Victorian Costuming of the Southern Sierra Miwok: 1851-1875

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Victorian Costuming of the Southern Sierra Miwok: 1851-1875 Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 273-287 (1982). Victorian Costuming of the Southern Sierra IMiwok: 1851-1875 K. P. WELLS XAMINATION of late 19th century their chief, Teneya, refused to cooperate with ESouthern Sierra Miwok costuming pro­ Savage's request to negotiate a treaty with vides valuable insight into a post-contact three federal Indian Commissioners (Bunneh Central California culture. Major shifts in 1880: 46).^ The pursuit led to the discovery clothing style and material are a visible and of Yosemite Valley by EuroAmericans on dynamic indicator of cultural change, some­ March 25, 1851, and to Teneya's capture in times associated with sociopohtical tension May, 1851. The Yosemites were then taken to (Kroeber 1963: 22), although this point has the Fresno River Reservation between the been argued (Young 1937: 41). In the case of Fresno and Mariposa Rivers, but Teneya and the Yosemite Miwok, the 'tension' created by some of his fohowers escaped in the fall of contact in 1851 resulted in the replacement 1851 and returned to Yosemite Vahey (Rus­ of buckskin skirts and breech clouts by cloth seh 1947: 36-39,46). dresses and pants (Barrett and Gifford 1933: Before being taken to the Fresno River 220; Bureau of Indian Affaks 1951: 1-19; Reservation, the Yosemite Miwok male wore Borlase 1875: 207-211). "a simple breech clout of buckskin which Gold mining activities in the Southern passed between the legs and hung from a Sierra encroached on Miwok land along the buckskin girdle as a short apron at the front Merced River near Mariposa resulting in the and back," while the female wore a "two desecration of primary hunting, gathering, piece dress," the back apron overlapping the and encampment grounds (Crampton 1957: front, both hanging to mid-calf (Barrett and 3-8; Anderson, Ellison, and Heizer 1978: Gifford 1933: 220-221). However, it is doubt­ 231). The Miwok retahated against the inva­ ful that these coverings were worn at all sion of miners by attacking a trading post times, especiahy during hot weather when along the Fresno River on December 17, 1850 individuals did not wear any clothing (Perelot (Bunneh 1880: 15-16). This attack on the 1981: 146). Savage Tradmg Post prompted Indian Affairs As early as 1850, Miwok women along the subagent, Adam Johnston, to appeal to the Merced near present day El Portal were Cahfornia State Legislature for troops and reported to "dress neatly . (in) white funds, and by January 24, 1851, the Mariposa chemis [sic] with low neck and short sleeves, Battahon was organized and James Savage to which is appended either a red or blue skirt elected the leader (Anderson, Ellison, and . they always look clean" (Crampton 1957: Heizer 1978: 19).' The Battalion pursued the 107). Since women's ready-wear was not Yosemite Miwok into their homeland after avahable until the late 1870s (Kidweh 1976: 137) and it is unhkely that these women were K. P. Wells, National Park Service, Yosemite, CA 95385. able to hire seamstresses, it can be assumed [273] 274 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY that these early garments were sewn by their simharity between pre-contact and post- wearers (Crampton 1957: 107). Fashion contact Miwok costume style and the dissimi­ plates of 1850-1852 hlustrate Western Euro­ larity between 1850 Miwok style and that of pean one-piece, day dress at that time as being theh non-Indian contemporaries. Miwok deeply flounced in the skirt and tight fitting women in 1850 maintained the pre-contact in the bodice, simhar in style to a waistcoat, "skht-style" that cinched at the waist, merely with long "pagoda" sleeves (Fig. 1; Cunning- using a cotton cloth rather than buckskin. ton 1952: 171-174). This suggests that the The addition of a chemise to their outfit must Miwok clothing described by Crampton was be considered a direct result of continual not "anglo cast-off." contact with non-Indians, as through marriage In comparing the description of 1850 or employment (Crampton 1957: 107; Phil- Southern Sierra Miwok styles to that of the hps 1978: 173). This styling is nevertheless in 1850 fashion plates, it is striking to note the marked contrast to the voluminous, flounced Fig. 1. "1852 Daywear." Note the Pagoda style sleeves, corsetted bodice and flounced skirts (Cunnington 1952: 175). VICTORIAN COSTUMING 275 skirts and tight-fitting bodices depicted in the the river in exchange for olo (gold). The 1850 Godey's Ladies Magazine (1850: 26). acorns and the poison-ivy are for the Indians The possible reasons for the change