that two of the interview sessions took place during vibrant farmers' markets. Individuals attending these events were more likely to speak of the merits of farmers' markets.
26 4.0 EVERGREEN BRICK WORKS CASE STUDY
"This site is a symbol of Canada's industrial past and moving forward the restored site will serve as a strong symbol of Canada's green future."
-Paul Ostrander, Holcim Incorporated (Evergreen, 2010)
4.1 INTRODUCTION
National Geographic recently named the Evergreen Brick Works "one of the world's top 10 geo-tourism destinations" fJPosner, 2010, 1[3). The site is approximately a 10-minute drive from downtown Toronto (ON) and offers "a community environmental centre that inspires and equips visitors to live, work and play more sustainably" (Evergreen, 2010). The site expects to attract 250 thousand visitors annually, becoming a destination for both Toronto residents and tourists
(Kohane, 2005). The varying layers of the site's history have been exposed and magnified within the new design, through highlighting the site's natural, industrial and cultural heritage. Currently the space vivifies three distinct stories of the past: the natural heritage of the space and its connection to the Don River water system; the industrial powerhouse that later emerged on the banks of this river; and the uninvited ravers who inhabited the site following the factory's abandonment. The space is unique and animated due to its diverse narratives. The design not only emphasizes the history of the space, but also offers an innovative glimpse into the future of green architecture and planning in Canada. To evidence this, in 2008, the site was awarded a Holcim Award recognizing the site's commitment to sustainable initiatives in design. This was due to how the space "integrates the environment, both metaphorically and physically" (Harvey, 2008, HC.l). The designers are
27 currently attempting to secure L.E.E.D. Platinum certification for the only new building being constructed on the site, the highest green building designation available in in Canada (Lavoie, 2007).
The former clay quarry and brick manufacturing facility is 16 hectares in size, with the buildings occupying approximately 5 hectares and the naturalized quarry occupying 11 hectares (Lavoie, 2007). The site is just north of the Bayview
Avenue extension between Pottery Road and Bloor Street. The surrounding valley was once a mixed deciduous and coniferous forest but, due to the infrastructure needs of Canada's largest city, the Don Valley was transformed into an industrial district and major transportation corridor (Kohane, 2005). The site is directly adjacent to Rosedale, a residential area that is known as "one of the city's most exclusive" (Toronto Life, 2011). Some of these residents have been credited with initiating the development process of the site, through lobbying local politicians and operating within their personal networks of influence (D. Leinster, personal communication, November 2010). The lead architect for the project is Joe Lobko of duToit Architects Limited, though the list of consultants, architects and landscape architects affiliated with the site's design is long. The landscape design of the site was developed over a 20-year period by the following design groups and individuals: Hough Woodland Naylor Dance Leinster, The Landplan Collaborative
Limited, Garden Club of Toronto, Schollen and Company Incorporated, Lorraine
Johnson, duToit Allsop Hillier, Claude Cormier Architectes Paysagistes, The Planning
Partnership, AMEC Earth & Environmental, Dougan and Associates and Forrec
(Miranda, 2010). The site had its grand opening on September 25th 2010, though the
28 naturalized quarry has been open to the public since the early 1990's (Evergreen,
2010). Ongoing construction continues on the site, and managers are hesitant to suggest a date when it will reach completion. The site is managed by the non-profit organization Evergreen. The site now serves as the organization's headquarters, though it has operations across Canada. Evergreen is hoping to raise $55 million to ensure the site's successful construction and continued operation. To-date, currently they have raised just over $48 million (Evergreen, 2010). The funds have largely been acquired from government sources, as the organization obtained $10 million from the provincial government and $20 million from the federal government (CBC, 2007). The remaining funds have been principally attained from private individuals and large organizations, such as Telus.
4.2 BACKGROUND
Prior to the Brick Works quarry being partially filled in by a developer in
1984, visible layers of sedimentary and soil layers displayed along the quarry walls exhibited a geological history that went back 3 million years (Smith, 2001). The north wall in particular is internationally recognized for its Pleistocene geology dating back 300 thousand years (Kohane, 2005). These walls offer the only known example in the Great Lakes Basin where one can view the geological history of both ice ages (Smith, 2001). The Don River Valley was an important migration route for aboriginals, due to the abundance of game and fish the region offered. Settlement by
Europeans began about 200 years ago as the deciduous and coniferous forest was cleared to make way for agriculture (Kohane, 2005). Years later, in 1882, William
Taylor would discover brick-friendly clay along the river's banks while installing
29 fence posts. Within seven years, he and two brothers established the Don Valley
Brick Works [Posner, 2010). At the peak of the large facility's production, it was manufacturing 43 million bricks a year. These bricks were utilized to construct a large portion of early Toronto architecture as well as other buildings across southern Ontario (Hume, 2009). Buildings of significance built from bricks manufactured at this facility include Massey Hall, Casa Loma and the Ontario
Legislature (Posner, 2010). The company halted operations in the 1980's, as by this point most of the machinery and buildings were out of date and in an advanced state of decay. The resources of the quarry at this point had also been exhausted (Hume,
2009).
The site was initially purchased by a private developer (Trovalley) for just over $4 million. Their aim was to get the site re-designated by the municipal government so they could proceed with the construction of residential units. Some perceived this as being problematic due to the site being located below the flood plain. While Trovalley went through this lengthy legal process in the 1980's, ravers utilized the space as an informal gathering space. This led to the interior walls of some of the industrial buildings to become canvases for nationally recognized graffiti artists (Hume, 2009). In 1986, the development debate came to a climax. The site was officially rezoned by the City of Toronto as suitable for residential development. The developer unearthed a plan to build 756 condominium apartments and single-family homes (Byers, 1987). The provincial government responded to this by deciding to block development on the site for 99 years due to its cultural and natural heritage. Because of this constraint, the Toronto and Region
30 Conservation Authority (T.R.C.A.) attempted to expropriate the land from the private developer due to the site's natural history and significance to the Don Valley watershed. A weeklong special provincial hearing decided in favour of the T.R.C.A.
(Byers, 1986). Originally the site was purchased for $4.2 million by the T.R.C.A. but later an Ontario Municipal Board decided to side with the developer's claim that this price was too low and the T.R.C.A. was ordered to pay about $22 million. This new court-ordered price consumed the majority of the organization's acquisition budget and several other projects were abandoned by the T.R.C.A. due to this one purchase
(Wood, 1989). The T.R.C.A.'s success in expropriating the land was largely dependent on the support it received from surrounding residents, conservationists and scientists (Byers, 1987). At this point the long process of articulating what constituted a sustainable, appropriate and functional development concept for the space began.
4.3 GENESIS
The T.R.C.A. and Michael Hough instigated the first important step in developing the site in 1989, when they sought the services of several established designers to construct a masterplan. This created interest among local grassroots organizations and initiated the political process of development (D. Leinster, personal communication, November 2010). Unfortunately there were no funds available to develop the space; the question remained not only who would fund the initial rehabilitation but also who would manage the space over time. Around this time (1991), Geoff Cape launched Evergreen, a non-profit, non-government organization, and began planting native trees throughout the Don Valley. The initial
31 scope of the organization was to bring nature to urban spaces through naturalization projects, but over time Cape's organization began taking an interest in the Brick Works site. Cape developed the idea for an environmental discovery centre in 2002 and began a campaign to garner political support and the funds necessary to realize this concept (Posner, 2010). David and Robin Young initiated the momentum necessary for Cape to pursue his vision, through personally donating
$3 million to the project. Cape utilized these funds to leverage support from the provincial and federal government, organizations, individuals and trusts. Currently, the organization is about $6.5 million from its fundraising target of $55 million.
Once the buildings have been fully occupied by a range of non-profit, environmentally themed and innovative organizations the site will be financially self-sustaining. Parking also provides a substantial revenue stream (Posner, 2010).
Though the site is still not completely constructed, due to Evergreen's vision the once abandoned industrial space has become a place, according to Toronto Star's
Urban Issues and Architecture commenter Christopher Hume (2009, Tf7), "to shop, eat, look, learn, see innovative construction materials and immerse oneself in all things sustainable" (Hume, 2009,. According to David Leinster, a Partner and Senoir
Landscape Architect with the Planning Partnership, "Without Evergreen, I doubt this development would have taken place; it was a great vision for such a large space"
(D. Leinster, personal communication, November 2010).
32 4.4 DESIGN/PROGRAMMING
The masterplan for the Brick Works was initially created by the planningAlliance.
Evergreen's website lists 29 organizations that provided design or consulting services. The major design contracts were eventually awarded to duToit Allsopp
Hillier and duToit Architects Limited (project lead], Claude Cormier Architectes
Paysagistes Incorporated (landscape architect], Diamond and Schmitt Architects
Incorporated (architecture], E.R.A. Architects (heritage preservation and architecture], and Halsall Associates (structural/sustainability/green design]
(Evergreen, 2010]. These organizations collaborated to rehabilitate the 16 aging industrial buildings, creating functional and environmentally sensitive spaces while working together to solve a range of site constraints (CBC, 2007]. Bryce Miranda, a senior landscape architect and associate of duToit Allsopp Hillier, recalls three significant barriers that he and others in the design team encountered at the site.
Preserving the heritage of the landscape was essential to his efforts, yet to preserve and record everything on site required a substantial amount of extra time. The costs associated with hiring archeologists proved to be considerable. The strategy undertaken by Miranda and his colleagues to overcome this significant constraint was to cap the soil to preserve the artifacts that remained below, as opposed to searching for them and taking the time to carefully document their attributes.
Contamination was also central to this strategy, as designers feared that introduced flora would eventually root into the polluted soils below. Claude Cormier proposed a solution to this problem. He recommended the construction of aboveground mounds that would house more than double the soil volume required for trees (by
33 the City of Toronto's municipal standards]. This strategy was utilized throughout the site to ensure that plants did not penetrate the clay cap (B. Miranda, personal communication, November 2010). According to Miranda, the third major constraint that the designers had to deal with was flooding. The site was constructed on one of the lowest geographical regions of Toronto; the designers had to create a design that responded to the site's cyclical pattern of flooding every two years (though major floods could occur at anytime) (Harvey, 2008). They resolved this issue by raising the finished floor elevations of the buildings, which were historically plagued by the floods. They also raised the grade that surrounded the buildings and developed a series of greenways to accommodate flooding. The industrial pad of the facility was perceived to be an impermeable barrier between the quarry and the Don River. Due to this, the team of designers constructed these greenways to dismantle the physical barrier to natural and man-made water flows. The 14 greenways extend into the buildings, providing a channel for storm water runoff. The concept was to enhance these natural and manmade flows while making the designed space appear natural and random. This system directs stormwater runoff towards a series of ponds that filter the water through bioremediation, before allowing it to enter the Don Valley watershed (B. Miranda, personal communication, November 2010). John Hillier, a partner of duToit Allsop Hillier, suggests that the concept revolved around an aim
"to visually tell the story of how the water flows through the site" (Miranda, 2011, p.
14). Leinster reiterated the significance of these strategies, as he perceives that storms are becoming more intense and frequent, whereby regions such as Toronto
34 are currently experiencing 25-year storms as often as every 5-years (D. Leinster, personal communication, November 2010].
Evergreen (2007, p. 3-4] defines its vision for the space as being "about environmental education, but more importantly it is about exploring our relationship with the natural world in ways that engage people and allow them to become active participants in shaping this relationship." The idea was to create a village concept by rehabilitating the 16 remaining industrial buildings and
integrating them with the surrounding landscape. Providing a range of programming elements was essential to this vision. Miranda explains the driving
concept behind the design as creating a "free flow atmosphere." Miranda further imparted that the village concept was a substantial deviation from the original plan proposed by the planningAlliance, which instead focused on the predominance of a
few large structures. The landscape was designed to offer unrestricted movement for users, encouraging education through exploration (though not through signage]
(B. Miranda, personal communication, November 2010]. Leinster added that he visualized the park space as "a symbol for the revitalization of the valley." More
specifically his team concentrated on bringing back endangered habitats, such as
meadows, while preserving the cultural and natural history of the space. Leinster was also fascinated with how he and his design team could attract people to the site
(D. Leinster, personal communication, November 2010]. Former Mayor of Toronto,
David Miller echoed this perspective hoping that the development of this space would attract users to the surrounding currently underused trail network (Kohane,
2005]. Joe Lobko, a partner at duToit Architects Limited and lead architect for the
35 Brick Works project, is reported to have garnered a lot of his inspiration for the design from the Distillery District, located in downtown Toronto, a former steel plant in Duisberg (Germany) and his own work at the recently completed
Wychwood Barns, located in Toronto (Harvey, 2008].
Originally, the Brick Works consisted of 16 structures; one of these was recycled and dismantled (Building 13], while one was also substantially updated
(Building 12] with the addition of four stories, a green roof and a series of living walls (Evergreen, 2007). Each building has been rehabilitated and repurposed for a varying range of uses and desired aesthetics. A table (Appendix: Evergreen
Brickwork's Building Re-Use Strategies) outlining the specific strategy of restoration and reintegration of each building structure is available in the. The site currently contains an assortment of programming elements such as cooking classes, a workshop, a children's garden, pottery classes, a dog park, a rock climbing wall, a plant nursery and a Saturday farmers' market. There is currently a plan in place to introduce a Jamie Kennedy restaurant (one of Canada's most revered chefs) (Lavoie,
2007). Attracting school children to the site is also essential to the organization's vision. Staff and volunteers will greet students at the nearby Castle Frank T.T.C. subway station and walk them through a trail system to the site, saving schools the expense of chartering a bus. On site, for children specifically, there will be an outdoor amphitheater, ovens for cooking food grown on site, a campfire circle, art classes and a mudroom. The organization especially targets children from schools in predominantly inner city, low-income areas. Evergreen education manager Paul
Gifford explains the importance of these elements of the site's design through his
36 proclamation that "most of these kids will never leave the G.T.A. to go to camp or a provincial park" (Brown, 2010,1[16). The range of diverse activities available at the
Evergreen Brick Works makes the site attractive to a variety of visitors, whether they are interested in a quiet stroll through the naturalized quarry or digging for worms.
The industrial heritage of the site has been largely preserved due to designers working closely with the City of Toronto Preservation Services and the
Ontario Heritage Trust. E.R.A. Architects were also essential to this process, completing historical assessments, development strategies and providing construction details (Evergreen, 2010). The buildings (with the exception of
Buildings 12 and 13) largely retain their industrial ambience with preservation being central to the design strategy. The designers' vision focused on preserving
"elements of roughness, grit, and decay" while ensuring that the space remained safe for visitors (Detailed Design Team, Evergreen Brick Works, 2010). This strategy has been employed towards the existing industrial equipment held within the buildings, as machinery in advanced states of decay complement buildings throughout the space. The designers did not attempt to recreate a clean and polished take on industrial heritage. Instead they opted to leave dysfunctional lighting elements, partially destroyed window treatments and a vast amount of graffiti. Due to this, the narrative of the space is still largely intact, inviting visitors to
explore the space's history, as opposed to having it dictated. The graffiti is of
particular significance to some visitors, such as Lisa Martin of the Well and Good
Studio (specializing in graffiti and street art in Toronto), who proclaims, "There's a
37 lot of work here from artists from coast to coast. There's a footprint of who was here and what they did - it's a massive public sketchbook" (Wilson, 2010, A.15).
