CEU eTD Collection Second Reader: Professor JacekKochanowicz Professor Reader: Second Supervisor: Professor István Rév What does it mean that Communism hasended? Communism mean that it does What and politics of memory in Post-Communist Poland. Post-Communist in of memory and politics Disintegration of the dissident counterculture In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Central Central University European History Department Budapest, Hungary Budapest, Piotr Wci Piotr Master of Arts Submitted to Submitted 2009 By Ğ lik CEU eTD Collection such instructions may not be made without the written permission of of Author. permission the written be the made may not instructions without such must page form a part of any made.copiescopies Further such made in with accordance lodged in the Central European Library. Details may e obtained from the librarian. This and Author the by given instructions the with in accordance only made be may inpart, or Copyright in thesis of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full Statement ofCopyright: theory ofknowledge. social and history, intellectual and cultural studies, memory inquiry: of social fields various from Czech-Slovakexample. authorIn termsof methodology, brings the together theoretical insights a using context, European Central larger the in interpreted are study of the findings the Finally, consistentwith their knowledge-political interests andoriented moral exclusionat of the adversary. constituted a backdrop against which groups the two struggled for imposing political taxonomies on the one hand, corresponded to their respective memories,subcultural and, on the other hand, which, of transition narratives charged politically enacted discursively parties both top’ the on ‘war establishment ofthefirstnon-Communist government. The of thecourse thatauthor shows the in oppositional subcultures that found themselveson acollision course in the aftermath of the factormade that the conflict inevitable was the clashof two politics of collective memory of the two recent history,highly consequential forthe ofshape public life after 1989. that become to be known as the ‘war on the one was oftop’ the founding momentsof Poland’s process political The transition. Polish of the months first the during counterculture dissident of the of life post-Communist author Europe. disintegration Central of the acritical The account provides The study contributes to understanding of collective therole of memory in the and public political The author analyses its ideological sources and concludes that the single most important most single the that concludes and sources ideological its analyses author The Abstract CEU eTD Collection BIBLIOGRAPHY 106 94 Conclusions CHAPTER 4: Hauntology and the Residual Past 73 CHAPTER 3: Adam Michnik and the locus of totalitarianism. 46 24 hasended? thatCommunism does it mean What 2: CHAPTER CHAPTER 1: Theoretical Approaches 5 1 INTRODUCTION TABLE OFCONTENTS Sly Populism 85 Post-totalitarian Divide 76 Lucidity and blindness 69 Solidarity and the totalitarian temptation 62 ‘New evolutionism’ and the limits of evolution 56 The two two ancestors, conversations.46 The side of the past, theexcluded side 43 Hauntology 30 The Spectres of Collective Memory 27 Polish Intellectual Field in Critical Retrospection 15 Intellectuals: going on the road, ending up in a field. 5 CEU eTD Collection p. 516. from the politicalof scenes thepost-Communist East and EuropeCentral down boil two to 1 ideological polarization and the viciousness of the rivalry ‘post-Augustserious camp’ even possibility a 1989.The before surprising waslevel of part the groups were too many differentand intoo terms of both ideology and toentertainpraxis a unified the dissident scene of the late 1980s, unbroken by the backlash of the Law,Martial oppositional what was strange about the ‘war on the top’ was notin ideologicalthe aspectof theclash the politicaland the divisionsemerged that it in aftermath. For conflict itself. Given interested mostly I am but the consequences, mass its and events the character of unfolding the elucidate I work my In of campaign. electoral the of course the in created others and legalized some institutions, of network a comprising support ofpolitical infrastructure social the over specifically, more and, change political group of rightwing oppositionists, on otherthe –hadthe stake in control over the processof fractionsof Polish dissidents architects –the ofthe AccordsRound Table ontheonehand, and a consequential for This strangethe war was shape of publicdisintegration of oppositionalthe counterculture monthsin first the after theJune 1989 elections. life after the fall. my purpose in revisiting the days of the bloodless revolution of 1989,is not commemoratory. ago the Poles as a nation won their place in historyside and a secureof the future.Iron WhileCurtain this ismaking all very well,possible‘Autumn ofNations’ thatbrought freedom back independenceand the on to countries the Eastern their ‘return to Europe’. We arePoland celebrate day with this joy.pride likeand to We aboutourselvesthink happy of asthevanguard the that twenty years Joanna Szczepkowska on daily newsthe exactly almost decades two ago.This June, people overall ‘Ladies Gentlemen, and on June 4,1989Communism in Poland has ended’ – announced the actress INTRODUCTION Andrzej Paczkowski, Andrzej The discussions aboutdisappearance the – ifnot in thanin person, ‘spirit’ –of dissidentsthe I will tell the story of the ‘war on the top’, a strange war – also bloodless – that led to the The Spring Will Be Ours one of foundingthe moments of Poland’s history,recent highly (University The Park: Pennsylvania University Press, 2003), 1 1 . The internal The struggles between two CEU eTD Collection University of MinnesotaPress, 2004). 4 Vladimir Tismaneanu. 3 2 is and how itworks. I use it contextually – much in convergence with Clifford Geertz’s ‘thick disqualifying trait. This work lacks an overall methodological exposition of what collective memory victory. final its of aftermath the in opposition democratic the of disintegration and polarization in the part important most the played that memory collective of politics the was it that is work of this thesis The factor. worth of the identities – were invested in the ‘war on the top’. Most important,character. however, was a third As I will try to show, bothknowledge-political interests explain can the ‘event’ of intereststhe rivalry, butnot itsintensity drasticand and identities – in short,enjoyed popularitypublic and prestige afterboth before 1989.On and the otherhand,however, their the interest in the symbolic one hand, given exceptionalthe mass sizeof and thePolish for support counterculture,membersits typically,evenin general notsufficient but describeterms, the they are to ‘war onthetop’.On the intellectuals’ of the post-socialist middle class fall, ofelite,living became the part the oppositionalfrom ‘rent’ orperforming as‘organic themselves with a fraction of the Communist establishment to bring about the changes and, after the allied trajectories’, their ‘corrected they Communism, under Marginalized circumstances. interests.It