from too .... On condition the Indian hides [i.e., buckskin to cotton are a matter of specula­ dresses] he may go wherever he wants, leaving their property to the white men .... tion. Signators to the 1851 Fresno River The Indians are also entitled to buy sugar Treaty were to be supplied with "one pair of and cloth in exchange for their olo [Perelot strong pantaloons and one red flannel shirt 1981: 112]. for each man and boy, one Linsey gown for The following are narratives by Perelot each woman and girl, 4,000 yards of cahco (1981: 137-139) regarding the encounter be­ and one thousands yards of brown sheeting, tween Scipriano and the sheriff of Mariposa 40 yards of Scotch thread" (Bureau of Indian County: Affairs 1951: 20). Treaty Commissioner As soon as I got the Sheriffs letter, I gave McKee spent $6,500 in 1850 for "blankets, Scipriano an appointment for the next day flannel shirts, cahco, saches [sic], shawls and at 5 a.m., requesting him for the occasion, to other items," before his arrival in California. wear both his shirt and trousers (for quite All of these items were to be presented to the often he wore only one of these garments). Cahfomia Indians as incentive to sign the It was agreed that, to distinguish the good yet-to-be-negotiated 18 treaties (U. S. Senate Indians from the bad ones, his braves and 1852: 49). More interesting possibhities for squaws should be decently clad, which means they were to wear a shirt reaching the change from skin to cloth are suggested down to the knees. While conceding this by the accounts of a Belgian explorer/miner point, Scipriano had a doubtful look at his named Perelot. Arriving in Monterey in 1849, own shirt which was not reaching that low; Perelot walked from the coast to the Yosem- but this did not matter too much, as, on my ite/Mariposa region, settling between Mari­ advice, he was also wearing pants. posa and Yosemite in 1851 or 1852. During Perelot also describes in 1853 a mixture this time he made the acquaintance of people of pre-contact and post-contact clothing he termed "the Yosemites" and, in fact, lived styles: with them for a period in 1853. Perelot (1981: 35-36) describes, "trousers, shirts, hats The Indian lives quite naked. If sometimes, he wears a short apron coming down to ... [an] umbreha . good as new" being mid-thigh, it is rather to look smart than for abandoned on the trah to the mines between any other reason; for quite often, he does Merced and Mariposa and implies that any­ not object to taking it off and lending it to one, including Indians, needing new clothing someone. Still, if he does not care for was welcome to take these discarded articles. clothes, he loves adorning himself by paint­ ing or tatooing his dark skin in white and Perelot then goes on to describe, in several blue. This is not general use and it is mainly passages, the important role that clothing the young people of both sexes who do so played in relations between the Southern [Perelot 1981: 146]. Sierra Miwok, miners, and local government Soon afterwards I got confirmation of this m the Yosemite region. The fohowing is a statement as I saw a party of 30-40 Indians, conversation between Perelot and the pur­ men and women, walking through camp, ported chief of the Yosemites, Scipriano: carrying various tools and all of them wear­ ing clothes . some were wearing a shirt My father asks me to teU you Scipriano is on and trousers . some only a shirt, and the the Tualumne [sic] with the paper allowing better if it was long enough; others wore the Indians to stay here and to go and get only trousers which, as a rule were too long flour from the white men on the banks of for them; stih they had found a clever way 276 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY of wearing them without cutting the bottom were visiting Yosemite in the same month and of the legs: they just spht them from crotch year. Both photographs depict styling anom­ to knee; this way, they could lift them up as alous to fashion plates published for the year high as the armpits, sometimes over the parts 1872 (Fig. 4; Cunnington 1952: 264). As seen the white men want to hide .... m Fig. 4, the fashion feature of the year 1872 The Indian women wore any garment they could lay hands on, but of course, was the introduction of the polonaise, "a never found women's clothes as in these sort of tight fitting casque, a bodice to parts of California there were only men. which is added a small skirt... it fahs straight StiU, though they wore the same rags as the down in front and is draped in the back only" Indian men, they put them to much better (Cunnington 1952: 264). This feature is not use.
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