Environmentally progressive initiatives were essential to the site's design.
This can be evidenced by the large quarry naturalization project that consists exclusively of native plants. This space also offers several areas where human traffic is discouraged, creating pockets of protected natural environments. Water treatment was also essential to the site's design, with ponds that bioremediate runoff from the surrounding residential area that may contain fertilizers and pesticides. The 14 greenways also offer an opportunity for stormwater to be treated before entering the Don Valley watershed. Evergreen also encourages its users to not use personal transportation in favour of active or mass transportation, through offering a free shuttle service from the nearest T.T.C. subway station and charging for parking. The new five-story administration building (which the designers hope will achieve L.E.E.D. Platinum status) will house a range of new green building techniques and technologies. These include a natural heating and cooling system, a solar chimney that draws heat from the sun to warm the building, solar panels and biomass heating (Harvey, 2008). The architects of Building 12, Diamond + Schmitt, also developed a system of interchangeable movable screens for the buildings exterior. They explain the concept as "a canvas for the Evergreen community, giving staff and artists the ability to grow plants and flowers outside their office windows or install artwork and plantings that change with the seasons or programming"
(Detailed Design Team, Evergreen Brick Works, 2010). This system has the added benefit of providing shading during the summer months. An intensive green roof
38 was also developed for the structure, providing an outdoor teaching or gathering space. A living wall is also to be installed in the Welcome Centre to help filter airborne contaminants. Other strategies that have been utilized by the site's designers include night-sky-friendly light fixtures, permeable surface materials to allow water infiltration, reflective surface materials to reduce summer heating, and connections to the surrounding trail infrastructure (Detailed Design Team,
Evergreen Brick Works, 2010). The Evergreen Brick Works is an excellent demonstration space for the merits of combining green building techniques with heritage preservation and reuse. The site retains the gritty ambience of its past uses while successfully contrasting them against a cheerful optimism for green design.
4.5 CRITIQUE
Evergreen Brick Works has officially opened, yet construction is not yet complete. This, however, has not prevented the space from receiving a host of awards from various organizations. Commentators appear to be in the puppy love stage of uncritical analysis; this is not to say that the Brick Works is not a well- designed place, just that it is not a perfectly-designed one. Through an in-depth analysis of existing literature from recognized sources (whether primary or secondary), there was not one major critique of the space to be found. One expected critique was found on InsideToronto.com, a local news internet website. The commentator questioned the accessibility of the space for the majority of Toronto residents given its somewhat secluded location on the outskirts of downtown. The website reported on users' anger with the cost of parking, given that the site is difficult to access through public transportation and on bicycle (Milley, 2010).
39 Access is a major issue managers and designers will have to be solved over time, as a substantial concern is that the site will merely service the residents of the Rosedale neighbourhood, who already have abundant access to green infrastructure.
4.6 PARK USER INTERVIEWS
In October of 2010, 43 users of the Evergreen Brick Works were interviewed for this case study. The questionnaire was administered on Tuesday, October 5th
(12:00pm to 4:00pm) by Robert Cram and Kelsey Walker, and on Saturday, October
9th (8:00am to 12:00pm) by Robert Cram and Kelly Zatorski.
Of the 43 users who participated in the study, 33 directly referenced the presence of commercial activity as being central to their visit at the Brick Works.
This singularly identifies the popularity of the Saturday farmers' market given that no other commercial or retail opportunities exist on site to date. The high frequency of this response was most likely inflated due to the research being partially undertaken during a Saturday farmers' market. The farmers' market appeared to the researchers to not be predominantly about the sale of produce for most users, but instead a casual gathering place to taste specialty foods and drinks and socialize.
Many users also referenced the importance of creating social links within local food systems and identified this as central to their visit. This could explain the high frequency of participants who referenced the importance of socialization (26), community programs (12), and education (6). The market atmosphere provided a highly desirable event where these social goals could be realized. The opportunity for a farmers' market is dependent upon the large flexible space housed within building 6/7.
40 Thirty-three respondents also referenced concerns with accessibility within the interviews. This finding was not surprising given that the site is currently not regularly serviced by the T.T.C. (a fact noted by 4 users), charges for parking, and offers no direct route for cyclists coming from the downtown area. Fifteen users discussed their displeasure with the cost of parking while 2 noted the visual aesthetic of the parking lot itself as being unattractive. Fourteen participants discussed the importance of pedestrian access and the successful linkages that the site has with the surrounding Don Valley trail system. These users largely visited the site due to it being located near their residence. It should be noted that the neighborhood surrounding this area is very low density. Three users discussed their disappointment with the cycle access. It is perceived that this will be a circumstance that the managers of Evergreen Brick Works will have to grapple with for some time. Three users perceived accessibility along with the prices for goods at the farmers' market as being exclusionary to certain social groups.
Recreation was also an important factor attracting many users to the site.
Thirty-one interviewees referenced recreation within the study. The naturalized quarry pit was noted as being the most popular spot to walk, cycle or jog with 30 users discussing the positive attributes of the area, though one gentleman (a self proclaimed 'naturalist') was concerned that the paths might be too closely spaced to allow for the rehabilitation of the natural habitat. The popularity of this area was also dependent upon the creation of several ponds. Eleven users directly referenced these ponds as either being a positive aesthetic or an important environmental initiative. The researchers concluded that visual access to water was an important
41 attribute of the site. One space on site that was not noted at all within the research was a highly popular plaza adjacent to the naturalized area and a large pond.
Though users clearly showed a preference for this space, when interviewed they suggested the naturalized area as being significant and not the plaza itself, though it provided an excellent vantage point to observe this area. The presence of this area and the surrounding trail network lead to 14 participants proclaiming their interest in preserving and fostering the growth of large tree species.
Twenty-two users of the space discussed the unique character of the
Evergreen property in reference to the positive aesthetics or social/environmental merits of rehabilitating the industrial structures. Six participants indirectly discussed the importance of preserving as much of these spaces historical character as possible. This belief was displayed by 4 users suggesting that more should have been done to rehabilitate structures which had been demolished and 2 suggesting that the presence of imperfections (such as broken windows and graffiti] only served to heighten the authentic experience of the spaces' unique history.
Environmental sustainability was also seen as important to 6 participants, who showed an interest in 'green' design and perceived this as being an excellent site to showcase it.
Ten interviewees discussed the management and maintenance of the space.
The presence of construction debris was seen as being the primary maintenance issue; this is not a surprising finding considering the site was still under construction during the time of the study. The advertisement of programs was also a concern that was discussed by some users, who felt disconnected from the events
42 and programs that were taking place on site. Some of the respondents during the study also volunteered or were employed by Evergreen and 2 noted that a confusion of mandate was their primary concern. This fact also displays that the site is stimulating the local economy not only through the sale of local goods but also through providing employment opportunities, even if some of those employees are slightly baffled by the initiative; 5 interviewees discussed their presence on-site as being dependent upon employment commitments.
4.7 SUMMARY OF PARK USER INTERVIEWS
Most Important Attributes
accessibility » presence of commercial activity • opportunities for active and passive recreation ' naturalized areas ' sale of produce ' spaces for socialization ' presence of sustainable initiatives • adaptive re-use of industrial heritage
43 Very Important Attributes
re-integration of natural heritage affordable parking options flexible spaces for events (indoor/outdoor) pedestrian access the presence of large mature trees programs for community development located near large residential area access to water
Important Attributes
efficient management and maintenance educational initiatives introduction of 'green' technologies strategy of minimum intervention effective advertising and promotion general cleanliness off-leash dog areas prepared goods employment opportunities effective signage public transportation access 'traditional' open space spaces to people watch bicycle access inclusion of range of social groups children's active play areas residential units affordable housing presence of arts and performance arts artists' studio space
4.8 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
It is difficult to fully grasp the lessons that can be learned from Evergreen
Brick Works, given that the project is still under construction and only partially
44 opened to the public. Miranda stressed that he personally learned an extensive number of little lessons, but most specifically noted the challenge of working with such a diverse team of innovative individuals. He identified the client's attitude as central to driving the project forward and encouraging the team of designers to work through the several difficult constraints that the project offered. He also acknowledged the importance of the initial grassroots movement behind the project and the significance of having a singular leader with a unified vision to guide the project. Support from the municipal government was also perceived as being essential to the project's success (B. Miranda, personal communication, November
2010). Megan Torza, of duToit Architects Limited, added that she believes that the range of firms employed to aid in the design was essential to creating a project that is diverse and interesting for users. From her point of view, she reflected "many hands made the space more interesting" (M. Torza, personal communication,
November 2010).
Leinster, too, suggested the importance of having good partners and a visionary project leader. He recognized the importance of adaptation and evolution, as the process of design was based on an ongoing dialogue with the space and those who occupied it. He hoped that more projects in the future would operate based on this continuum, as opposed to forming rigid constraints on programming and design. Long-term design was perceived as being essential to this formula for
Leinster. Further, he discussed his fear that the park could lose its habitat potential for species of flora and fauna due to overuse by humans. He perceived the frequent use of bicycles as being particularly detrimental to the preservation of the natural
45 spaces, creating a significant design dilemma (D. Leinster, personal communication,
November 2010].
Within the literature review it became clear that critics appreciated the unscripted cultural narrative that the Brick Works had to offer. The designers decided not to romanticize the site's industrial and post-industrial heritage, as has often occurred on similar developments. This has left the site with an authentic and vibrant ambience where users can explore the site and uncover a diverse range of
cultural interpretation. The green initiatives undertaken by the design team have
also been well received, providing an excellent demonstration ground for Toronto
residents on the potential forms that sustainable design can take. Through
discussions with designers it became apparent that they faced a number of
substantial constraints on the site, but took time to work together to come up with
innovative and functional responses. Designers perceived Evergreen's strong
imaginative concept as fundamental to guiding the process of design. Prior to Cape's vision, lack of direction led to the site remaining dormant for over a decade. This
concept not only provided a basis for design but also fundraising, as potential
financiers were hesitant to back a project with little direction. The importance of
government funding was also essential to the success of this project, as over half of
the funds required to rehabilitate the space came from the provincial and federal
government. The T.R.C.A. was also a significant driving force behind the project, as
their intervention was paramount to the site's preservation as a public place. The
literature suggests that Toronto residents and commentators value this site as an
innovative solution to the lack of public park space within the city. This park has
46 become a city destination, even though construction still continues; it appears that city residents are currently united in their perspective that the Brick Works is a great place.
While the user interviews show that this space is highly valued for its natural space and as a venue for socialization, the data also presents a picture of a space that is difficult to access and may lack a coherent range of programming elements.
The research suggests that this space currently operates more as a city destination than that of a neighbourhood facility. This condition and the site's somewhat secluded location make accessibility central to the site's continued success in attracting park users. The space, at present, attracts a substantial number of visitors on weekends but it is unknown if this trend will translate into continued use given that currently the site is receiving substantial media attention. It is suggested that the managers of the space consider accessibility as their primary barrier to attracting users. Once on site, users clearly demonstrated a strong connection to the naturalized area. This not only illustrates the strong desire that Toronto residents have for these spaces but also their scarcity throughout the urban landscape. The research also suggests that users are fond of the industrial structures at the Brick
Works but may not be overly impressed by the programming elements that exist within them. However, as a whole the site is valued very highly by park users who generally perceived the site to be beautiful and functional.
Less than a decade ago the Brick Works consisted of 16 decrepit heritage buildings situated on a floodplain with no funds for development or rehabilitation.
Fast-forward to present day where the site has won numerous awards, raised
47 almost $50 million in funds, creates traffic jams due to the popularity of its Saturday markets and has been rated one of the best geo-tourism destinations in the world. A strong vision, community support and functional design transformed this space into a facility that Torontonians value as a symbol for the merits of sustainable design and functional re-use. Lobko summaries the importance of the site as follows:
You can almost feel the stories pouring out of the walls and feel the heat and the rumble of the train carrying the bricks through those long tunnel kilns. It's a magic place in a unique location, a quarry in an area where there are marks from two ice ages (Harvey, 2008, HC.l).
48 5.0 ARTSCAPE WYCHWOOD BARNS AND WYCHWOOD BARNS PARK CASE STUDY
"Take a look at the buildings in your neighbourhood, find the sleeping beauties and wake them up."
-Elizabeth Cinello, Friends of Wychwood Park (Hertz, 2008,1J13)
5.1 INTRODUCTION
No one appears to know who originally designed the Wychwood streetcar barns. The facility was built between 1913 and 1921, as a northwestern hub to support and service the intricate network of Toronto Transit Commission (T.T.C.) streetcars. According to Edwin Rouse of E.R.A. Architects, the site offers a "prime example of early industrial architecture" (Flaxman, 2009, TflO). The project has generally been viewed as an exemplar of a grassroots community success story, whereby the local residents banded together to prevent the construction of residential high-rise towers. The C.E.O. of Artscape, Tim Jones, evidences this perspective through his statement, "I think that this project was a demonstration of, when people pull together in the same direction, wonderful things can happen"
(Mudhar, 2007, C.3). This optimism seems to be in juxtaposition with the documented history of the park, as community squabbles and lengthy political battles made the process of developing the site take upwards of 30 years, according to some members of the community. One local activist described the situation as
"really heated, people shouting, it was tense for a long time" (Hertz, 2008, Tf8]. What seemed to come into contention was not whether or not to create a park on the site, but what a twenty-first century park looked like. The Olmstedian tradition seems to
49 be out of date for metropolises like Toronto, as potential venues for park development are non-existent, as are romantic visions of the rural-pastoral (Hume,
2002). The Wychwood Barns project was about creating a community space with a diverse variety of programming uses while preserving the industrial architecture of the city. This collided with many local residents' perceptions of a 'natural' park, one that is ironically lacking in ecological diversity and made up mostly of grass and trees. The project went through a lengthy public consultation process, and though many residents protested it initially, the park is now generally viewed as a favorable place. The consultant team is also currently engaged in having the project recognized by the L.E.E.D. certification program, hoping that it will become the first heritage development in Canada to receive the designation (Flaxman, 2009). The site also received a Brownie Award from the Canadian Urban Institute recognizing
"innovation, environmental sustainability, and leadership in brownfield redevelopment in Canada" (Aberdeen, 2008, Tf6).
The completed project consists of a range of facilities such as a community art gallery, commercial offices, live-work art studios, multifunctional indoor space, a community kitchen and a greenhouse for growing urban organic produce. The site contains 1.8 hectares of public outdoor space and the rehabilitated barns structure occupies a total of 0.6 hectares (Aberdeen, 2008). Located on Christie Street near St.