goes to that,show all the contrary, the dissidents doing are just fine under new takes the dissident identity as the point ofdeparture, the second underscores theknowledge-political boredom and consumerism of Central European return to ‘normalcy’ in general compatible with the routine, thehalf-truths and the triviality of ‘normal’ politics in particularand the not were identities anti-political their Also, bearable. hardly was resistance in obstinacy sheer the even and values nonconformist standard, moral great their whom for societies Communist the again they returned’ dominating narratives. The firstone tells: ‘once on marginsthe of society, to the margins of society E.g. L.P. King and IvánSzelényi, E.g. G.M.Tamás, ‘The Legacy of Dissent’ in Barbara Falk, ‘Collective memory’ is somewhat aprotean concept, but I take it as an enabling rather than The Dillemas of Dissidence in East-Central Europe 2 . The oppositionists were neveramongst popular non-dissident the members of Theories of the New Class: Intellectuals and power Revolutions of 1989 4 2 . Both narratives are to be treated rather ideal- (London: Routledge, 1999), ed. by (Budapest: CEU Press,2002), p.354. (Minneapolis : 3 . If the first narrative CEU eTD Collection University Press, 2003), ed. by J.K. Olick. States of Memory: Continuities, conflicts and transformations innational retrospection 7 p.2. rivalry. of the a specific political taxonomy which positioned the rivals on the ‘totalitarian’, thatis,excluded side memory’ refers to the fact that – as I will show – each of those narratives constitutedover ‘universalization’ of theparticularnarrative of transition hegemonic.as Secondly ‘politics ofa backdrop for with regards to memory the differences between memories. theiris subcultural Accordingly,my understanding of thepolitical twofold. from steamed fractions dissident two the First by produced transition’ of ‘politics ‘narratives of the incompatibility of collective memory’ refers to the struggle for 6 Cultures: Selected essays by J.K. Olick’sidea about the ‘path-dependence’ of memorycollective provided is contexts two the between A link dissent. of tradition historical Polish the with identified and against themselves position subcultures both which in way the addresses memory’ ‘collective oppositional subcultures mayor had that the inthe role ‘war onthe Here top’. the conceptof two of memory collective the about I write prosaically, more and Second my story. of part a are understood.A transition ismoment a when collective memory is in-the-make and that remake is not easy to answer. The answerdepends onhow both the totalitarian pastand the promised future are questions –those yet? there we Are already? times bad of history the leave we Did tensions. own its produced which process historical unique a was market to socialism from and democracy liberal to totalitarianism from Going of temporality’. ‘regime specific very a is transition post-Communist a 5 change” to subject and contingent invariably are take will memory forms the temporality, well be an anthropological given, but closely tied as it is to the ways aculture may constructs memory and “human lives that its observation Huyssen’s Andreas from conclusions draws first The ways. clarifications,however, necessary. I are use conceptthe of‘collectivememory’ in differenttwo description’ J.K. Olick, ‘What does it mean to normalize the past? Oficial Memory inGerman Politics since 1989’ in Andreas Huyssen, Andreas Clifford Geertz, “Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture” in Culture” of Theory anInterpretive Toward Description: “Thick Geertz, Clifford 5 –and try to inscribe it in the discursive practicesof the actors themselves. Some Twilight memories: marking time in aculture of amnesia (New York: Basic Books, 1973),pp. 3-30. 3 (New York: Routledge,1995), The Interpretation of Interpretation The (London: Duke 7 . I claim that the 6 . I contend CEU eTD Collection it mean that Communism has ended? has Communism that mean it to Europeanthe broader Central context.opening question The of thispieceis whatas follows: does have as for the specific role Lech Wa concluding I summarizechapter, myfindings, relate possibleto the reservations the mightreader approach with examplesreference to from cultural the and socialhistory ofthe Intelligentsia. In the ‘intellectual field’ tounderwrite the specificity of circumstances.I show usefulnessof thefield of instead counterculture’ ‘dissident term the use and rigorousness of formal terms in Bourdieu to because ofthe non-reductiverelational and logic of analysis itencourages. closer Iam Pelsthan to preference for theorientation of the sociology of knowledge and the approach of cultural and history.social my I show field approachconnect together of socialstrands two enquiry whichtend to follow separate routes: more the formal as it appears in intellectuals in general theand dissidentsin (chapter particular 1),in which I have found useful to writings of Pierresupported. The analyses are preceded by an overview of theoretical strategiesdealing with Bourdieu andembeddedness in subcultural the memoriesof the two fractions and politicalthe taxonomies they Dick Pels politics. adversarial into transformed be not could groups dissident two the between rivalry the why is this and exclusion moral of load heavy a carried taxonomies rival both that fact the to much owed my argumentgoes todemonstrate that the self-destruction of the Polish oppositional counterculture adversarial relations between rivals which consider themselves as equals. The most important part of in herview, is impossible because of the verynature of the political – but to transform into them According to Mouffe, the task of liberal democracy is eliminate the antagonistic relations –which, liberal. and democratic sphere public a makes what articulated, are differences political which 8 Mouffe Chantal Mouffe, 8 In chaptersdetailed3 and4 the I present 2, narratives accountof a of transition,the their In my understanding of political taxonomies I am indebted to political theorist Chantal who points out that it is On the political (London:Routledge, 2005). not the orientation towards dialogue and consensus, but the way in way the but consensus, and dialogue towards orientation the áĊ sa had in the clash, and finally, I try to relate the Polish case 4 CEU eTD Collection social relation, is the reverse of the relation of representation. The tension between representation behalf of entities which arenever homogenous with themselves. In this sense, ‘treason’, taken as a possible,in other words, precisely because intellectuals, unlike other social collectivities, on speak is censure The accountable. somebody holding of position previous a implies ‘treason’ because barricade’ or,inversely, proudly professespartisanshipof non-partisanship. If itisin that is the air, ‘intellectuals’. The denunciation is in the air, whenever theintellectual ‘chooses the side of the of ‘treason’ providesmeaningful insight into the specific collective form of life that we call the a only being from Far treason. of history the is intellectuals of history The Intellectuals: goingon the road, endingup in a field. p.XIII. 11 10 Thesis Eleven 9 CHAPTER 1:Theoretical Approaches Zygmunt Bauman, “Love Adversity:in State, Onthe the intellectuals, and the state of theintellectuals” in Dick Pels, Dick Karl Mannheim, “The Sociology ofIntellectuals”, Sociology “The Mannheim, Karl Intellectual asStranger: Studies spokespersonshipin , 31 (1992), p. 81. Dick Pels Dick real the performative act without which theyto would back not becomerealities all ties therefore spokesperson the of ‘place’ the Re-inscribing themselves. for speak cannot and alone stand not do They spokespersons. their with come realities All Mannheim Carl inevitably lead to fascism than that: the formationof aparty of intellectuals would intelligentsia is not aclass intelligentsia, it may be acknowledged first, that of the characterization precise amore of purpose the For Zygmunt Bauman and that this divisionis a divisionbohemian), according to journalist, press’ ‘yellow professor, manager, (bank recognized that isnogroup there that is asdivided internally position toformitsown party attempt at self-construction attempt to accord ordeny the status of anintellectual is an to define intellectuals is attemptan atself-definition; any Any attempt them. contested who and definitions the designed who they alone and they was it are, intellectuals the Whatever 11 . Theory, Cultureand Society 5 (London and New Routledge,York: 2000), 10 . 9 . and, second, … Above all, it has to be 10 (1993), p.75. façon deparler, that itis not in a classes the trope the . More the CEU eTD Collection that themundane and worldly,the passions andinterests,will permeate and slip into the gap, is sciences”, 13 12 spokesperson, inother words, if speaking space of contingency which subverts the claim toidentity between the represented the and self-descriptions still tryawkward – the inevitable mixture of claimsto toknowledge and claims to power,thatkeep some intellectual apart. However, since the very act of representingthe Jacobinswho replace the King’s two bodieswith the new agent of history, the people. opens a gap, a speak; whoknow those market of the that iscapable self-regulation underevery conditions; theyare represent what otherwise is not ‘out there’ to the rest of society. They are those who make the oracle are whothose have are to believed aprivilegedwithcontact mission theinvisible their and is to spokespersons. discursively constituted, performed Andstaged.and forall intellectuals social,things the are the ofin scienceaswell politicswhatever aesthetics, and as is ‘outthere’ isthere is itbecause about them is indeed the ultimate measure of the objectivity of a representation told is what to object to things natural and social of the ability the Perhaps represented. are they objects of science as well as social subjects, under certain circumstances, can and do That realities comewith their spokespersonsdoesnot imply reducing everything to ‘discourse’. The revolutionary class, the will,popular the invisible hand and the psychological barriers of the market. human fortune: gods, atoms,microbes, the unconscious, the nation,good and evilspirits, the not accessible to the senses, and yetendowed with agency, not directly observable, butinfluencing society,even the leastdeveloped, believes that there are objects, forces and phenomena,which are context of the social and, especially, the social relations of power. the in intellectuals of study the approaching for departure of point good a therefore is treason and This particularprivilege derives from the fact that See Bruno Latour, “When Things Strike Back: a possible contribution of ‘science studies’ to the social the to studies’ of‘science contribution possible a Back: Strike Things “When Latour, Bruno See Intellectual asStranger The expression ‘epistemological privilege’ underwriteswhat otherwise may sound strangely Nevertheless, to extendthe that culture depends onmobilizing absent realities,in the realm What is common to the intellectuals asa social formation is the British Journal ofSociology They are shamans, priests, natural and social scientists and ideologues. Intellectuals ideologues. and scientists social and natural priests, shamans, are They , p.XIII. , 51 , No.1 (2000),pp. 107–123. for othersentails speaking 6 realities come with theirspokespersons in theplaceof epistemological privilege. 13 . others, the threat object 12 tohow . Every CEU eTD Collection reflexivity guided by of the Reasonrules universal alone. Once theintellectuals had betrayed their scientific ideas, where passions of politics reign – andthat of theclerks –theisle of dispassionate separation distinction and between two spheres: ofthelaymenthat locus– the of application of the essayist argued that the constitutive condition of progress of thewestern Civilization lied in the Intellectuals”, 16 1990) ed. by Ian Maclean, Allan Montefiore and Peter Winch, p. 4. 17 15 intellectuals belongs to Julien Benda’s 14 fit themajority of the ‘schools’,epitomized here by their ‘founding fathers’ autonomy they attribute to it intellectuals as a collective within knowledge-intereststhe continuum and (2) what level of the tensionThe theoretical approaches to studying intellectuals canarranged accordingbe tohow deal withthey between representation and treason, that is, according to (1) how they situate the to a claim to power” can cases some in of accountability admission an that interconnected so be may aspects two the greater knowledge “is notonly admissionan of accountability,claim buta to and power, these constantly present constantly For an alternative conceptualization, see Charles Kurzman and Lynn Owens, “The Sociology of Sociology “The Owens, Lynn and Kurzman see Charles conceptualization, alternative an For Julien Benda, in “Introduction” Winch, Peter Intellectual asSpokesperson Critical Perhapsexemplary themost statement ofmission and collective responsibility of Annual Review Sociologyof The treason of the intellectuals 14 . As Peter Winch brilliantly remarked, the claim to responsibility on the basis of 15 . Ɣ NEW NEW CLASS , pp. 1-27. GRAMSCI’S ORGANIC vis-à-vis INTELLECTUAL The political responsibility ofintellectuals Ɣ other collectivities. Along this two axial dimensions (see fig.1) 28 (2002), pp. 63-90. La Trahison desclercs Trahison La High Autonomy (New York : Norton,1969). Low Autonomy Ɣ BOURDIEU: INTELLECTUAL FIELD INTELLECTUAL BOURDIEU: * * * 7 Ɣ INTELLECTUAL FREE FLOATING FREE Ɣ MANNHEIM’S 17 BENDA’S CLERK . In his historical survey, the French the survey, historical In his . (Cambridge University Press, 16 . FIGURE 1 Normative amount CEU eTD Collection competition between the ethos-oriented and the standpoint-bound objectifications of ‘intellectuals’ because it harbors the constitutive dynamics of intellectual rivalry, in which the whole they perceived themselves as bearersFree from corruption that theincorporation ofin worldthe of political and economicinterests passions entail, conterminouseconomy. and politics of spheres the to relation of any denial the in with consisted identity very whose the interest of the society as a As Kurzman and Owens aptly noted, this self-representation was an image of an anti-class: a class Dreyfus