Clair Avenue West, the site is in mid-town Toronto, on the northwestern edge of downtown. The surrounding neighbourhood (commonly referred to as Wychwood) is predominantly made up of large three to five bedroom homes built in the early
20th century. Though some homes in the area are still perceived as being affordable,
50 the highly sought-after homes in the Hillcrest neighbourhood can cost between $1.2 million to $4 million (Toronto Life, 2011). The political will to develop the site is largely credited to city councilor Joe Mihevc. The architectural design is mainly attributed to Joe Lobko of duToit Architects Limited, and the landscape architecture was designed by David Leinster of The Planning Partnership. ERA Architects were consultants for the heritage architecture of the project. The environmental and engineering consultants for the development were Stantec Consulting, Electrical
Engineering, Blackwell Bowick, Nancy Gillespie, BA Group and Leber Rubes. A public participation campaign was completed by Gottschalk + Ash International, whereby information on development options was disseminated and local residents participated in design workshops. Dr. Michael Dixon of the University of Guelph was employed to consult on the design and construction of the greenhouse (M. Torza, personal communication, November 2010). This project was completed as two distinct projects, executed by two consultant groups for two separate clients. The streetcar barns were developed for Artscape and The Stop Community Food
Network (hereafter to be referred to as The Stop), while the park was created for the City of Toronto (M. Torza, personal communication, November 2010). The official opening of the site was on November 20th, 2008, when a gala event was held with politicians, designers, a range of artists and local residents attending, to witness for the first time the transformation of the abandoned streetcar facility into a world-class park and community centre. Wychwood Barns is officially owned and managed by Artscape, a Toronto-based non-profit organization that defines its mission as "committed to building a world that engages art, culture and creativity as
51 catalysts for community transformation, sustainability, prosperity, and livability"
(Artscape, 2011). A community organization (Wychwood Barns Community
Association) was also established to coordinate specific events throughout the space. The park is owned and maintained by the City of Toronto. The funds to redevelop the space were attained from three levels of government and private donors. The final cost is publicized as being $21.2 million, though some have noted that this excludes the city's expenditure of $3 million to remove contaminated soils and to partially demolish one of the street car barns ("Barn 5") (Levy, 2008). This expenditure was perceived as necessary to preserve and retrofit a public space committed to preserving industrial heritage, promoting community development and displaying a clear commitment to sustainability (Aberdeen, 2008).
5.2 BACKGROUND
The Artscape Wychwood Barns and Wychwood Barns Park were initially owned by the City of Toronto, before being ceded over to Toronto Civic Railways
(later to be renamed the T.T.C.) in 1913. From 1913 to 1921 the site was constructed and utilized as a major transportation hub for northwestern Toronto residents (Mudhar, 2007). By 1921, five streetcar barn facilities had been constructed on the site. The buildings operated as a storage and maintenance facility for streetcars until 1978. Following this, the barns (and surrounding area) became derelict and were largely unused from the 1980's onwards (Mudhar, 2007). By
1996, due to public pressure and the T.T.C.'s acknowledgement that the site was not going to be retrofitted or reused to service its network, discussions began about what to do with the facility (Berland & Hanke, 2002). At this point, the barns did not
52 have heritage designation, so the T.T.C. committed to a plan to demolish the barns and rehabilitate the surrounding soils so that future development could take place.
Ironically, during this time a community group (Taddlewood) emerged who suggested that the site should receive heritage protection, though they too wanted to demolish the structures. The group was merely trying to preserve the site as public space, fearing the development of high-rise residential towers. Due to this, the Toronto Historical Board reviewed the site and concluded in 1998 that the site should be listed in the inventory of Toronto heritage properties. The T.T.C. at this point decided to cede the site back to the City of Toronto (Berland & Hanke, 2002). A city meeting was held in 2000 where local residents voted on 4 potential development options for the site, presented by the architect Joe Lobko. Of the nearly
150 local residents who participated, the majority voted for an initial design that retained only one of the five streetcar barns leaving the remaining space to be converted into a public park. City Council adopted option four as their official strategy in October 2000 and commissioned a series of environmental and architectural assessments, joe Mihevc, who is perceived as the major driving force behind the project during this period, won a city council seat in Ward 21 (which contains the site) through endorsing the popular slogan "100% Park" (Berland &
Hanke, 2002). This slogan would later be used against him, as local residents' perceptions of a public park did not facilitate space for buildings, art, housing or a community kitchen. By February 2001, the architectural assessment had been completed by Philip Goldsmith & Company Ltd. They suggested that all five streetcar barns were structurally sufficient for re-use. They recommended that the
53 city retain all of the existing structures (Berland & Hanke, 2002). At this point, Joe
Mihevc invited Artscape to take an interest in the project and debates began about what the park should look like, whom it should service and the value of conserving local heritage (M. Torza, personal communication, November 2010). Artscape hired architects Joe Lobko and Michael McClelland to spearhead the project through engaging the community with a public participation workshop. 150 people attended the workshop and broke into small groups to develop ideas and discuss potential outcomes for the space (Berland & Hanke, 2002). During this time there was a sizable constituent made up of local residents (reportedly from the wealthier local neighborhood: Wychwood Park) who called themselves "Neighbours for a 100%
Park," later to be renamed, "Neighbours for a 100% Green Park." This group was extremely vocal in expressing their view that the park should consist of grass, trees and a pond with all of the existing barns to be removed (Landsberg, 2002). The group circulated rumours that the community kitchen would serve as a "food depot for poor people, and that artist residences means drugs and illicit behavior"
(Berland & Hanke, 2002, p. 82). The group personally told Mihevc that they did not want "artists with their duct-taped cars" or "people from outside the neighbourhood" (Landsberg, 2002, A.02). Even with this heated opposition the project was officially launched in 2001 with a diverse team of architects, consultants and community advocates leading the development.
5.3 GENESIS
Joe Mihevc has been a city councilor for over 18 years; he recently secured a re-election in October, 2010. He also serves as Vice-Chair of the T.T.C. (City of
54 Toronto, 2011). Artscape Wychwood Barns and Wychwood Barns Park resides within his ward (Ward 21 - St. Paul's), and due to community pressure Mihevc became the driving force behind the project. In 1998, as commissioner of the T.T.C.,
Mihevc opposed a contract to demolish the streetcar barns, a site he had not entered by this point. He recalls that he recognized the site as "boarded up and raccoon- infested. It was not pretty" (Hertz, 2008, T[6). In 2000, he entered the barns for the first time; after seeing the interiors of each barn Mihevc became a strong supporter for preserving their industrial heritage (Hertz, 2008). He then began a personal crusade, attempting to acquire the property from the city, so as to evade what seemed like the site's unavoidable destiny of becoming a high-density housing development (Berland & Hanke, 2002). Megan Torza of duToit Architects Limited, recalls that Mihevc initially approached Artscape, who later contacted Joe Lobko, about his vision for a world-class project. This led to a feasibility report and the early stages of a community public participation project (M. Torza, personal communication, November 2010). Kathleen Sharpe, Chair of Artscape, recalls,
"Councillor Joe Mihevc is the reason the barns are the barns, and without Joe, we wouldn't be here today. Artscape would have given up long ago because it was very long and very hard, but he had the passion and the vision to make sure that we stayed the course" (Sharpe, 2008).
5.4 DESIGN/PROGRAMMING
Before construction, the Artscape Wychwood Barns site consisted of five narrow maintenance facilities with deep pits so workers could easily access the underside of streetcars (CBC, 2008). Contamination existed within each of these
55 buildings as fluids and heavy metals infiltrated the soil below the concrete slabs after years of use. Lead paint was also present within the buildings. The first two barns that were constructed (Barns 2 and 3) were framed using steel while Barns
1,4 and 5 were constructed of concrete. The wood roof decking had to be removed and replaced in Barns 2 and 3, as leaks and the freeze/thaw winter conditions had damaged them beyond the possibility of rehabilitation. The site did offer unique lighting opportunities as some of the barns had large skylights that could be adapted for constructive reuse. Torza defines the original concept for the space as "a community centre where green ideas mingle with community and art" (M. Torza, personal communication, November 2010]. The idea was to create an urban stew, combining a range of uses and potential programming. More specifically, the team of consultants strove towards receiving L.E.E.D. designation, and developing a space that was culturally, economically and physically sustainable. They achieved this outcome through encouraging the community to feel a sense of ownership over the site, so that they would take a greater interest in preserving it and utilizing its spaces. Developing a revenue stream was also essential to their vision; the team worked with Artscape to ensure that the space would eventually become financially self-sustaining through renting spaces for commercial and residential use. They also let the existing structures dictate the form for the new spaces throughout the site, so as to preserve as much of the industrial character as possible (M. Torza, personal communication, November 2010). The concept for Wychwood Barns Park utilized by the Planning Partnership (the primary landscape architects for the project) revolved around creating a community park with a unique juxtaposition between
56 industrial heritage and the arts. This was achieved through constructing transitory spaces where dichotomies of indoor and outdoor space were broken down to establish a more continuous experience for the park user. The outcome of this concept was Barn 2 being utilized as a "covered street" and Barn 5 being partially demolished to create an outdoor boulevard space (D. Leinster, personal communication, November 2010).
The new site was programmed to consist of 26 live-work artist studios, 15 affordable work spaces, 13 offices for non-profit organizations (CBC, 2008), an art gallery, a community barn (greenhouse), a food centre (The Stop), an outdoor park with a variety of recreational opportunities and large multi-functional indoor spaces that could serve a range of uses. (Mudhar, 2007) A Saturday organic farmers' market (9:00 am - 12:00 pm) is a major attraction for many local residents as up to
40 vendors offer a range of produce and prepared organic goods. The Stop, a non profit organization, manages a greenhouse that grows organic produce, a community kitchen, community gardens that reinforce connections between
Toronto's multicultural residents ("Global Gardens"), a food bank, and a public organic farmers' market. The organization also hosts a range of community programs for seniors, students and children. The residential live/work spaces are predominantly one-bedroom and bachelor units; there are three sizes for the rental spaces: 433 square feet, 730 square feet and 1,123 square feet. They house approximately 50 residents. (Flaxman, 2009) The architects conscientiously designed the residential units so that they would not back onto the park, fearing that the space may become privatized over time. (M. Torza, personal communication,
57 November 2010) The specific uses of each barn have been outlined in the Appendix:
Artscape Wychwood Barn's Building Re-Use Strategies. The park that surrounds the original structures consists of a children's play area, a dog park, a volleyball court, a skating rink and open green space with rolling slopes constructed from contaminated soils excavated during the construction process (D Leinster, personal communication, November 2010).
The challenge of preserving the industrial atmosphere of the space and reincorporating it to correspond with new uses was one of the major challenges of the project. Joe Mihevc evidences this perspective through stating that the goal was to "incorporate what was done and give it a fresh but sustainable use - to take the feisty old character of the buildings and make them come to life" (Flaxman, 2009,
Tf9). The maintenance pits are vivified through using coloured concrete that transcends from the interior of the barns to the outdoor spaces. The industrial doorways were also preserved, and windows and doors on Barn 1 were reconstructed from old photographs of the building (M. Torza, personal communication, November 2010).
The architects and designers also preserved the industrial ambience through utilizing a simple and effective approach to signage and contrasting it with exposed industrial brick, steel and glass skylights. The Interpretative Program for the
Artscape Wychwood Barns and Wychwood Barns Park was developed by Gottschalk
+ Ash. More specifically, Roberto Grillo and Udo Schliemann created a wayfinding system that creatively integrated the heritage through colourful and unique signage
(M. Torza, personal communication, November 2010). The firm's goal on this
58 project was to "showcase the heritage quality of the buildings, to tell the story of the environmental leadership of this initiative, to project community involvement and to recognize major public and private donors" (Gottscalk + Ash, 2010). They achieved this goal through strategies such as successfully integrating historic photographs, creating large simple numerals for each barn that reflect the vernacular of the site's industrial history and through adding large colourful rings to the chimney structure, a focal point of the site. The firm effectively branded the space so that its history comes alive via a vibrant and fun wayfinding network.
Another major goal of the design team was to integrate environmentally progressive systems. Two major ways that this was done was through the construction of an intricate geo-thermal heating/cooling system and the implementation of a rainwater-harvesting network. 50 holes were drilled on the west side of the property 130 metres deep; these draw heat from the earth during the winter and absorb heat during the summer months (M. Torza, personal communication, November 2010). The design team also conceived of a rainwater harvesting system, where all toilets on site are flushed using water collected from the half-hectare roof (Hertz, 2008). The reconstruction of the space attempted to reuse as many materials as possible while ensuring that more than 70% of the overall waste from the construction process itself was recycled (Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 2010). Overall this project provides an excellent example of the merits of heritage reuse and its ability to naturally complement sustainable initiatives (Lobko, 2008).
59 5.5 CRITIQUES
Following the completion of construction, Artscape Wychwood Barns and
Wychwood Barns Park were generally well received by local residents and media commentators. The dominant critiques that were presented through some primary and secondary sources focused on the financial feasibility of maintaining the space and the overall cost of the project. These assessments were based on the spaces being offered to artists, for, what was perceived as, too undervalued rent prices.
Rent for studio/residential space at Artscape Wychwood Barns is $17 per square foot; a value Bruce Rosensweet (Artscape Director of Properties) believes "more or less" reflects gross market value (Levy, 2008). Pundits have suggested that access to more affordable rents should be extended to the general public, and not just the artistic community. They also propose that the project lowers the tax revenue stream of the area, as Artscape's annual taxes of $8,357 are waived by the city and
Artscape leases the land from the city for a $1 a year. The maintenance of the surrounding park is also done by the city, costing an additional $142 thousand a year for local taxpayers (Levy, 2008). The fact that these are the major critiques of the space evidences the success of the space's design, as it has received little negative media attention. The only existing concerns of the overall design that could be found during a literature review came from Artscape's Executive Vice President,
Billie Bridgman, who suggested that some Artscape inhabitants may take issue with acoustics given the variety of programming elements in close proximity. She also believes that some artists may be dissatisfied with the size of the units and their lack of access to natural light (Flaxman, 2009). One of the major indicators of the success
60 of the space occurred during the interview process of this research, when former members of a community group that opposed the park's design graciously revealed that they too enjoyed the new space in their community.
5.6 PARK USER INTERVIEWS
On October 2nd and 4th of 2010, 48 random users of the Artscape Wychwood
Barns and Wychwood Barns Park facility were interviewed to gain insight into their perspective of the site. Interviews were undertaken during a Saturday farmers' market and on a Monday afternoon.
Of the 48 park users interviewed, 39 discussed the positive attributes of commercial activities. Of these 39, 32 directly referenced the sale of produce or the
Saturday farmers' market. Six users mentioned that organic produce and goods attracted them specifically. The popularity of this event is believed to be overrepresented in the research given that over half of the interviews were conducted during the market. The presence of food production and distribution onsite appeared to be a large attractant for users, however. This can be further evidenced by the popularity of the greenhouse and community kitchen. Nine users specifically referenced these spaces when the interviewees were asked to name their favourite place, making it the most commonly discussed attribute under this question. Overall, 18 respondents discussed spaces used for food production including: the Toronto Stop, the greenhouse and the community vegetable gardens
("Global Gardens"). No interviewees showed dissatisfaction with these spaces, apart from several users wishing there was more space to grow food. Not only were these venues for food production perceived as innovative and unique but also some
61 respondents went as far as to suggest that they provided a positive aesthetic for the space. Prepared food was also a draw for many users given the range of sandwiches, wraps, hot drinks and treats offered at the market and at the community kitchen.
It is proposed here that the success of this space is largely dependent upon its role as a community centre for a large residential area. Thirty-eight respondents discussed socialization and community interaction as being central to attracting them to the site. It appeared to the researchers that the presence of food was utilized as a stimulant to encourage local residents to socialize and develop community linkages. This finding was noted by both researchers when they observed that the majority of people present at the Saturday market were not purchasing produce, but were instead casually perusing the space or intermingling.