Affair. In one of theirmanifestos, the Dreyfusards claimed: a requiem acollective projectFrenchto embarked intellectualsrepublican in course of upon the the ofBenda. humanism professed the as legitimate Darwinism and Marxist socialism are chapters of the intellectual history of western rationalism as (ed.), 18 20 19 side of history, and acting according to history’s necessary laws necessary history’s to according acting and history, of side on the other.What forsome is the treason of the universal mission, for others isbeing on the right quite disparate claims: the ofrespect universal values on the onehand, and a ‘choiceof abarricade’ clercs des Reason in mostthe elegant way.his In brief but analytically sound article Civilization found itself on the verge of collapse. rationalizations to mundanetheir passions –especially the classist and racist ideologies– the mission, givingaway mingling their autonomy, with laymanthe and providing scientific Ernest Gellner, “La trahison de la trahison des clercs” in Ian Maclean, Ian, Allan Montefiore, Peter Winch Peter Montefiore, Allan Ian, Maclean, Ian in clercs” des trahison la de trahison “La Gellner, Ernest Ibidem. Kurzman Owens,and p. 64-65. prouder club couldname there be than thisone no poweroblige of corruption.aristocracy in older countries. We have tothe continuous corresponds traditions, that presence as they have;permanent only ourthe motto, are too, colleges ofthe is alumnae and We alumni We sought to have our own class consciousness. " The political responsibility of intellectuals, 20 . If Dreyfus Affair constitutes the ‘primal scene’ ofmodern ofstudy intellectuals,is that Gellner’s remainderis all the more pertinent ifwe take into account that Benda’s essay was Ernest Gellerdemonstrated weekthe pointof this trulyheroic plea for theautonomy of ; and unlike them, we stand for ideal interests solely, forwe have no corporate selfishness and wield Gellner commented that from a shared idea of ‘nature as revealed by Reason’ can follow Cambridge University Press,1990, pp.17-28. 19 . 8 18 . He reminded that both social both that reminded He . La trahisondela Les intellectuels!" theoretical noblesse What CEU eTD Collection politics 23 Nevertheless, it remains paradoxical. Forif, ‘in the last instance’, there is ashort circuit between the nature, while salvaging dogmathe ofMarxist the‘last-instance causality’ was heroic. truly strata intermediate and fractions of belonging, butalsowaged ‘war of the positions’the for cultural ‘hegemony’ over differentclass fundamental classesonly did -not theycater forthe‘homogeneity an and awareness’ oftheir class relations of production. Still, Gramsci attributed akey role to ‘organic’the intellectuals’ ofthe two social positions would ultimately distributedbe along sidesthe ofthe great divide determined by the the ‘traditional intellectual’was no longer attainable in the modern capitalist societies,where all terrain’ ofcapitalist the economy, was,not if anillusion altogether,thing a ofthe past. The role of autonomous social group, independentof thefundamental classescontending on ‘original the In his formulation, the ethos exemplified by the Dreyfusards, the image of intellectuals as an 22 21 neo-Marxist Italian thinker, Antonio Gramsci. In his view, Nation, how one could grasp the vision of the social totality in the attempt tousurp it. Itwas only through the immersion in the pristine solidaritiesof Class of precisely consisted clerks of treason real – the positions transcendent or intermediate no were there social, of the ontology political new of this ventriloquists the For Nation. or of Class reality primary part of uprooted university professorsand for the saliencepublic of the autonomy of be Reason to an instance of exceptional delusion on the Dreyfusard right and syndicalistleft. The anti-intellectual intellectuals, left and right, took the plea ‘coming out’ ofthe wasDreyfusards countered by ferocious response from the ofranks both anti- translate into See Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Chantal and Laclau Ernesto See Antonio Gramsci, See and political fields give it homogeneity and an awareness of its ownfunction not only in the economic but also in the social economic production, creates together with itself, organically,one or more strata of intellectuals which Every social group, coming into existence on the original terrain of an essential function in the world of Intellectual as Stranger (London: Verso, 1992), pp. 47-92. Gramsci’s attempt atreasserting the autonomy of the political in its symbolic and discursive The most intellectually elaborate version of the classical standpoint theory came from the intellectual Selections from the Prison Notebooks 22 . strategies ofself-construction. In the course of the political scandal and the , p.69-80. 23 . Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a radicaldemocratic literati 9 , alienated from what they wanted to pass for the for pass to wanted they what from , alienated (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1971), p.5. 21 . CEU eTD Collection allegedly represented the historical conscience of the proletariat, quite in disregard for the empirical the for indisregard quite proletariat, ofthe conscience historical the represented allegedly own knowledge-political interests. The party vanguard, themain line of this argument goes, who and Ivan Szelenyi indebunking political Marxism as the ideological rationale forparty intellectuals’ Leon YugoslavTrotsky, the revisionistand the Milovan dissidents Djilas Hungarian Konrad George tradition. Anarchists such as Mikhail Bakunin, Wac (London andNew York: Routledge,1998); of the ‘New Class’ approaches separates the spokespersons from the objects or they subjects claim represent.to that hiatus of the effacement discursive of operation the is, that intellectuals’, of fallacy ‘metonymic According toPels,Bendian-normative the both anditscriticsapproach succumb whathe calls the to 27 26 25 (London: Verso, 2006). See also Kurzman and Owens, pp. 74-77. predetermines all representation” turn “a state of ontological sovereignty, ‘out there’, in an autonomousworld which precedes and when the critiquesof the‘willtopower’ idea behind ofthe theautonomyofReason invokein their ‘revival’? by meant 24 national ‘regeneration’: if the nation is substantially an ‘imagined community’ consists the who ‘ the provide withproletariat of‘homogeneitythe sense in whatand awareness’, precisely should one need to theorize the intellectuals separately? If, on the other hand,it is the intellectuals positions in the economic sphere and expressionits on the level of (political) consciousness, why For general orientation, see Dick Pels, Dick see orientation, general For Ibidem. See Benedict Anderson, SeeBenedict Intellectual asSpokesperson determinations, connections, and roots and connections, determinations, a determinate social-existential base… appears to beg question the of…spokespersonship forthese of (or‘situatedthought knowledge’), entire operation the i.e. of humancognitionrelating and valuation to other situations, othercontexts. The fundamental axiom about the existential or positional determination for, mustbe discursively represented andenacted orderin have to acritical impact otherupon arguments, bound, and position-relevant, isthat all these standpoints, situations orcontexts haveturn in to be spoken pertinentThe dilemmawhich then arises forthe… ideathat allhumanthinking issituated,context- The problem of intellectual spokespersonship constitutesof apoint departure for aplethora Ashas Dick Pels argued, the with problem the classical standpoint approachesemerges organic bound’? The same antinomy applies to the self-proclaimed heraldsof the Imagined Communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism , pp. XII-XIII. 27 25 constructed in analytical tension if not opposition to the Marxist the to opposition not if tension analytical in constructed . In more general terms, Pels notes that Property and Powerstudyin Social Theory. intellectual A in rivalry 26 Theories of the New Class: Intellectuals and power . 10 á aw Machajski and Roberto Michels preceded 24 , what is exactly . CEU eTD Collection 31 (London: Heinemann, 1974);Gouldner, Alvin University Press, 1960); Daniel Bell, 30 York : Seabury Press, 1979). Burnham, See James former. the of capacity moral ‘intellectual workers’ at the expense of the old propertied class, inview of the alleged higher rationality and industrial/knowledge society’,whichin welcomed the putative rise to ‘class’ powerof the managers and other Class Theory, developedmainly in response to the postwar evolutionof Capitalism inthe West, labeled ‘post- 29 (Kraków:Universitas, 2007), pp.66-67; King and Szelényi, pp.24-29. 28 from theorizing the idea ofan autonomous collective subject other than the fundamental classes, he While the dualist ontology of the whichsocial, Mannheim ‘inherited’ from Marxism, him prevented proletariat that one could have a picture of the capitalist system in its totality, into the intellectuals. of the standpoint ‘alienated’ the from only was it that theory Lucács’ George transposed therefore and whichabsence in ‘workers’ metaphorically substituted for theirinvisible spokespersons” function as a “convenientvehicle of self-effacementwhich legitimated a peculiarplay of presence New theorists,Class was preoccupied with the fact that Marxist class theory potentially could dealing with the paradox of situated knowledge counters the tendencies towards corporatism inherent inthe collective autonomy of the intellectuals. that rivalry intellectual that deemphasized (interestingly) they avant-garde, of the side dark the see mainstream socialist circles of their times. In other words, while their own positionthe more remarkable if one remembers that all of themwere dissidents,marginalizedallowed from the them to spokespersons in the relation of spokespersonship, instead of subscribing to self-representationsthe of the vis-à-vis exploitation which,exercised collectively by the would serve party, for thenewthe basis relationsof instance of exceptional an lucidity, Machajski even ofspoke ‘knowledge capital’,monopoly over but of, name the in not dictatorship the exercising up end would workers, of the mentality’ union ‘trade See Karl Mannheim, op. cit, and idem, and op. cit, Mannheim, SeeKarl In this overview I do not include what you could call a ‘normative’ or ‘quasi-normative’ variant of the New See Andrzej Walicki, SeeAndrzej Intellectual asStranger over Karl Mannheim’s oftheory ‘free-floating’ intellectuals was another remarkable attempt at All the ‘new class’ theories advance ideathe of the collective autonomy of the intellectuals other groups, social and emphasisput on the sharedknowledge-political interests inscribed the oppressed masses once the capitalist relations of production had been abolished. In an In abolished. been had of production relations capitalist the once masses oppressed the 28 . 29 . However,its authors strangely forget to put themselvesin the picture,which is all O Inteligencji, liberalizmach i oRosji , p.93. The Coming of Post-industrial Society:Aventure insocial forecasting Ideology and Utopia The future of intellectuals and the rise of the new class 11 30 . According to Pels, Mannheim, no less than the The Menagerial Revolution (London: Routledge,1991). [ On Intelligentsia, liberalisms and on Russia (Bloomington: Indiana (Bloomington: 31 (New . He ] CEU eTD Collection introduction see David Swartz, see David introduction Press, 1984); 33 32 with the tension between representation and treason remarkably well remarkably treason and representation between tension the with Against this background, the concept of ‘intellectualthe field’, elaborated Pierre by Bourdieu,deals autonomy of the intellectual-cum-spokesperson. strategic the in inscribed is which adversity’ in ‘complicity grasp conceptually to fails rivalry, internal struggles for symbolic legitimacy. Mannheim, sensitive when it comes to the intellectual where knowledge-political claims might be advanced, that constitutes thegenerative principle of the dark of epistemologicalside the privilege, fail grasp they the to plurality of standpoints from constantly renegotiated.While the revisionist Marxistand anarchistapproaches aptlyconceptualize spokespersonship itself is an object of struggles for symbolic legitimacy, its dominant form being intellectual the that words, in other grasp, to fail They spheres. contradictory and separated demarcating examplefor the ‘intellectual’ and the ‘populist’ (or‘bourgeois’ versus ‘proletarian’) as internal divisions or, what is worse, irreflexively take the departure as the classical standpointexemplified theory Gramsci,by presupposeobjective an the ‘metonymic fallacy of intellectuals’ both the normative epitomizedapproach by Benda,as well tension between representation and inherenttreason in the ofpractice spokespersonship.Apart from element of complicity, in virtue of the commonly shared, culturally legitimized, strategic position. intellectuals, itdoes not contemplate eventualitythe in that intellectualthe rivalry there might be an approaches. Although it putsemphasis on the (class-bound) internal divisions between the embarked upon totality could achieved be missionthe and ofmediating entrenchedbetween the classinterests social the of vision the which from point vantage privileged a configured education, of the effect maintained that the intellectual milieu, because of its diverse social recruitment and the equalizing See especially See Intellectual asStranger To sum up, all approaches described thus far fail to analytically come to terms with the (the value-free intellectual ethos vs.classembeddedness), and,hence, blind remain to the Language and symbolic power 32 Distinction: a social critique of thejudgement of taste . In a sense, Mannheimian theory can be read as the reverse of the New Class , pp.81-109; King and Szelényi,pp. 34-37. Culture & ofpowersociology Pierre :the Bourdieu (Cambridge, Mass.:Polity Press, 1991).For acritical * * * 12 internal divide (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University 33 . The notion of ‘field’ stands for an (Chicago: University of external boundary point of , CEU eTD Collection mostnotorious example of which was theDreyfus Affair. However, Bourdieu notes, that