Twenty-six interviewees discussed the importance of community programs with 5 referencing educational initiatives. The programs directly discussed by respondents involved the Toronto Stop's educational food awareness programs (especially their afterschool program for local children). Central to these and other programs is the presence of large multi-functional indoor and outdoor space. Twenty-four respondents defended the importance of these flexible spaces. Thirteen users also referenced the importance of stimulating the local economy or the employment opportunities offered by programs such as these. The creation and protection of local jobs was perceived to be vital to the establishment of a vibrant neighbourhood park.
Accessibility was discussed by 32 respondents and was generally regarded positively, with the exception of 1 user who felt there were not enough affordable
62 parking options. Pedestrian access was discussed by 11 respondents, who generally acknowledged that the site was easy to access. It is believed that accessibility was of little concern to users given that the majority of them resided in the surrounding neighbourhood. Twenty-nine of the interviewees discussed this favourable attribute of the park. This offers a significant advantage to the perceived success of this space, given that the site is centrally situated within a large low to medium density residential neighbourhood, it will continue to attract users.
Recreational activities were discussed by 26 of the interviewees as being a central attractant to their visit. Thirteen users favourably discussed the importance of'traditional' open spaces made up of a combination of grass and trees. Though an area on-site was constructed to fulfill this desire, several users wished it were larger with more mature tree species. One respondent wished the site were able to house a soccer field. However, rigid sporting facilities were regarded as unfavourable by 3 users who believed that the beach volleyball court should be removed. The dog park was also a source of disputation as 4 users suggested it was one of the major reasons they visited the site while 10 suggested it as the most unattractive space. It is proposed here that the unpopularity of the dog park is due to it being highly visible from a number of vantage points on site. The children's play area was positively regarded by 6 users; however, had the study involved persons under 18 it is believed that this appreciation would have been inflated. It was concluded through the research that users of this space generally had more appreciation for flexible spaces and less for inflexible ones. Large malleable spaces provided the
63 community and individuals with venues to accommodate their diverse range of activities and programs.
The re-integration of industrial heritage was positively discussed by 25 users. This could be perceived as counterintuitive, given that originally the majority of community members, who voted at City Hall, had wanted four of the barns to be demolished. Their preservation is evidently appreciated. Some users discussed specific attributes they enjoyed (such as the covered street design) though the majority of respondents opted to instead reference the industrial rehabilitation itself. Several users linked the rehabilitation to ideals of environmental or cultural sustainability.
The presence of arts and performance arts was also important to 14 users.
Though some discussed that they felt the live/work artists were secluded from the rest of the space (one resident of the live/work space echoed this view), 11 users felt that the studio space and affordable housing (4 users) positively impacted the site overall and added to its animated character.
64 5.7 SUMMARY OF PARK USER FINDINGS
Most Important Attributes
presence of commercial activity spaces for socialization sale of produce accessibility located near large residential area programs for community development opportunities for active and passive recreation presence of sustainable initiatives adaptive re-use of industrial heritage flexible spaces for events (indoor/outdoor)
Very Important Attributes
' prepared food ' production of food ' presence of arts and performance arts ' 'traditional' open space ' employment opportunities ' artists studio space • pedestrian access
65 Important Attributes
• inclusion of range of social groups ' off-leash dog areas ' children's active play areas ' strategy of minimum intervention ' the presence of large mature trees ' educational initiatives ' amateur performance space ' efficient advertising and promotion ' rigid sports facilities ' reintegration of natural heritage • affordable parking options
5.8 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
Artscape Wychwood Barns and Wychwood Barns Park create a vibrant community space that offers several important lessons to professional designers.
When Megan Torza was asked what major lessons she learned throughout the design and construction process of Artscape Wychwood Barns she inferred several proposals. She stressed the importance of preserving industrial heritage and its complementary correlation to sustainability and green architecture. She was thankful that the building's rehabilitation was undertaken by such a persistent and devoted group of diverse consultants, politicians and community members. She perceived the perseverance of these individuals as paramount to the buildings success. Here, she specifically cited the importance of having a resourceful project manager, a dedicated site superintendent, an enthusiastic and visionary client, a supportive municipal councilor, a creative city bureaucracy and an innovative mechanical engineer. Torza's comments on lessons learned from the Artscape
66 Wychwood Barns are presented in full, in her own words, in the Appendix: Lessons
Learned by Megan Torza during the Wychwood Barns Project (M. Torza, personal communication, November 2010).
David Leinster of the Planning Partnership also offered specific lessons he learned throughout the process of developing Wychwood Barns Park. Being involved in the project since the initial feasibility report and masterplan were constructed, Leinster had a unique perspective of the overall process of development. He perceived these early documents and drawings as being essential to the site's eventual construction. In his view, concept masterplans and reports offered a relatively low-cost means to jumpstart what became a very intricate and complicated development process. For Wychwood Barns Park, Leinster recognized several negative attributes that arose from either poor design or construction decisions. He perceives the small park as containing too many rigid programming elements, where the designers were too responsive to community demands and failed to successfully integrate, what Leinster terms, empty space. From his perspective, 30% to 40% of the space in neighbourhood parks within Toronto should be allocated to the traditional 'grass and trees' approach to design. This figure has been obtained by Leinster through analyzing successful models for this type of park typology within Toronto, such as Allen Gardens, Riverdale Park and
Withrow Park. He regrets that his team succumbed to desires from residents for a dog park, a large children's area and a volleyball court. The importance of having a reliable construction contractor was also viewed as being important. The City of
Toronto tendered out the landscape contract to the lowest bidder due to budget
67 constraints. Due to this, an unsatisfactory implementation occurred whereby most of the original plants specified on the plans were substituted for more widely available, smaller specimens. This circumstance was only exacerbated by the fact that many of the plants suffered or died within a year, as the City of Toronto's Parks,
Forestry and Recreation department went on strike. This outcome occurred due to the inflated costs that were incurred during the initial soil remediation. This unexpected cost slashed the budget for landscaping by 50% to 70% percent.
Leinster recommended that, in the future, initial soil tests and cost estimates be carried out more diligently. Leinster showed enthusiasm for allowing community groups to inhabit the site over time, allowing the space to evolve as a continuum. He saw the ongoing process of adaptation and redevelopment as essential to allowing the site to develop a distinct identity and functional use (D. Leinster, personal communication, Novemeber 2010).
The case study literature appears to offer several important lessons as well.
What can be primarily derived is the importance in stimulating the surrounding community. Even though debates occasionally became hostile, the final outcome was dependent upon a strong community vision for a public space. The concept for the site was innovative and contrary to commonly constructed beliefs on what a park and community space should be. The strong vision held by several individuals was essential to ensuring that this unique and beautiful idea survived a range of dissent. The involvement of politicians and architects early on also appeared to energize the development process. The initial assessments and design proposals not only solidified the project goals and objectives but also mobilized the community to
68 ensure that the space did not get sold to a private developer. The presence of public funding and support also served as a primary catalyst for rehabilitation and development.
The interviews offer several generalizable lessons, the most solidified of which could be the common desire for flexible spaces that offer a range of programming opportunities. The places with the most rigid programming
(outdoors) seemed to be the most disliked (for example the volleyball courts and dog park) while the flexible multi-use spaces appeared to be the most highly valued.
Also important to programming was food. The production and distribution of food on site brought the majority of users to the space, whether it was to grow it in the
Global Gardens, visit The Stop or peruse the Saturday market. The fact that the
'greenhouse' received the highest frequency of responses by users when asked their favourite place further evidences this perspective. The high range of varied responses in the "most attractive" and "favourite place" categories appears to hint that users enjoy the range of potential activities. The presence of art was seen as attractive to many local residents, with some users hoping that the public would be increasingly exposed to the artists' works overtime. Simply put, people seemed to enjoy different attributes of the site and visited it for a range of reasons. The variety of programming elements ensured that the community utilized the site, attracting a diverse range of users to come and enjoy an animated public place. The industrial heritage was also perceived to be an attractive aesthetic by the community, giving the space a unique identity and atmosphere. The park's location also served as a primary determinant of its success, leading to it becoming a community space for
69 socializing and agency. The majority of users encountered were from the immediate surrounding area making accessibility easy and car-free for most visitors.
Joe Mihevc suggested, "The Olmsted vision of a park [...] just doesn't cut it anymore [...] a park is not about grass and trees [...] the starting point has to be to imagine the kinds of interactions that one wants to see and then building the park around that" (Berland & Hanke, 2002, p. 92). This research supports this proclamation; urban parks have to become more functional spaces that encourage a range of uses. The Wychwood Barns offers an excellent example of twenty-first century park design and a great catalyst to question constructed perspectives of what a park constitutes, exactly. The importance and success of the Wychwood
Barns as an example of industrial re-use and overall park design can be best illuminated by a speech made by the former Mayor of Toronto, David Miller:
These barns to me evoke the best of what is possible in the City of Toronto, they honour our heritage, they honour our heritage of the street car which is still a modern symbol of this city, they are about the environment, they are about arts and artists and about creativity [...] this building is also about food but most of all it is about bringing a community together within the city of Toronto [...] to make something happen that was a dream. This building is going to be a symbol of our city forever (Miller, 2008).
70 6.0 GRANVILLE ISLAND
"Granville wasn't always a people place."
-Catherine George, Toronto Star (George, 2001, L.05)
6.1 INTRODUCTION
Granville Island is a people place now. Vancouver City Hall had previously suggested it was the second most visited destination in the region (following Stanley
Park) (Baglole, 2004). The New York City based Project for Public Spaces (P.P.S.) are far less modest in their assessment, stating instead that it is the second most visited attraction in Canada (following Niagara Falls) (Cook, 2009). The 8 million people who visit Granville Island every year seem to side with P.P.S., (Weikle, 1999) who, in
2004, proclaimed the space to be the best neighbourhood in North America (Project for Public Spaces, 2010).
The 17-hectare public space is located on the south banks of False Creek directly under Granville Bridge, adjacent to several large residential areas and downtown Vancouver (Beneteau, 1989). Prior to becoming a vibrant community space, the site contained several operational industries (some of which still remain) that sat adjacent to an increasing number of abandoned factories and warehouses.
Damages incurred by a series of fires in the 1950's and 1960's influenced a number of these businesses to relocate their operations, leaving behind underutilized industrial eyesores in the centre of Metropolitan Vancouver (Project for Public
Spaces, 2010). The political will to redevelop the site came from Liberal Member of
Parliament Ron Basford, who employed a group of architects to develop a masterplan and, later, a design for Granville Island (Baglole, 2004). Norm Hotson, of
71 Hotson Bakker Boniface Haden Architects (H.B.B.H.) is largely credited with developing the initial masterplan for the space in the 1970's. He and his firm continue to present as the primary design consultants for the island (Cook, 2009).
The official opening of the island can be pinpointed to July 12th, 1979, when the
Public Market opened in an abandoned rope factory and machine workshop (Ward,
1999). Currently, and since its opening, the island has been/is managed by the
Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (C.M.H.C.) and is owned by the federal government. An independent trust of professionals advises the C.M.H.C. on the future development of the site, to ensure that space remains "connected to the community" (Baglole, 2004, A.3). The initial success of this project was entirely dependent upon the $25 million investment made by the federal government, $11 million of which had to be committed to buying out remaining industrial lease agreements. The remaining funds were mostly consumed by infrastructure needs, such as sewers and roads. This investment transformed the space from an industrial wasteland to a world-class destination, which houses over 260 artistic, educational, commercial and industrial enterprises that employ more than 2,200 people
(Beneteau, 1989). The financial success of the public space can most clearly be exemplified by the fact that Granville Island has been financially self-sustaining since 1983, only four years after it opened its doors to the general public (Jeffery,
2008).
6.2 BACKGROUND
Granville Island is not an island. Initially it was a mud flat island located in the centre of False Creek. In the late 1800's, a group of Vancouver businessmen
72 began to develop the mud flat and define its edges by driving a series of wood pilings into it to establish an industrial district and a foundation for the old Granville
Street Bridge. By 1913, the industrial district was established through sucking 750 thousand cubic metres of sea mud and silt from the bed of False Creek and pumping it between the pilings (Weikle, 1999). It then began to house a series of sawmills, factories and warehouses [George, 2001). The architectural style of the island was set by B.C. Equipment, who used corrugated tin to clad its wood-framed workshop.
Other tenants of the island quickly imitated this design, giving the space its sense of architectural cohesion that exists to this day (Weikle, 1999). During the island's productive climax in the 1930's, 1200 workers were employed to produce "shingles, chain, nails, saws, paint, cement, rivets and boilers" (Weikle, 1999, E.2).
Unfortunately, the Great Depression and World War II had significant repercussions for the island. Many of the businesses during this time went bankrupt, forcing them to abandon their industrial facilities, allowing them to fall into disrepair throughout the 1940's and 1950's. This trend was only escalated by a series of fires that damaged many of the remaining active industries in the 1950's. Additional businesses opted to close their doors or relocate, as opposed to repairing their damaged and out-of-date facilities. By the 1960's the fate of Granville Island became political, with aldermen forming two distinct camps: those who wanted to redevelop the space for industrial production, and those who wanted to open the waterfront to the public (Weikle, 1999). The municipal government decided to create a trust made up of five individuals, with varying perspectives and professional designations. The trust consisted of an architect, a development manager, a lawyer, a public relations
73 representative and the regional head of the C.M.H.C. As Norm Hotson recalls, "that trust was given the responsibility to take [Granville Island] through a process of redevelopment. They also assigned [C.M.H.C] as the management arm to coordinate the project and to work with the trust to bring the project forward" (Cook, 2009,
T[10). This group came to be known as the Barefoot Gang (George, 2001, L.05). Their first success was the development of a small park on the eastern tip of the island in
1973, presently referred to as The Mound. The future of the island was defined in
1974, when the federal government allocated $25 million to develop the space as a public destination, giving residents and visitors a much demanded means to access the waterfront (Weikle, 1999). Vancouver City Council blocked development until
1978, due to a series of political squabbles and private acquisitions. Following this, a range of businesses began to open and, with the success of the Public Market in
1979, the C.M.H.C. quickly had to double the number of parking spaces (Weikle,
1999). The tin-clad industrial remnants were converted to shops, cafes, restaurants, art galleries and a series of other commercial establishments that make Granville
Island one of the best examples of a successful industrial refurbishment to date
(George, 2001).
6.3 GENESIS
The initial political will and support for the development of Granville Island can be largely attributed to Ron Basford. He was a Vancouver-based Member of
Parliament and the Federal Minister of the State of Urban Affairs (Cook, 2009). Ron
Basford became interested in the space following the approval of plans, which he helped to construct, to redevelop the "residential slum" and "grim industrial area"
74 on the south side of False Creek in the early 1970's. This development proposal would make Granville Island the new centre of metropolitan Vancouver, sitting directly between the heavily populated West End and the newly planned south False
Creek region (Enemark, 2005). To create the political will to redevelop the island,
Basford had a group of Vancouver architects and planners conduct a study and develop a conceptual plan for the space. To set a precedent with the federal government to support such a redevelopment initiative, Basford supported the
Toronto Harbourfront plan. He did this, though he believed that a $30 million proposal to redevelop the Toronto waterfront was "the stupidest [...] thing [he had] ever heard" (Enemark, 2005, A.13). He predicted the project would be a failure, yet supported the initiative regardless, relying on the simple political calculation that due to this the federal government would now support the Granville Island development plan. The strategy worked. Three weeks after he publicly supported the Toronto acquisition, the federal government approved funding for acquiring and redeveloping Granville Island. According to Basford's Executive Assistant (1972-
1973) Tex Enemark: "were it not for several fortuitous circumstances and Basford's own stubborn commitment, Granville Island would never have happened"
(Enemark, 2005, A.13).