closure and corporatism,even or attempt atimposing itsown logic and ruleson other universes, the representations of the socialworld is established,every intellectual field runs the risk of social respect to the capitals dominant in other spheres efforts atsymbolic legitimization of the cultural production as an object ofworth, independentwith inscribed in the nature ofintellectual inquiry, but result from collectively organized, pragmatic and sustainable. ‘Autonomy’ and ‘disinterestedness’ steam no muchso value-freedomfrom distanciation from these universesmake that the methodical effort ofcultural production possible in other social universes and as aproduct of historically evolved institutional conditions of 81 (1989), pp. 99-110. should be understood only in this intellectuals of ‘disinterestedness’ theorist, French the to According worlds. religious and economic from the 35 intellectual autonomy”, 34 (Cambridge UK: Polity Press, 1993). Chicago CraigPress, 1997); Calhoun, Edward LiPuma,Moishe Postone (eds.), duality of representation and ortreason, ‘interest’ and‘disinterestedness’ to any ofits poles discursive practices. social conditions and objective interests,which determines the space of possible discursive and non- broader ‘social conditions’.with its It is the field-specificof domination’ is mayorthe constrains, stake in those struggles, because it is this principle endowsthat the field principle ‘dominant this and determine to Power not positions. the of thehierarchization of principle short dominant circuit between the between the actors who seek tomaintain or alterpower the patterns, by taking control over the everyof overdetermined position are internal relation othersby a‘fieldofto –and struggles’ for both a ‘field of forces’ – a heterogeneous structure of structure a heterogeneous – of forces’ ‘field a both for Cf. Pierre Bourdieu, “The corporatism of the universal: The role of intellectuals in the modern world”, modern inthe of intellectuals role The universal: of the corporatism “The Bourdieu, Pierre Cf. Dick Pels, “Knowledge Politics and Anti-politics: Toward acritical appraisal of Bourdieu’s concept of To To the extend these that endeavors succeed themonopolyand oncultural production of the Bourdieu conceptualizes the specific ofcase theintellectual field without reducing the polar specific outside logic. The logic offield the constitutes asetinternal constrains, irreducible to the intellectual field possesses a‘relative autonomy’ with regards to political, Theory, Culture & Society relative and (24) 1995,pp.79-104. genetic 35 13 . sense, that is, relational differences, in which properties which in differences, vis-à-vis Bourdieu: critical perspectives the interests dominant interests the 34 . Seen Telos CEU eTD Collection intellectuals is an attempt atself-definition; any attempt to accord or deny the status of an abandoned. would He probably with agree ZygmuntBauman’ comment that “Any attempt todefine be should spokesperson intellectual the of definition value-free a of hope any that follows, clearly correspondswhat tothe‘metonymic Pels calls fallacy’ oppressed an after-image of the ‘structural homology’ between marginalizedthe in intellectualthe field and the error and of truth dialectics aHeglian into realm intellectual the in product from the site ofand condition itsproduction and transformseffects the of social competition In relation totheformer,he spokeofthe ‘charismatic ideology ofgift’ cultural detachesthat the valid. particularly not be to renderings ‘organic’ the and ‘free-floating’ the both considered Bourdieu the social conditions of access touniversality’ 40 pluralism of truth and method the unequal distribution of cultural worth is (at least in practice) countered by the affirmation of conceptualization actually follows that thedangerof corporatism is avoided only extend to the that 36 39 38 37 of Reason disinterested objectivization of the ‘game as awhole’ and his laterembraced career the broader public background. Although Bourdieu himself maintained histhat description is a the realm of science, culture and expertise dominantfor the field as awhole and as against the their assets cultural valuable and who struggle tomake theirparticularmode of spokespersonship in universe: it is aspace of competition between scholars, artists, critics and experts, who strife to make the realm of fantasy of some, isnot so difficult explain to once theintellectual field is approached from corporatism (not to mention the ‘kingdom of the philosophers’) remainsmost of the time in the “The Corporatism”, p.103. Cf. Pierre Bourdieu, Cf. “The Corporatism”, p.109-110. supra. Pels, inside Distinction, Pascalian Meditations In the ofcontext the above discussion, itis pertinent to comment on the why reasons . Internally, despite its specific stakes, the intellectual field resembles every other social (where ‘real’ stands for a realistic, value-free, scientific judgment) scientific value-free, realistic, a for stands ‘real’ (where tout court Pascalian meditations , inwhich similarities suppressthe differences, the suppression of which 37 , and as long as theintellectuals struggle for the ‘universalization of . (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University 2000).Press, 38 . 14 40 . From . From this pluralist and agonistic approach 39 . The latter, in his opinion, was 36 , from , from this agonistic Realpolitik CEU eTD Collection 46 intelligentsia 45 modern Poland and its regional context to the othermaster trope of this inquiry, that is, the concept of “politics of memory”. scholarship, inorder toillustrate a setof issuespractical regarding the field-approach and connectit own wouldit be right, relevant, Ibelieve,to address some questionsin presentrecent the a true Intelligentsia, Polish the of self-portraiture scholarly less or more of record long liberal thought before 1918 trajectory, the thicker thedescription conditions shape that them. in Even case of quite pasts, the recent clearer picture of thewhole condensation, itsstrong and weak traditions, orthodoxies andheresies, and the and social cultural during thenineteenth and twentieth centuries AlexanderPereswetoff-Morath (eds.), and modernization in partitioned Poland CEU Press, 1999); Andrzej Walicki, intellectual field has amultilayered history,with its specific stakes, its 44 Society in nineteenth-century Europe (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969); Jürgen Kocka and Allen Mitchell (eds.), 43 (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1992);Bourdieu, “Corporatism”. Fritz Ringer, 42 41 Bildungsbürgertum anti-Dreyfusards and Dreyfusards French the on historiography cultural and social documented well and Copious trajectory. historical own its to according evolves and phenomenon in modernthe history, every intellectual field is embedded in a particularsocial context While the emergence of autonomous realms ofintellectual rivalry seems to be a fairly universal Polish Intellectual Field in Critical Retrospection underwrite the specificity of circumstances. Bourdieu. Secondly, use term the I ‘dissidentcounterculture’ instead of‘intellectual field’ to present study rendersimpossible following thefield approach with all theformal rigorousness of intellectual is attempt an atself-construction” “Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture”, p. 3-30. Culture”, of Theory Interpretive an Toward Description: “Thick Isaiah Berlin, Jerzy Jedlicki, Fritz K. Ringer, See Christophe Charle, SeeChristophe Supra. Fields of knowledge: French academic culture in comparative perspective, 1890-1920 (New York : Columbia University Press, 1961). Press, University : Columbia York (New Russian thinkers A suburb of Europe: nineteenth-century Polish approaches towestern civilization The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German academic community, 1890-1933 43 , or of Intelligentsia, or the inPoland Naissance des “intellectuels”, 1880-1900 (Budapest :CEU Press, 2004); Janusz (London : Penguin Books, 1978); Richard Pipes (ed.), (Oxford: Berg, 1993). Poland between East and West: The controversies over self-definition Words,deeds and values :the intelligentsias in Russia and Poland (Aldershot, Hampshire Ashgate/Variorum,: 2003). 46 (Cambridge : Harvard University Press, 1994); Fiona Björling and . While by no means it is possible to review here in detail the (Lund : Lund , University, 2005); Maciej Janowski 41 . Two last remarks are in order. The scope of the scope The order. in are remarks last Two . 15 44 andRussia ĩ (Paris: Les Éditions de Minuit, c1990); arnowski, 45 , goes toillustrate every that State, society and intelligentsia: loci 42 , German Mandarins and of intensive discursive TheRussian Bourgeois genre Polish (Budapest: in its CEU eTD Collection of modernization. The Russian perceived themselves as entitled to define the interests of the nation and called to carry out the task Enlightenment greater their of virtue in who, of those self-understanding as appropriated was class’ Calling” in Calling” 48 between relations harmonious of pattern liberal modern, a be to believed he what towards oriented destroying the unjust social order thathad engendered it. While the ‘German’ intellectual was common people and, hence, that itwas imperative for theIntelligentsia to repay its debt by privilege constituted a social privilege as well, acquired at the expense of the suffering of the contradiction-in-terms, this intellectual populism was based on the idea that theepistemological a means no By radicalism. political and ofsocial form specific toa in uprootedness existential model of given a discursive form of an ethos of civic commitment civic of ethos ofan form discursive a given intellectual spokespersonship developed (ideal-typically), in which the effort atre-connection was ways. of variety a in sublimated and overcome be could that estrangement existential of only facilitated their collective self-identification, but, more importantly, catered for an acute sense emancipated women andJews) wasstillfragile andscarce, their socialdetachment relative not coming from the ofthe ranks impoverished gentry and burgers, nourished in later period by the them of (majority skills professional their with living the earn to compelled or committed those 47 provide the market for their professional products would – growth ‘organic’ more a from benefited had that countries (western) the of case the in respect overall to the structure social and particularly to‘deficit’ the ofthe which bourgeoisie, – as with professions of the overproduction of the effect the was formation social a as Intelligentsia the faster than the material infrastructure in which the former could be implemented, atthe very birth of modern andeconomicsocial structures. Given cultural developments that and technical travel skills compared with educated the in strata Western Europe –is due to patterns of developmentuneven of The following classification draws onAndrzej Walicki, “Polish Conceptions of Intelligentsia and its A Suburb of Europe In the countries near, yet backward with respect to the Western core, two models of It is widely assumed that the specificity of Central and Eastern European Intelligentsia –as Intelligentz Words,Deeds and Values , pp.173-200. Cf. or Bildungsbürgertum Intelligentsia , pp.1-12. Bourgeois Society in nineteenth-century Europe prevailed,in which the notionHeglian of the ‘universal , on the other hand, translated their experience of experience their translated hand, other , onthe 16 47 . In the mid-nineteenth century, the strata of strata the century, mid-nineteenth In the . 48 . In Germany, on the one hand, a clerkish a hand, one the on In Germany, . . CEU eTD Collection 1918 speaking society independently of the Prussian State Polish- the organize institutionally and improvement material bring would that work’ ‘organic the aims, practical and on immediate emphasis put it altogether, conspiracy political opposed decidedlyof interms spokespersonshipmodernizationfor Western-patterned andalthough never more task their of –conceived formation social distinguishable new, a (self)identify to originated from the Great Duchy of Pozna between peoples to the ‘actually existing’ Western modernity. Onotherthe hand, theIntelligentsia utopian socialistsand radicals of the West,choosing the utopia of universal justice and freedom of themayor political the powers, Polish democratic circles tended to align themselveswith the into citizens. Despite theacute dependence of awareness ofthe endeavors their on benevolence the Commonwealth’s independence, butalso transform, legally well as as ideologically, the peasants revolution which, unlike the previous, gentry-based upheaval, would not only bring back the Emigration after the November Uprising was committed to the idea of the social and political 50 49 oriented the civic commitment ofthe intellectuals the historian can clearly distinguish two divergentmodels of spokespersonship forthe nation, which whole was neither aspro-statist as its German counterpart, nor as anarchical as the Russian radicals, and Russia –butstillconstituted equally viable possibilities.While the Polish Intelligentsia asa sovereignty repartition of formerand the the Commonwealth’s Austria territory between Prussia, ideal-typical forms were forms ideal-typical at times reciprocal, competition. intellectual) were neither unique not even predominant in their respective societies, meeting, serious, Civilization. Needless whileto say, organic community,the freebourgeois civilfrom society Zaristand the State, the despotismRussian specialty was a radical-democraticas well asutopia unspoiled of a by the vices of the Western Cf. Jerzy Jedlicki, Conceptions”. “Polish Cf. (Warszawa: Instytut Historii PAN, Neriton, 2008). Now, in formativethe ofperiod the Polish Intelligentsia in yearsthe 1830-1870, both these %áĊ dne Ko refracted á o 1832-1863 Ĕ in the Prussian partition – amongst whom the use of the term itself by the specific historical circumstance – the loss of state specific , vol. 2 of Jerzy Jedlicki (ed.), to the region, the above described forms of being (an 17 49 . Onthe one hand, thegreater of part the Great 50 . Dzieje Inteligencji Polskiej do Roku CEU eTD Collection 53 1918 organized around these two poles, around 1905 andafterrevolutionary that upheaval, it became