6.4 DESIGN/PROGRAMMING
The original design guidelines and masterplan for the island were created and implemented by Hotson and Joost Bakker (their firm H.B.B.H., continues to be the design consultant) (Ward, 1999, E.3). The design objective for Granville Island revolved around reusing the existing infrastructure and vivifying the industrial
75 heritage of the space (Project for Public Spaces, 2010). Hotson explains his concept for the space as "We basically said 'let's take everything you would find in a small city or a town and put it on Granville Island" (Cook, 2009, T|20). On the island, currently, there are a series of restaurants and cafes, a range of retail outlets, galleries, a public market (Granville Island Public Market), a theatre company (The
Arts Club Theatre Company), a university (Emily Carr University for Art and
Design), a brewery (Granville Island Brewery), a range of small parks, a hotel
(Granville Island Hotel), boat houses, a cement manufacturer (Ocean Cement) and the "largest free water park in North America" (George, 2001, L.05). It is far easier to pinpoint what is absent in the island's design.
Residential housing was specifically avoided by H.B.B.H., as they believed that the housing opportunities directly adjacent to the space were sufficient to generate park users and support the housing needs of Vancouver residents. They also alleged that, by offering privatized residences, the public areas around the buildings might succumb to private interests, impeding on the public nature and atmosphere of the space (Cook, 2009). Also absent on the island are major chains or conventional clothing stores; the only national chain that exists on site is the Keg
Restaurant (a company often associated with industrial/commercial refurbishments) (Beneteau, 1989). Hotson explains that these limitations on potential commercial opportunities were constructed to satisfy the City of
Vancouver's interest in preserving downtown as the primary retail sector, so that municipal revenue streams would not be disrupted by the federal project. As Hotson
76 explains, "We don't sell jeans. Our retail is more unique [...] where the things are made there and sold on the premises" (Cook, 2009,1[32).
The industrial ambience of the space has been maintained through a range of strategies such as resurrecting old machinery as climbing equipment for children,
(George, 2001) preserving the industrial vernacular of the original buildings
(corrugated metal siding with wood framing), and allowing active industries to operate within the district (Ward, 1999). Many remnants of the island's cultural heritage have been reused, retrofitted or newly constructed. Doorways, tin and stucco siding, cranes, and abandoned rail tracks have all been reinstated or retrofitted to strengthen the industrial appeal of the island (George, 2001). There has not only been an interest in preserving the image and ambience of the industrial past; there has been an interest in preserving industry itself. This has been done through introducing a range of artisanal shops to the space and encouraging the island's longest tenant (Ocean Cement) to remain, producing concrete/cement directly on the site since the 1920's (George, 2001). It is not uncommon on the island to have to compete on the shared-space roadways with a concrete truck. It is not as intimidating as it may sound, as many of the trucks have been painted to resemble a range of fruits and vegetables.
Environmental sustainability was also central to Hotson and Bakker's initial vision. Hotson has even been bold enough to proclaim that he believes that it was
"the first sustainable master-planned project in Vancouver" (Cook, 2009,1fl9). To support this claim, he points out that it was essentially a "recycling project" (Cook,
2009, Tf21) whereby all of the existing structures were reused. It was also the first
77 project in the city to utilize geothermal heating (Ward, 1999). The roadways and paths were designed to encourage the use of bicycles and walking over driving
(Cook, 2009). The transportation infrastructure was designed to resemble European urbanism, whereby informal streetscapes do not demark a clear division between car, pedestrian and bicyclist. The users must share the space between buildings.
Unit pavers are used as the primary material base for roadways throughout the island (Ward, 1999).
The most popular destination on Granville Island is the Public Market (open daily from 9 a.m. to 6 p.m.); it generates over half of Granville Island's operating budget for the C.M.H.C. (Cook, 2009). The market is a 4,000 square metre facility with over 100 food stalls offering a range of prepared foods, breads, fruits, vegetables, meats and fish (George, 2001). The market has been described as "not unlike what you feel in the 19th century European cast-iron market halls" (Ward,
1999, E.3). The building backs onto the False Creek waterfront, with a plaza regularly filled with a range of tourists and locals, both there to take in the spectacular view of downtown Vancouver.
There is something for everyone at Granville Island. This is what makes it such a unique place. As Hotson describes: "There's an interesting symbiosis between industry and other public orientated uses [...] We were saying we can actually mix it up in a pot and get a far more interesting stew at the end of the day" (Cook, 2009,
Tf27). The architectural cohesion, shared-space streetscapes, industrial remnants and diverse range of activities only tell part of the story of the space. It is the range of people who animate the space within and between buildings that gives Granville
78 Island its identity; (Ward, 1999) artists, buskers, glass blowers, jewelers and sculptors can all be found practicing their craft within a short walk. Granville Island is a people place.
6.5 CRITIQUES
Though Granville Island has achieved international acclaim, it is not immune from criticism and sporadic reproach. One of the major criticisms echoed by local commentators is that Granville Island is a place for tourists. The belief is that the coordinators of the island began programming the space more and more toward attracting tourists. As evidence, locals point to the high food prices, a lack of parking facilities and the absence of a general goods facility. (New York Times, 2010) Trevor
Boddy, a Vancouver resident and writer for the Globe and Mail reiterates this perspective by proclaiming in a 2008 article, "Every year, Granville Island matters less and less to many Vancouverites. We mutter, guiltily, that 'we hardly go there any more" (Boddy, 2008, Tf7). Another major criticism by residents and tourists alike is the lack of nighttime programming and access (the Aquabus service stops running at 9:30 pm daily) (Weikle, 1999). Because of this, the C.M.H.C. is attempting
(to date) a range of renewal strategies that seek to keep locals interested in the space without disrupting the existing ambience of the site. A good example of this occurred when it was proposed recently that a film theatre be built on the island.
Community groups swiftly defeated the idea on the grounds that it did not fit into the existing character of the space (Weikle, 1999). This circumstance, more than anything, displays how highly the space is valued by the surrounding local community.
79 6.6 PARK USER INTERVIEWS
Fifty-one interviews were conducted at Granville Island during the fall of
2010. Robert Cram and Allison Houser conducted the research on Thursday,
October 14th (12:00pm - 4:00pm) and Saturday, October 16th (8:00am - 12:00pm).
Users were randomly approached from an assortment of locations across the large site.
Commercial activity is vital to the appeal of Granville Island. Of the 51 users interviewed, 46 positively referenced places they enjoyed to shop, eat and enjoy a drink on site. Forty participants discussed their favourite places to purchase prepared food. Two users were especially excited about the specialty cheeses available while one gentleman ecstatically replied that the only reason he visited the space was to purchase salmon pepperoni sticks. The popularity of several restaurants was also noted in the research. The importance of prepared goods for this site was not surprising given that it is a popular tourist destination and they typically have little interest on stocking up on produce. Thirty-two users did discuss the Public Market directly and their desire to peruse the space regardless of whether or not they had any interest in purchasing local agricultural goods. It should be noted that the majority of interviews took place within 200 metres of the popular Public Market. The retail shops were also discussed by 11 participants, who perceived them as being unique venues to access specialty products and handicrafts.
This research suggests that users enjoy Granville Island's diverse range of shopping opportunities, from the sale of local produce to a store that only sells artisanal brooms.
80 Accessibility was a popular subject within the interviews, with 32 users referencing subjects related to it. Accessibility was generally perceived as favourable though some users had qualms over several issues. Twenty-two respondents stressed the importance of having physical access to the waterfront and visual access to the downtown Vancouver landscape. Fourteen interviewees discussed not only the favourable waterfront access granted by the site itself but also the approach to the site. The waterfront boardwalk, providing pedestrian and bicycle access, was fundamental to attracting users to the space. The waterfront ferry service was also favourably discussed by 3 users, though 2 hoped that the service would be extended in the evening to accommodate servers, bartenders and other staff who often worked late. Both users discussed their desire that one day the ferry service would become part of the public transit system. Granville Island offers free docking for boaters; this was discussed by one interviewee as being his favourite attribute of the site. Five automotive users showed their displeasure with the cost and availability of parking. This finding can be contrasted with several users who believed that cars should be banned entirely from entering the space. Though the car offered a source of contention, it appeared to the researchers that many users enjoyed accessing the site by means of active transportation given the favourable approach and range of access options.
Twenty-five of the interviewees discussed the character of the site as being favourable and offering a stark contrast to the surrounding area. The industrial heritage of the space seemed only to be partly responsible for generating what many users perceived to be a unique and vibrant atmosphere. The diverse range of
81 users and programming elements only served to invigorate the surroundings. The fact that the answers were extremely varied when users were asked their favourite space demonstrates the fact that this space is attractive to different people for different reasons. Some referenced the brewery, some the university, the list could go on and on but what became apparent was the importance of creating a stark multiplicity of programming elements. When users discussed what about the site made it attractive, many interviewees fumbled with trying to pinpoint a precise attribute, instead, suggesting that the atmosphere or unique character of the space made it favourable. It is believed that this favourable atmosphere is a byproduct of re-integrating the industrial architecture of the space and combining it with an extremely diverse range of programming. The industrial atmosphere of the site was directly noted by several users who suggested the building materials or heritage artifacts as being favourable and constructing the site's ambience. Three users also attributed the unique atmosphere of the site as being dependent upon the active cement industry.
The presence of art was especially discussed as favourable attribute of the space. Twenty-two users discussed art in relation to the theatre, the university, the independent vendors, musicians and amateur performers. During the interviews, the researchers observed several buskers capable of attracting large crowds to central plazas. Fifteen respondents discussed these performers as being a favourable addition to their visit. Six users referenced the professional theatre as being either their favourite place on site or the primary reason for their visit. Not one of the 1700 full-time students that attend the Emily Carr University of Art +
82 Design (Emily Carr, 2011) was encountered during the research, yet it is concluded that they, too, enjoy the presence of venues related to the arts on Granville Island.
Some commentators have suggested that Granville Island is no longer popular with local residents. This research challenges this perspective given that 17 users discussed the site's relevance to the local community and socialization.
Thirteen respondents stated that they visited the space primarily due to its close proximity to their residence. Programs that help foster community and local social linkages were also referenced by 11 interviewees. This is not to say that there is not a high number of tourists on the site compared with other areas of Vancouver but, instead, that this space is still an important socialization hub for local residents. The development's contribution to the local economy is also vital given that it encourages the sale of local arts and handicrafts, produce, prepared foods and retail goods. Five users encountered during the study were employed onsite, evidencing the space's important function of creating vocational opportunities for local residents.
Though the interviewees generally regarded the design of the space as favourable overall, some did offer concerns they had with the space. Sixteen users discussed the presence of pests, most notably seagulls and pigeons, though one gentleman did discuss the presence of large rats. It should be noted that though these birds do provide a substantial annoyance to some users (a researcher was embarrassingly soiled while conducting these interviews), others enjoy their presence, especially children. Another notable concern was the lack of greenspace on site. The fact that 7 respondents discussed this failure was unsurprising, given
83 that, with the exception of a few small parkettes, Granville Island is largely devoid of natural spaces or traditional parks. Trees have been installed in specific areas of the site, though their presence, too, is generally minimal.
6.7 SUMMARY OF PARK USER INTERVIEWS
Most Important Attributes
presence of commercial activity • prepared goods » sale of produce » accessibility » adaptive re-use of industrial heritage • presence of arts and performance arts • access to water
Very Important Attributes
' efficient management and maintenance ' spaces for socialization ' pest control ' amateur performance space ' opportunities for active and passive recreation ' effective advertising and promotion ' located near large residential area ' artists studio space ' pedestrian access ' programs for community development ' central plazas that promote interaction ' retail shopping • presence of sustainable initiatives
84 Very Important Attributes
' spaces to people watch ' 'traditional' open space ' professional performance arts venue ' employment opportunities ' affordable parking opportunities ' inclusion of range of social groups ' educational initiatives ' children's active play area ' general housing ' strategy of minimum intervention • bicycle access ' public transportation access ' general cleanliness • minimum use of generic pavers and concrete • effective signage
6.8 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
Literature on Granville Island offers several major lessons for the rehabilitation of industrial areas for public use. The importance of having a passionate politician [here, Ron Basford) to promote and support an initiative appears paramount to its success. This not only has to do with legislation but the appropriation of government funding. The genesis of Granville Island is largely indebted to the $25 million dollars it received from the federal government and the individual who fought endlessly to secure those funds. Another major contributing factor to the island's initial success was the Barefoot Gang and the initial masterplan they created for the space. This plan created public discussion and cemented a unified concept for the space early in the design process. This technique built momentum for the project and constructed guidelines from which a design dialogue could be developed. The opening of The Mound was strategically relevant as well. By
85 inviting potential users to occupy the space, managers and designers encouraged the public to develop an interest in the site's successful completion. This completion appropriately integrated a wide range of programming elements, creating a unique community within the city. The varying commercial, industrial and institutional enterprises on the site serve to make the space diverse and attractive to an assortment of potential users. These uses and the preservation of the industrial character of the space have made Granville Island one of the most popular destinations in Canada. Importantly, this success was achieved with very little funding and minimal intervention to the existing industrial heritage of the site.
The success of Granville Island's design is also supported by the research.
This was exemplified in several ways across the interviews, but what was most indicative to the researchers was what occurred when users were asked what they found most unattractive about the space. Most users had difficulty answering this
question and instead opted to point at nearby birds competing for mishandled and leftover food. Local residents, national tourists and international tourists supported this affinity for the space. Granville Island has a strong reputation and, due to this, it
is an international destination. The research suggests that this success is largely due
to the Public Market, which was overwhelmingly identified as the users' favourite
space. Contrast seemed to be an important attribute noted by users, as the space
offers a significant diversion from the surrounding modern architecture. This was
evidenced by users' frequent suggestion that this space had a unique atmosphere or
ambience. Access was also important to users. The research suggests that Granville
Island is positively perceived as an easy place to access by foot, bicycle or boat but
86 not necessarily by car. This was an intention of the original design and could be thought to illustrate its success. An approach by foot, bike or boat only serves to extend the positive experience of visiting Granville Island and the research interviews support this. Within the literature review, some commentators suggested Granville Island is losing popularity among Vancouver residents. The research interviews contradict this belief. Within the interviews, the space was perceived by locals as an excellent place to socialize, strengthen community bonds and engage in recreation. The one significant downfall of the space, as noted by users, was the absence of greenspace. Other than this perception, the island was widely discussed as a successful public space, which importantly gives residents and visitors access to the waterfront.
One of the major lessons that can be taken from the Granville Island example is that these spaces have to be honest. Similar development initiatives that occurred
during the same period became unpopular among local residents (e.g. Ghiradelli
Square and Covent Garden). This phenomenon has been largely attributed to the
fact that these spaces developed over-designed romantic visions of the past,
omitting industrial remnants, which they perceived as unfavourable or disruptive to
positively representing industrial heritage (Ward, 1999, E.3). It is believed that
Granville Island avoided this perception through allowing a range of uses to remain, while not excessively dressing-up the existing industrial architecture (Weikle,
1999). This not only offers a lesson for design but for economics; for $25 million, an
industrial district was transformed into one of the most successful public spaces in
North America. To put this into perspective, a recently constructed park
87 (Sherbourne Park) on the Toronto waterfront cost over $30 million for remediation, design and construction and was less than a tenth the size. It should also be noted that this park will not generate tax revenue or create employment. Granville Island offers the important lesson that simple functional design combined with a diverse range of programming elements can develop an ambient space devoid of massive public investment. This perspective is evidenced by the P.P.S.'s proclamation that:
[...] the island boasts a strong and appealing aesthetic and what amounts to a very bold and successful design concept. Minimalist and metal sided, each of the island's buildings is given an understated charm and an unmistakable identity through painted color, through allowing the internal use to flow out of the structures and through some of the best signage anywhere in world (George, 2001, L.05).
88 7.0 CASE STUDY SUMMARY, ANALYSIS AND RESULTS
7.1 INTRODUCTION
The case studies attempt to illuminate lessons learned from successful industrial rehabilitation projects from across Canada. These examples were specifically chosen because they harness narratives of the past to develop a strong sense of place. These sites construct and encourage users to have an interpretive dialogue with previous, present and future notions of space. Instead of dictating a singular or filtered version of history, they invite users to explore and construct their own interpretation and meaning. They successfully offer a venue for present uses while remaining flexible to accommodate future ideologies of space. This outcome can only be achieved through thoughtful design, whereby neither historical character nor functionality is compromised in accommodation of the other. This research was completed utilizing three dominant sources of information: secondary sources, park user interviews, and discussions with designers of these spaces. Each source offered varying perspectives, and occasionally they contradicted each other
(for example, media commentators suggested Granville Island was merely a tourist destination but the park user interviews contradicted this]. This analysis will compare, compile and analyze the findings across the three case studies, developing coherent principles and lessons that directly relate to the design and development process of these spaces.
89 7.2 LITERATURE
Though some journal articles and monographs were utilized to research the case studies, the most abundant source of relevant information was obtained from the Canadian news media. Newspaper sources such as the Globe and Mail, the
Toronto Star and the National Post were utilized within this research as they offered a symposium to discuss and critique these developments. The commentators within these organizations (and some private and academic sources) highlighted several important characteristics about these projects that were discussed individually within each case study, and which therefore should be explored here in further detail.
Secondary literature extensively noted the importance of having a political champion (or multiple champions) to advance the development agenda forward for these sites. This was discussed in several news media and other secondary sources, such as Bob Hanke and Jody Berland's (2002) journal article from Public titled Signs of a New Park. Here they discussed the importance of Joe Mihevc's role for the
Wychwood Barns project, as others did of Ron Basford in relation to Granville
Island. Though no singular champion existed for the Brick Works, several politicians
(such as Federal Minister of Finance Jim Flaherty) were instrumental to the park's development. These politicians not only aided in securing initial funds, but also in constructing public and government support for the projects. The successful completion of industrial rehabilitation projects appears to be heavily dependent upon the support and determination of influential politicians.
90 Though all three projects received funding from both private and public organizations, the majority of the initial capital was derived from government sources. The importance of receiving government support and funding is suggested here as being a deciding factor of whether or not an industrial site is developed. For
Wychwood Barns and the Brick Works, government support will be vital to their - ongoing success as neither site is financially self-sustaining currently. DeSousa
(2002, p. 195) reiterates that all potential funding sources must be harnessed for the possibility of such a rehabilitation to take place; for him, "funding for all stages of the conversion process, as well as for long-term maintenance of the green spaces, must be actively sought from both the private and public sectors." The literature suggests that the success of these spaces is heavily dependent upon major private and public contributions, though obtaining capital from government sources appears to be the most important.
Secondary research also suggests the importance of opening up small portions of these sites prior to development. In all three cases, the community was invited to utilize space on the proposed projects prior to the site being constructed, often prior to them even being designed. This can be evidenced by the naturalized quarry at the Brick Works, The Mound at Granville Island and a small space at
Wychwood Barns, which the community was invited to occupy. These areas helped to spur community interest in the projects, leading to a more politically-mobilized citizenry. The success of these sites is heavily dependent upon community instigation and the development of these spaces appears to be instrumental to further encouraging linkages among these groups.
91 The literature also reiterates the importance of utilizing a strategy of
minimum intervention in design, to ensure that the historical character and ambience of these spaces remain unhampered by romantic illusions of industrial grandeur. A range of commentators evidenced this perspective through positively
commenting on such attributes as the preservation of graffiti at the Brick Works or the re-use of tin cladding at Granville Island. The Urban Land Institute (2004)
suggests that when these spaces attempt to duplicate design attributes of similar
projects they tend to lose their distinctive appeal and become tourist destinations
predominantly. The consensus seems to be that these spaces need to retain their
unique qualities, regardless of public perception, to ensure that they develop a
distinct character and atmosphere. As Relph (1976) suggests, "the most meager
meaning of 'sense of place' is the ability to recognize different places and different
identities of a place" (p. 5). It has been suggested that these sites should be regarded
as a palimpsest, an idea developed by Peter Eisenman, whereby the designer should
seek to reveal the hidden layers of a site's history to construct juxtaposition and
meaning (Krinke, 2001).
Several academic sources and media commentators suggested that these
spaces offered a glimpse into changing conceptions of what park space is and looks
like, and who should benefit. To some, rehabilitated industrial spaces offer a
significant deviation from traditional park design. Due to modern constraints on
space within urban centres, new parks have been reconceptualized to provide a
broader range of interpretation and experience (e.g. the Highline in New York, NY).
The literature stresses that the design of these spaces must seek to transcend
92 traditional boundaries and continue to engage the public with new and radical conceptions of space. As urban pockets of land become progressively more limited, future park space will have to be established from ever-increasingly unique and difficult circumstances. The challenge of successfully integrating these spaces will be dependent upon constructing new conceptions and perceptions of public space.
7.3 RECOMMENDATIONS DERIVED FROM THE LITERATURE
These recommendations are based on lessons that have been exposed through the case-study literature. They are not ordered by perceived importance.
The presence of a political champion is paramount to gaining political and financial support for development.
Involving community groups and instigating a public participation campaign is essential to developing a sense of ownership and pride among local residents.
Government funding is vital to a project's financial success. All levels of government should be lobbied for support.
Private funding should be sought after, whether from corporate sponsors, individuals, organizations or trusts.
Small portions of these spaces should be open to the public prior to development to create enthusiasm for the project.
A strategy of minimum intervention should be utilized to preserve the existing character and uniqueness of the space.
93 7.4 PARK USER INTERVIEWS
In total, 142 park users were interviewed in the fall of 2010. As opposed to discussing the cumulative results exclusively, this section will also seek to compare case study findings, note overall trends and make recommendations based on these analyses. Unless otherwise stated, the frequencies that are presented here reflect the cumulative results of the research.
The presence of commercial activity is presented as being central to attracting users to these sites. At all three sites, this was the most commonly discussed attribute. Food-related programming was the most positively noted attribute across all three studies and a range of questions. More specifically, farmers' markets were perceived as the primary attractant of these spaces. The motivation for attending these markets varied among users, where some discussed the importance of developing community linkages while others just enjoyed specific food items such as the hot cider at the Brick Works. When present, food production was also important to users. It should be noted that at Wychwood Barns, the
'greenhouse' was the design element most discussed when respondents were asked to suggest their favourite place. This research concludes that the importance of integrating food programs is central to attracting a range of users to a site.
Rehabilitated industrial sites offer excellent venues to house these types of programming elements, given that they often have roofed structures and exist near established neighbourhoods. The importance of accommodating programs related to food is suggested here as being essential to the successful reintegration of these spaces into the communities that surround them. General commercial activity was
94 also important (when present); 11 respondents at Granville Island identified retail shopping as the primary purpose of their visit.
One phenomenon noted across all three case studies was park users' generally negative perception of rigidly-programmed space and their positive perception of flexible spaces. Thirty-eight respondents discussed the importance of these spaces. Flexibly programmed spaces allowed user groups to dictate appropriate uses that responded to the demands of the community. These spaces then became hubs for interaction and recreation. The research displays the community's interest in having venues for community programs such as farmers' markets, community gardens, entertainment performances and outdoor activities.
The perceived importance of these programs is dependent upon the creation of spaces that allow for flexibility and transformation. This finding has been noted by various practitioners and academics, such as Greenberg (2007), who noted that,
"plans can no longer be understood as static blueprints, as in previous decades; they must now be flexible, so that multiple parties can use them to make decisions over time" (p. 5). The architect Rem Koolhaas noted the importance of having these flexible spaces (not exclusively parks) throughout the city to accommodate the varying demands of diverse groups. He referred to malleable spaces, such as parking lots, as post-it parks that became hubs for a range of community events (Koolhaas,
Kwinter, & Fabricius, 2001). Like Greenberg and Koolhaas, this research suggests that rehabilitated industrial parks should not be rigidly programmed but, instead, offer spaces onto which communities can impart their own interpretation and use.
95 Users perceived access to greenspace, natural areas and waterfronts as paramount to a site's appeal. This finding was most apparent at the Brick Works, where users clearly displayed their interest in having access to natural space, water and a trail network. At Granville Island this translated into the significance users placed on having access to the waterfront. This was not surprising given that others have documented the general public's increasing expectation to have access to their city's waterfronts (Urban Land Institute, 2004). This can be extended to naturalized greenspaces; as more and more Canadians migrate towards larger cities, the demand for park spaces is only set to increase. This demand can be evidenced in the research by the frequency of responses related to user's desire for increased access to greenspace and for more and/or larger trees. This desire for increased access to greenspace was even found at the Brick Works, a site with 11 hectares of naturalized open space. Lafortezza et al. (2004, p. 21) noted that the creation of these spaces within rehabilitated industrial sites not only offer a benefit for the surrounding human populous, but also these spaces "may complement parks and natural reserves in the effort to increase the survival of wildlife populations." This research suggests that rehabilitated industrial areas should create and encourage access to waterfronts (if one is available) and naturalized greenspaces.
Also noted in the research was the importance of attracting a range of users through different programs and publicity. Though these sites could be individually characterized as a neighbourhood centre (Wychwood Barns), a city destination
(Brick Works) and an international tourist hub (Granville Island), they all benefit from a varying range of tourist traffic, first time users and frequent community use.
96 Many users responded that they chose to visit one of these sites specifically because of advertising, media exposure or word-of-mouth reputation. Several users also noted their frustration with the lack of advertising on specific events and programs.
Managers of these spaces should make every effort to publicize events and programs taking place on these sites. This will ensure that a range of new and regular users will continue to utilize the space.
Accessibility was a major factor for users of these spaces. This was especially apparent at the Brick Works, where users showed frustration with bicycle access, parking, and public transportation options. It is perceived that this site will have difficulty attracting a range of users given that some local residents and tourists find the site difficult to access. Even users of Granville Island showed frustration with access, though the site is accessible through a variety of means. Others have suggested the importance of this fundamental attribute, such as Wakefield (2007, p.
303), who suggests, "public access is a key component of any redevelopment."
Though the presence of efficient access is important, it is also perceived here that the aesthetic and ambience of the approach is significant as well. This attribute was discovered at Granville Island where several users stressed that they visited the site solely because it was situated along a favourable waterfront boulevard. Water taxis also aided in making the overall approach to the space enjoyable. Eliminating physical barriers to access is perceived as essential, but this strategy must be utilized alongside making these passageways convivial and beautiful (Huang, 2007).
Access was hardly mentioned during the Wychwood Barns interviews, and those users who suggested that they lived close to Granville Island and the Brick Works
97 also showed little interest in discussing access. Many users suggested that they only visited these sites because they were close to their residences when asked why they chose a site specifically. The importance of'being situated in close proximity to a major residential area appears to be vital to communities taking an interest in colonizing these spaces and utilizing them for events.
The following figure conveys the overall findings from the park user interviews and illustrates the frequency of attributes discussed within the interviews.
98 Spaces for Socialization
• programs for community development • educational initiatives • flexiblespace s for events (indoor/outdoor) • central plazas that promote interaction
Active and Passive Recreation
naturalized areas 'traditional' open space rigid sports facilities off leash dog areas children's active play areas spaces to people watch
Presence of Commercial Activity
sale of produce production of food prepared foods employment opportunities retail shopping
Residential Units
• affordable housing • general housing
Presence of Arts and Performance Arts
• professional performance arts venue • amateur performance space artists studio space r^r
Presence of Sustainable Initiatives
adaptive re-use of industrial heritage reintegration natural heritage introduction of 'green' technologies strategy of minimum intervention
Accessibility
bicycle access pedestrian access public transportation access affordable parking options access to water located near large residential area inclusion of range of social groups
Efficient Management and Maintenance
pest control effective advertising and promotion general cleanliness
Specific Design Elements
minimum use of generic pavers and concrete effective signage • the presence of large mature trees
Key:
Most Important: 20 + Respondents Very Important: 11-20 Respondents Important 1-10 Respondents Little Importance 0 Respondents
Figure 7.1: Park user interview comparative analysis
100 7.5 SUMMARY OF PARK USER INTERVIEWS
These recommendations are based on the previous chart. They are ordered by importance.
Most Important
Post-industrial sites should incorporate the presence of commercial activities. These spaces should offer a range of produce and prepared foods especially; mixed-use retail is also perceived as being an important attractant. Venues related to the production of produce and prepared food are especially encouraged.
These sites should be accessible and located near large residential areas. They should be serviced by public transport, offer dedicated pedestrian and bicycle lanes and provide affordable parking options. The approaches should provide favourable viewsheds and a positive experience for visitors.
The design of these spaces should offer flexible spaces that can be utilized by the community for special events, such as farmers'markets. If possible these spaces should be available both in roofed and uncovered areas. These areas are vital to community development and socialization.
The industrial heritage and character of these spaces should be preserved and vivified to develop a strong sense of place and to promote local culture and history.
These sites should accommodate a range of recreational needs through the development of flexible empty space. The inclusion of rigidly designed sporting areas are discouraged.
101 Very Important
These sites should be utilized to promote and showcase environmental sustainability. This should be done through disseminating information through education initiatives, signage and/or visible design.
The presence of artists, amateur performers, craftsmen, professional art organizations and installations is vital to creating a vibrant and exciting environment. Spaces that can be utilized for performances and installations are encouraged. Artist studio space that is periodically accessible to the public is also recommended.
Providing visual and physical access to water is important, especially if the site is located near or along a natural water system.
102 Important
These sites should be effectively managed and maintained to ensure safety, cleanliness and fair employment. Community programs and events should be actively promoted to local residents.
The natural heritage of the site should be preserved and/or reinstated providing ample access to shade, wildlife and nature.
The development of these sites should provide a range of employment opportunities for local residents.
These spaces should be accessible and attractive to a range of social groups.
Spaces should be created to accommodate users who would rather observe the action of the space than partake in its happenings directly. People watching is an important activity to a range of users.
Innovative children's play areas should be incorporated that complement the existing character of the space.
Off-leash dog areas are recommended to attract certain users; however, they should be located on the periphery of the site and be as visually inaccessible as possible.
If possible, residential housing should be considered as a viable programming element. Affordable housing is particularly encouraged.
Minimal use of generic pavers and concrete is recommended.
103 7.6 INTERVIEWS WITH DESIGNERS
The interviews with designers resulted in several overarching themes. One attribute that was stressed by Bryce Miranda (of duToit Allsop Hillier), Megan Torza
(duToit Architects Limited) and David Leinster (of The Planning Partnership] was the importance of creating an initial plan. This was viewed as a relatively inexpensive means to garner support for a development project. The formation of these plans was perceived as being dependent upon a coherent and imaginative concept. These initial plans then become vital to acquiring development funds, mobilizing community groups and acquiring political support. All three case studies were developed from initial plans that were created from a diverse team of designers. This economic strategy is heavily supported by this research as a means of initiating the development of large industrial rehabilitation projects.
All three design professionals also stressed the importance of acquiring community support. This finding has been heavily documented in academic literature, where some, such as Bone (2003, p. 238), have warned, "grassroots community support is essential, to be ignored only at great peril." Community groups are essential to garnering widespread support, guiding implementation and aiding in the long-term maintenance and preservation of the spaces. In all three case studies, large organized grassroots communities assisted in ensuring that these spaces would not be privatized or demolished. Public participation campaigns were recognized by the designers as being essential to the successful completion of these sites.
104 Torza's claim that "many hands made the space more interesting" seemed to resonate with all of the designers interviewed. They referred to the importance of having a diverse team of individuals from various backgrounds and organizations.
Though the design of Granville Island was predominantly completed by H.B.B.H., the initial plan was created through a collaboration amongst a spectrum of professionals. The Wychwood Barns and Brick Works both utilized the same lead architect (Joe Lobko of duToit Architects Limited) and an assorted range of design firms. These cooperative partnerships aided in making these spaces conceptually cohesive yet aesthetically varied, leading to spaces that were more likely to promote discovery and interest.
Both Torza and Leinster also discussed the importance of employing a reputable and resourceful contractor. Torza illustrated this importance by exposing her positive experience with Dalton Construction (Wychwood Barns) and Eastern
Construction (Brick Works). She stressed that the site superintendent and project manager for Wychwood Barns were particularly resourceful and committed. This can be contrasted with Leinster's experience with the landscape contractors at
Wychwood Barns. He illuminated that due to the incompetence of the contractor, the landscaping for Wychwood Barns Park was heavily jeopardized. The importance of contracting a reputable and determined construction partner is stressed here as being vital to a project's success.
Within the research and interviews, several designers and academics noted the complementary relationship between heritage preservation and sustainable development. This not only refers to the re-use of industrial infrastructure but also
105 to the design aesthetic created when contrasting modern building techniques with industrial heritage. Sustainability also refers to environmental considerations, as the preservation of cultural heritage is essential to projects attempting to present themselves as sustainable. This finding was not only established from the interviews with designers but also from academic and other secondary sources. Loures &
Panagopoulos (2007, p. 799) echo this perspective through their conclusion that
"the spirit of the place should be seen as the essential theoretical base for landscape reclamation allowing it to strengthen the landscape's most important aspects and to accomplish sustainable development."
One characteristic, which was noted in all three interviews, was the importance of perseverance from all actors engaged in the rehabilitation. These projects all faced a number of significant barriers including contamination, environmental constraints, political hostility, community opposition and budget constraints. These impediments were only overcome due to the strength and determination of the individuals and teams associated with these projects' development. All designers interviewed noted that the success of these industrial rehabilitation developments were dependent upon the commitment of certain individuals or champions.
7.7 SUMMARY OF INTERVIEWS WITH DESIGNERS
These recommendations are based on lessons that have emerged from the designer interviews. They are not ordered by perceived importance.
106 • Initial plans and reports should be utilized to garner interest and support for a project. They can be completed at a fairly low cost and utilized to trigger development
• A diverse team of design professionals with various accreditations should be employed to aid in the creation of the design and oversee implementation.
• Engaging the community is vital to ensuring that these spaces get developed for public use.
• Only reputable and resourceful contractors should be considered as a development partner.
• Individuals involved in all stages of development should show a significant amount of perseverance and determination in order to overcome a number of unanticipated barriers and opposition.
7.8 CONCLUDING SUMMARY
This research displayed cases where industrial sites were successfully integrated into the infrastructure of urban public space. It observed the cases from the vantage point of three sources: the literature, the user and the designer. Each group of sources offered a different paradigm from which to observe these spaces and, due to this, offered unique perspectives from which to analyze these places.
This research, in its most fundamental aspirations, hopes to promote and encourage the rehabilitation of industrial sites, which have the potential to emerge as vibrant places for local communities, city residents and international tourists. It is hoped that the lessons learned from these case studies will be utilized by future designers and stakeholders, aiding to ensure that these spaces continue to complement the existing infrastructure of parks and public space.
107 8.0 DEMONSTRATION DESIGN
8.1 INTRODUCTION
The site selected for a demonstration design is located in Vancouver (BC) at
123 Rogers Street. The site is currently owned and operated by Lantic Sugar Limited
(here on referred to as Lantic]. Prior to a set of mergers and acquisitions the site was the property of British Columbia Sugar Refining Company Limited (commonly referred to as Rogers' Sugar). Lantic produces a range of products using Rogers
Sugar as a brand name. This study focuses on the heritage building located on the southern edge of the Lantic's property. This currently under-utilized building was exclusively included given that the active facility directly to the north of the structure continues to produce 240,000 tonnes of sugar per year (Lantic Inc., 2011).
A central intention of this exercise was not to disrupt this successful Canadian industry and instead encourage a closer connection between traditionally separated human activities (e.g. recreation and industry). The managers at Evergreen showed an interest in this property given its connection to the waterfront, its central focally- significant location and its status as an iconic heritage structure.
108 Figure 8.1: South fagade of building Figure 8.2: South fagade and surrounding industrial area
Figure 8.3: Alliance Grain facility Figure 8.4: View to North directly adjacent to site Vancouver and facility from nearby residential neighbourhood
8.2 CULTURAL HERITAGE
Prior to European settlement, this site was most likely inhabited by aboriginal groups, who often showed a preference for residing near water systems.
Likely candidates that specifically populated this area would be the Squamish,
Salish, Burrard or Musqueam peoples. Their presence in this region has been dated back to 10,000 to 14,000 years ago (Pojar & Mackinnon, 1994). The land here was originally impacted by these aboriginals who occasionally cleared areas of land through controlled burnings, practiced sustainable harvesting techniques and
109 promoted the growth of certain plants over others. This in no way matched the scale of the transformation that took place with the influx of European settlers in the 18th and 19th century. Due to settlement and commerce, massive areas were logged and many wetlands were filled. Non-native plants were introduced during this period and began to out compete indigenous species. The landscape of Vancouver was forever altered (Pojar & Mackinnon, 1994).
Currently, this site is reminiscent of the early industrialists who scoured
North America in the 19th and 20th century, stamping the ideals of manifest destiny upon the landscape. As shown in Figure 8.1 and Figure 8.2 the architectural style of the building is representational of this early industrial period. Benjamin Tingley
Rogers (B.T. Rogers) was the "determined, strong-willed and short tempered" son of a successful American sugar refiner (Schreiner, 1989, p. 12). Born in Philadelphia
(PA) in 1865, B.T. Rogers spent the majority of his formative years in the
Northeastern United States of America. After working in the sugar industry for some years he saw the opportunity to displace Redpath Sugar, located in Montreal (QC), as Canada's most influential sugar producer. In 1889, the Canadian Pacific Railway
(CPR) had just been completed, offering an opportunity to connect the raw resources of Asia with Western Canada. B.T. recognized the strategic importance of being the first to locate a sugar refining industry in Vancouver, connecting these two ravenous markets. The facilities at British Sugar Refining Company Limited first became operational in 1890 following the acquisitions of several private investors and support from public institutions, such as the CPR and the City of Vancouver
(Schreiner, 1989). B.T. Rogers was twenty-five at the time.
110 The history of the company, family and facilities is well documented in John
Schreiner's monograph titled The Refiners: A Century of BCSugar (1989). Though
Rogers' Sugar continues to be a successful enterprise, it did have a series of issues throughout the 20th century, including but not limited to: union walkouts (that occasionally became violent), failed overseas acquisitions (e.g. a sugar plantation in
Fiji), government investigations, interior management squabbles and a series of issues related to their beet sugar facilities in Alberta.
8.3 NATURAL HERITAGE
The coastal region of the North Pacific contains several important ecosystems including: meadows, temperate rainforests, muskegs and rocky slopes
(Pojar & Mackinnon, 1994). The area of study is defined by mild winters (with
January being the coldest month, with a daily average of 4.8 Celsius) and heavy rainfall (receiving just under 1600 mm of precipitation on average each year)
(Environment Canada, 2011). It is assumed that the study region was previously home to a temperate forest region dominated by coniferous species (given that deciduous trees have difficulty competing due to the dry-summer climate). Western
Hemlock [Tsuga heterophylla), Douglas Fir [Pseudotsuga menziesii) and Western
Red Cedar [Thuja plicata) are the most likely species to have inhabited this area.
This is especially true of the Western Red Cedar, which favours moist riparian areas
(Pojar & Mackinnon, 1994).
For the aboriginals who inhabitated this land prior to European colonization, over 130 plant species were harvested for consumption or flavouring. These
111 included berries, green leafy vegetables, root vegetables and inner bark (Pojar &
Mackinnon, 1994).
8.4 SURROUNDING CONTEXT
The site is located just east of downtown on the Vancouver Harbour. This area is commonly referred to as the Downtown Eastside. Directly south of the facility is a two-lane roadway, which is frequently utilized by tractor-trailers. South of this roadway is a large rail corridor, containing four rows of track. Access is only permitted currently by vehicle, with entrance points directly adjacent to the site on the east and west. The site is closed to the public; to gain access, visitors must go through one of these Port Metro Vancouver checkpoints. To the west of the site is a cruise ship terminal operated by Ballantyne. To the east is one of Canada's largest grain handling facilities, operated by Alliance Grain (displayed in Figured 8.3). The facilities at Alliance Grain produce a cyclical "swooshing" sound, though distinctly industrial, the sound resembles waves. Beyond both of these facilities are large shipping container terminals. The neighbourhood located beside the port is predominantly inhabited by small-scale industries between Powell Street and East
Hastings Street. South of East Hasting Street, the surroundings alter rapidly, as a large residential neighbourhood emerges. This consists of low to medium density housing units, several parkettes and a few schools. From certain vantage points within this neighbourhood (namely Glen Drive), the structure being utilized for this demonstration is visible, as illustrated by Figure 8.4. This area is referred to as
Strathcona. It should be noted that this area is currently undergoing significant change as development pressures are pushing outward from the popular historic
112 Vancouver area known as Gas Town. To the west of the demonstration site, two other parks have been created along the waterfront: Portside Park and Harbour
Green Park. If the demonstration site were utilized as a recreational hub, these three sites would be equally spaced along the Vancouver waterfront (approximately
1.5 kilometers).
8.5 ECOLOGICAL INVENTORY
The site has few relevant ecological functions. Deciduous trees are sparsely located throughout the site, but other than these species, little vegetation exists that would provide any benefit to the surrounding ecosystem. The existing species are ornamental in nature. On three visits to the site no animals or animal sounds were noted.
8.6 OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS
The following opportunities and constraints were identified when conducting the research.
Opportunities:
1) Provide ecological connections to strengthen surrounding corridors and patches
2) Provide public access to the waterfront
3) Strengthen view sheds to North Vancouver and Downtown Vancouver
4) Connect residents and visitors to a heritage space with a strong sense of place
5) Vivify the status of Vancouver culture and arts
6) Connect people with operational industries and the visual stimulation that they provide
113 7} Large access ramps currently exist that could be adapted to allow visitors to drive to the site
8) Existing ramps could also be utilized to separate the site from surrounding tractor-trailer traffic
Constraints:
1) Traditional access will be skewed by a large rail corridor
2) Currently noise disseminates from Alliance Grain, the railway corridor and the container storage facility
3] The site is separated from a large residential area by a primarily industrial area
4) Parking facilities are absent in the surrounding area
5) The Downtown Eastside has a reputation for crime, prostitution and drug use
6) No current system exists for commuting from the surrounding area to the sight by water taxi service
7) Lantic Limited remains an active sugar refining facility
8.7 CONCEPT
The overall concept developed to guide the design was the process of refining sugar. This concept was developed to align with the research finding that users preferred flexible open spaces that they could refine into places for community programs. The concept utilized here reflects this ideal whereby the landscape has been left in a raw form, from which individuals and groups can supplant their own interpretation and needs. The guiding "Raw Sugar" concept is visualized on the following page in Figure 8.5. This idea lead to the development of utilizing sugar mounds as landscape forms. These mounds not only strengthen the
114 parks connection to its surroundings, heritage and provide functionality for users but also perform an important environmental function for the surrounding region.
Figure 8.5: Raw sugar concept
115 8.8 PLAN
Program Elements:
A) Mounds. These are constructed from dredged and excavated contaminated
debris from the surrounding industrial area. They not only provide a local
means for the disposal and treatment of contaminated soils but also instigate
the rehabilitation of nearby sites. These mounds reproduce and strengthen
the view to the mountains beyond North Vancouver. They also frame views
from within the park of the nearby industrial facilities while providing an
excellent vantage point to view Downtown Vancouver. These mounds have
been constructed to offer a range of program possibilities, such as: the ability
to grow food; a seating area to observe large events below on the large paved
area; a venue for sledding and other downhill related sports and events; or
a leisurely spot to socialize, read or sun tan.
B) Vertical Agriculture. This structure provides a venue to grow local produce
and to educate people on methods of hydroponics, aquaculture and other
productive techniques. It further offers a demonstration of the merits of
vertical agricultural systems and how they can be implemented in a stylized
and standardized format at a potentially low-cost. The frames for these
stacked greenhouses are constructed from shipping containers utilizing
locally recycled materials that correspond with the surrounding context.
C) The Path. This structure begins at East Hastings Road to provide a subtle
slope over the large rail corridor. Visitors will observe a series of
116 demonstration green roofs along their ascent to the site. The path loops
around a vegetated mound, this serves to partially block the view out to the
site and waterfront prior to users entering the space. This design technique
is utilized to provide a sense of arrival to the place.
D) The Heritage Building. This space should be utilized for a range of uses
and be partially open to the public. Due to the scale of the space, housing and
affordable housing should be made available. It is suggested here that
live/work spaces be included in this plan. Some space should be dedicated to
artisanal crafts (e.g. shoemaking), which can be both produced and sold on
the premises. Retail opportunities should be interspersed with a range of
specialty food stores and beverage enterprises. These shops should be
positioned on the west side of the building to attract park users. Commercial
space could also be provided. The heritage building to the west and the
structure on the roof of the original refinery could be utilized as spaces for
restaurants. A rooftop garden should also be implemented to attract visitors
and residents to the roof.
E) Open Lawn and Paved Area. This malleable area provides a venue for a
variety of events for the community and visitors. Possible uses could include:
a large event space for festivals or markets; a venue for large music shows; a
skating rink; a flexible sporting area; or a place for skateboarding.
F) Raised Plaza. This space provides excellent views to the water and North
Vancouver. A ramp structure provides access to this space and other
117 features such as trees and benches could easily be implemented in the future.
A fish habitat exists directly west of this structure to complement the form of
the plaza and to aid in the rehabilitation of local fish populations.
G) The Ecological Mound. This area is inaccessible to the public and
complements the view to the north while providing an important patch to
strengthen existing migratory routes for a number of bird species.
118 Figure 8.6: Proposed conceptual plan for Rogers' Sugar site
119 8.9 APPLICATION OF DESIGN RECOMMENDATIONS
Figure 8.7: Overview of site
This elevated perspective observes the site looking south. Here, the mounds and flat area display the large amount of space dedicated to flexible and event oriented programming. This design attempts to deal with a number of constraints and re-imagines the space as a recreational facility conducive to attracting large shows, festivals and events. The heritage buildings located in the distance are displayed here left fully preserved, giving the space a distinctive character and identity. Areas for creative play have been suggested by the large stand of trees on the western edge of the site. A mound has also been created that is inaccessible to park users, reinstating the natural heritage of the area. It should also be noted that
120 the boat illustration here represents the belief that a ferry system should be implemented to connect Stanley Park, Portside Park, Harbour Green Park and this space. This system would be similar to the one currently in operation along False
Creek.
The design of these spaces should offer flexible spaces that can be utilized by / the community for special events, such as farmers' markets. If possible these spaces should be available both in roofed and uncovered areas. These areas are vital to community development and socialization. / The industrial heritage and character of these spaces should be preserved and vivified to develop a strong sense of place and to promote local culture and history. The natural heritage of the site should be preserved and/or reinstated providing ample access to shade, wildlife and nature.
Innovative children's play areas should be incorporated that complement the existing character of the space.
121 Figure 8.8: View from roof of Roger's Sugar building
This perspective looks towards North Vancouver displaying the visual form of the mounds and how they interact with the surrounding landscape. Visible to the left is the access path looping around the densely vegetated mound. It should be noted that the furthest mound is not sloped, so as to preserve viewsheds to North
Vancouver and Vancouver Harbour.
122 These sites should accommodate a range of recreational needs through the development of flexible empty space. The inclusion of rigidly designed sporting areas are discouraged.
Providing visual and physical access to water is important, especially if the site is located near or along a natural water system.
/ Spaces should be created to accommodate users who would rather observe the action of the space than partake in its happenings directly. People watching is an important activity to a range of users.
123 JaaT*-
* > &-,: -
"**' v«2* F " * "SPP ".K**^ MJEff/n*- i - j • : -WV?¥•;.'-< 'fr-*-•>• v> *• J« .• ?'.y k "••• ^" y ^&>K' ' - •VJSKS-&-II l .^j^-7 Figure 8.9: Entering the site via elevated pathway
This perspective illustrates the view that users would experience entering the site from East Hastings Road. A wide pathway allows for large numbers of users to enter and leave the site comfortably. This pathway bypasses a series of greenroofs to stimulate the overall experience of the site. It is recommended that a bicycle path be implemented to connect the surrounding region to the site. It is vital that this path or lane provide a favourable experience for visitors approach to the site.
124 These sites should be accessible and located near large residential areas. They should be serviced by public transport, offer dedicated pedestrian and bicycle lanes and provide affordable parking options. The approaches should provide favourable viewsheds and a positive experience for visitors.
125 *- i-4 f-V *•*«*# A\ Figure 8.10: Vertical agriculture and adaptive re-use This perspective primarily displays the vertical agriculture system proposed for the site. Here, recycled shipping containers are reconstituted to create stacked greenhouses to allow for the production of food. It is proposed that the large heritage structure be rehabilitated to house residential space, live/work units, commercial space, production space, creative organizations and retail. 126 / A strategy of minimum intervention should be utilized to preserve the / existing character and uniqueness of the space. Post-industrial sites should incorporate the presence of commercial activities. These spaces should offer a range of produce and prepared foods / especially; mixed-use retail is also perceived as being an important attractant. Venues related to the production of produce and prepared food are especially encouraged. These sites should be utilized to promote and showcase environmental sustainability. This should be done through disseminating information through education initiatives, signage and/or visible design. The presence of artists, amateur performers, craftsmen, professional art organizations and installations are vital to creating a vibrant and exciting environment. Spaces that can be utilized for performances and installations are encouraged. Artist studio space that is periodically accessible to the public is also recommended. / The development of these sites should provide a range of employment opportunities for local residents. / If possible, residential housing should be considered as a viable programming element. Affordable housing is particularly encouraged. 8.10 LIMITATIONS OF DEMONSTRATION DESIGN Recommendations specific to site design and programming were presented within this demonstration exclusively. Several recommendations derived from the study are not applicable to site-specific design and therefore were ignored in this section. These include recommendations related to politics, funding, construction and public participation. It is not to say that these variables do not impact design but given the constraints of this site-specific conceptual exercise, they were not utilized. Two design-related recommendations were also not utilized in this presentation. These included: 127 X Off leash dog areas are recommended to attract certain users, however, they should be located on the periphery of the site and be as visually inaccessible as possible. X Minimal use of generic pavers and concrete is recommended. The first recommendation was avoided due to the fact that the nearby Portside Park offers a large off-leash dog area where dogs can access the Vancouver Harbour. Due to the finding within the research that many people are uncomfortable around dogs, it is positioned here that providing an off-leash dog area is unnecessary at this site. The second principle was avoided due to it being about design details. Specific design materials and designs were not part of this conceptual exercise. 128 9.0 CONCLUSION 9.1 FURTHER RESEARCH Of particular note during the research was the observation that only certain groups were utilizing these spaces. Compared to the multicultural neighbourhoods that surround them, these sites were largely mono-cultural. Also due to an ethics requirement, the researchers originally discussed strategies to ensure that they would not accidently approach anyone aged 18 and under. This turned out to be a general waste of time given that these places seemed to be devoid of people between the ages of 14 to 24. It is positioned here that these two social observations would be interesting areas for future studies. 9.2 CONCLUDING REMARKS In its most fundamental aspirations, this research aims to promote urban intensification, in a modest effort to prevent further sprawl into productive agricultural land, wood lots, wetlands and other greenfields. The rehabilitation of brownfields provides a significant opportunity to mitigate the phenomena of sprawl, while providing important venues to redefine and reinvigorate the image of neighbourhoods and cities. It is positioned here that these spaces are especially suited to recreational uses, given that, due to contamination restrictions, residential privatization is often difficult and expensive to achieve, while limiting local residents ability to access local heritage and identity. The structure of this research was defined by shortcomings in the literature and the needs of a national non-profit organization. It is hoped that future designers 129 will utilize the recommendations developed here so that these spaces continue to emerge to service the needs of ever-increasing urban populations. The research bases its findings on three sources: case study literature; designer interviews; and park user interviews. Each resource provided a unique vantage point to observe the case studies from; each had specific and fascinating stories to tell. The Brick Works displays the importance of exposing and conserving the numerous layers of a site's history, regardless of whether these layers are traditionally viewed as desirable or not. This site also vivified the importance of rehabilitating potential natural areas and providing a refuge for animals (and, yes, this includes humans]. Wychwood Barns unearthed the prominence of community perseverance, though it offered the lesson that, occasionally, it is appropriate for designers to guide community perceptions. Like Wychwood Barns, Granville Island showcases the significant relationship between politics and the destinies of these sites. Also worthy of mention, Granville Island demonstrates the important point that beautiful and popular places can be created from simplified design complemented with appropriate and innovative programming. Overall these sites have exposed that perceptions on traditional recreational space are going through a period of reconceptualization. Christopher Hume's piece, More than a Place to Park Yourself in the Toronto Star provides an example of this perception, where he suggests: "At a time when people enjoy more leisure than ever before, indeed, a time when the pursuit of pleasure has become an all-consuming obsession, park design must struggle to keep up" (Hume, 2002, AR.14). 130 The research presented here is not perfect. It does not represent any population, nor provide findings that can be considered definitively correct. Yet, it does offer a glimpse into how as designers we can continue to reshape the landscape creating functionality, beauty and meaning. And that fight, friends, is worth losing battles over. A deep human need exists for associations with significant places. 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How did it guide the design process? 4) Were any major lessons learned during your involvement with the project? 5) To date, (specific project) is largely regarded as a successful project, what major attributes would you credit with helping to achieve this outcome? PARK USER INTERVIEW QUESTIONAIRRE 1) Why do you choose to visit local parks/recreational facilities? 2) Why do you choose to visit (specific place)? 3) What is your favourite place at (specific place)? 4) What do you think makes (specific place) most attractive? 5) Which parts of (specific place) do you find most unattractive? 6) Could you please suggest some changes you would make to (specific place) in the future? 7) If (specific place) was closed and replaced with a condo development, what would you miss most? 139 PARK USER INTERVIEW FREQUENCIES Evergreen Artscape Brick Granville Wychwood Works Island Barns Spaces for Socialization 26 17 38 * programs for community development 12 11 26 • educational initiatives 6 2 5 • flexible spaces for events (indoor/outdoor) 14 0 24 central plazas that promote interaction 0 11. 4 Active and Passive Recreation 31 14 26 • naturalized areas 30 0 0 'traditional' open space 3 7 13 rigid sports facilities 0 0 1 off-leash dog areas 5 0 4 children's active play areas 2 2 6 spaces to people watch 3 8 2 Presence of Commercial Activity 33 46 39 sale of produce 30 32 32 production of food 0 0 18 prepared foods 5 40 19 employment opportunities 5 5 13 retail shopping 0 11 0 Residential Units affordable housing 4 * general housing 0 Presence of Arts and Performance Arts 22 14 professional performance arts venue 0 6 3 amateur performance space 0 15 5 « artists studio space 1 12 11 140 Presence of Sustainable Initiatives 24 11 25 adaptive re-use of industrial heritage 22 25 25 reintegration natural heritage 17 0 1 introduction of 'green' technologies 6 0 0 strategy of minimum intervention 6 2 6 Accessibility 33 32 32 bicycle access 3 2 0 pedestrian access 14 12 11 public transportation access 4 2 0 1 affordable parking options 15 5 1 • access to water 11 22 0 1 located near large residential area 12 13 29 inclusion of range of social groups 3 5 9 Efficient Management and Maintenance 10 20 pest control 0 16 0 effective advertising and promotion 6 14 2 1 general cleanliness 6 2 3 Specific Design Elements • minimum use of generic pavers and concrete 0 1 3 * effective signage 5 1 0 the presence of large mature trees 14 0 6 141 EVERGREEN BRICKWORK'S BUILDING RE-USE STRATEGIES Building # New Program Summary of Conservation Strategy Function 1 Community Use Minor upgrades to existing building 3 Transformer and Minor upgrades to existing building Storage Room 4 Restaurant Rehabilitation 5 Community Use Minimal interventions to existing building 678 Marketplace Pavilions Rehabilitation, including repair of corroding steel and installation of lighting and electrical outlets 9 Discovery Centre Rehabilitation of building: repair of brick work [Children's Play Area) and creation of a partial mezzanine; partial conditioning of building; reinstating of original openings to provide adequate ground floor for new program. The existing ground floor level will be maintained as part of site interpretation strategy 10 and 11a Discovery Centre Rehabilitation of building: selective alteration of two hoppers and bins to accommodate east- west mezzanine level connection and provide adequate wheelchair accessibility; creation of small mezzanine areas and connection to mezzanine level walkway llb/c Welcome Centre Partial retention/demolition of existing fabric entrance and to allow for pedestrian circulation. Current circulation Heritage Permit #1 outlines stabilization strategy 12 Administration Partial demolition and rehabilitation of the Building building includes; removal of the roof and retention of the existing three brick walls. New and modified building openings will be provided. The floor level will be raised to meet nuisance flood protection levels 13 Dismantled and Dismantled and recycled recycled 14 Marche Rehabilitation of the building requires the introduction of selective interventions including; new partitions, floor and electrical/mechanical systems 142 15 Evergreen Gardens Rehabilitation of the buildings includes: removal of existing asbestos roof and reinforce steel trusses 16 Evergreen Gardens Rehabilitation of the building includes: removal of a section of the tunnel kiln to accommodate east-west circulation route; removal of selections of kilns to accommodate the Gardiner Museum; removal of some of the mechanical ducts and steel structure above dryers and kilns, replacement of existing asbestos roof, repair of damaged trusses and removal of north south roof sections between buildings 14,15 and 16 to accommodate storm water runoff. The mural on the south exterior will be removed or relocated to expose existing brickwork. [Evergreen, 2007, p. 11-12) 143 ARTSCAPE WYCHWOOD BARN'S BUILDING RE-USE STRATEGIES Building # New Program Function Summary of Conservation Strategy Barnl Studio Barn - Live/work Rehabilitation and adaptive re-use studios, work studios, associated amenity and utility space and main building entrance Barn 2 Public Corridor - Rehabilitation and adaptive re-use General building access and circulation Barn 3 Community Barn - Rehabilitation and adaptive re-use Office spaces for community groups, rehearsal/performance space, public washrooms, utility and lobby/circulation spaces Barn 4 Green Barn - Rehabilitation and adaptive re-use Greenhouse, support and community meeting space, exterior sheltered garden, exterior public court, compost demonstration area Barn 5 Fifth Barn - extension of Partial demolition with portions remaining adjacent park space, general public access, all exterior space (duToit Architects Limited, 2004) 144 LESSONS LEARNED BY MEGAN TORZA DURING THE WYCHWOOD BARNS PROJECT A magical building that refused to be demolished after many years of great service to the City, with many stories to tell and more life to live, notwithstanding over twenty years of abandonment and neglect. A client with enormous ambition and vision and the wisdom to stick to that vision notwithstanding the many, many financial and political challenges along the way. A committed and dedicated community surrounding the project who insisted that something special be done here, with the stamina to deal with the broad range of opinions on offer and the resulting, often difficult, public debate about the future of this place that took place. A local municipal councilor who understood that the project needed a strong, public champion in the face of often bitter attacks from some colleagues on council (and some in the community], and through what, at times, must have seemed to be an endless uphill battle. The recognition that the preservation of our built heritage and the green movement are complementary and natural allies in our collective effort to make great sustainable places; combined with the acknowledgement of that recognition with financial support, from a vast number of people and organizations. A truly great mechanical engineer who helped us harness the earth's energy (50 holes/400 ft deep) in delivering heating and cooling for the diverse array of spaces created, while harvesting an acre of roof water to drain every dual flush toilet in the place, with water left over for irrigation of the surrounding park, greenhouse and gardens. A tough, effective and dedicated site superintendent and a resourceful, committed and honest project manager who always had the project's best interest in mind in everything they did. Notwithstanding the very long gestation period this project underwent, (and in spite of assumptions to the contrary on the part of many), a very supportive and creative city bureaucracy that went beyond the normal call of duty every step of the way to help tease this project along its tortuous and very complicated route of approvals. A diverse and dedicated team of consultants who worked well together and gave it their all over a very long period of time, and with whom it was a joy to share in the birth of this renewed and unique place. Unbelievable doses of perseverance and determination on the part of everyone involved. (Torza, 2010) 145 146