co-opt. and embrace would strategically strengthened virtuesby the of themost talented members oftheprofessions, whom she resemblance to their spokespersons: itwas ideally devoid of libertarian the vices of old the and the nation. Not surprisingly, the‘historical class’ they sought to represent bore auncanny ‘organic intellectuals’ of the gentry who in their view was the carrier of the historical traditions of exists’ it therefore Intelligentsia, its has nation ‘the that Descartes, dubbing proclaim, to hesitate not did improvement legalism. and However,while Aleksander 52 politics in nineteenth-century Poland the Galicia Habsburg society. greater through which the institutions, materialsocial independent of network a establishing at aidaimed aspredecessors, of their well work’ as educational ‘organic the unlike not and which foundations’ the technical at of ‘work agenda the turn in legitimized Mill, skillsand could be delivered to the modernization,of which closely followed guidelinesof the Henry Buckle,Thomas Herbert Spencer ineptitude in the face of the competition between nations for civilizational progress. The imperative which owned misfortunesits notsomuch to the conspiracy of foreign butto powers, own its country, backward economically and mentally politically, a of reality the obscured that mentality, gentry self-centered and anarchical of an residue a as imaginary libertarian the rejected They 51 circle of Warsaw Positivists Warsaw of circle preserved itsdominant position well into the interwar period. In the Russian partition The liberal and belligerent Intelligentsia togetherwith its proponents, the latteroption came to the fore and Quoted in “Polish Conceptions”, p. 12. On the conservatives, see “Polish Conceptions”; cf. Magdalena Mici Magdalena cf. Conceptions”; see “Polish conservatives, Onthe See , vol. 3 of , vol. A SuburbA of Europe 53 While during the bulk of thelaternineteenth the century field ofintellectual wasrivalry The liberals found its counterpart and intellectual rivals in the Kraków concervative circle in After the oftragedy the 1963 January Uprising, which buried the radical claimsof theyoung , the conservatives themselvespresented the much class’,butas asthenew‘universal notso Dzieje Inteligencji 52 . The conservatives. The aprogramme advocated on similarly centered civic , pp.205-237; Brian Porter, 51 sought to drastically recast the romantic representation of the nation. of the representation romantic the recast drastically to sought , pp.80-113. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 43-47. Whennationalism began tohate: imagining modern 18 ĝ wi Ċ tochowski, theleaderof the positivists, Ĕ ska, Inteligencja na rozdro Ī ach 1864- CEU eTD Collection 55 75-103. 54 claiming at the same time that his consequences, social-darwinist its to program positivist of the element Spencerian the brought of the gentry’.‘penitent On the right, the ideologue of the ‘national chauvinism’, Roman Dmowski, absorption into the ranks of the proletariat, but atthe same time appealed to the romantic traditions more than any other historian, seems to share this basic methodological Intelligentsia tenet. In century his view: nineteenth late on researched has who Jedlicki, Jerzy ‘ethos’. particular any historical description which does not substitute the ofplurality variants of spokespersonship for the underscore the qualitiesof the field-approach, notably, itsusefulnessin providing a de-centered century. twentieth very prospects of itsexistence – all these discursive nodal points will return in the discussions along collaboration, thequestion of the mental moraland residues in the Intelligentsia’s discourses, the and desired ofmodernization,shape its necessary social agents, thedilemmasof activity and century, themainlinesof friction of intellectualPolish field coalesced: debatesthe about the real themselves asspokespersons of the alternative imagined communities. Also, the at turn of the challenging legitimacythe of theepistemological ofprivilege post-1863the generation, anderecting socialists andnationalists followed on footstepsthe oftheir French contemporaries, atthe same time of people) group same the and one in converge to happened often quite (which intellectuals ‘cosmopolitan’ the and element’ ‘Jewish the notably, most enemies, nation’s the against and only materialtowards progress andmoral improvement, but also towards the national self-assertion not oriented foundations’, the at ‘work efficient more for blueprint a and destiny modern nation’s imitative “intellectualism, aestheticism and ethicism” of theWarsaw circles asan agenda for the positivist agendaof the liberal Intelligentsia for its ‘ left, socialist intellectuals such as Ludwik Krzywicki and Kazimierz Kelles-Krauz, attacked the dormant only but dead, not were Intelligentsia Polish of the traditions radical the that clear Seeespecially On the desmise of Positivism, see An overview of the historical genesis of Polish intellectual field was pertinent in order to order in pertinent was field intellectual of Polish genesis historical the of overview An When Nationalism Began to Hate A Suburb of Europe Thoughts ofthe Modern Pole , pp. 157-232. 19 , pp. 241-287; laissez-faire When Nationalism Began to Hate ’ outlook presagedand its future should replace the abstract and 54 . On the 55 . Both , pp. CEU eTD Collection 61 character of the concept of ‘Intelligentsia’] ”in of ‘Intelligentsia’] concept of the character 60 59 58 IFiS PAN, 2008). 57 Inteligencji personal skills andeducation, and imperative the those to use resources forthegood of theothers” destructive for “the very basis of the ethos of the Intelligentsia,uniqueness of every individual, spokespersons is by no means an appearance, since she regards the radical intellectual traditions as Intelligentsia” in the following century, led to the definitive polarization of the attitudesof the Polish which of atdawn nineteenth the century ofshattered the relative the unity ofattitudes thePoles and their times the ‘golden age’of Intelligentsiathe whole. asa Shedeplores “deepintellectual changes, in the aftermath of the UprisingJanuary general matrixto be the of the Intelligentsia’s ‘ethos’ and considers thediscourse of generation the of intellectuals that came to dominate semi-publicthe life the otherwise essential of study historythe of Intelligentsia in the period 1864-1918 56 which is to tendency overemphasize to importance the of the liberal-conservative tradition,good a example of Thisworkde-centering of ismoreall the desirable, the since hasscholarshiprecent followedthis judge some of the intellectual discourses more ‘fitting’ than others. Magdalena Mici Magdalena others. than ‘fitting’ more discourses intellectual the of some judge the blurred distinction between the subject and objectthe of theinquiry’ ‘amorphous of nature theconcept, orrather,its correlate’ real and ‘methodologicalthe of problem of the contributorswould probably agreewith PalskaHanna and Maciej Chojnowski the as for most Although perspective. multidisciplinary in intellectuals of Polish experience century twentieth Mici Magdalena Mici Supra. Maciej Chojnowski iHanna Palska, “O wielopostaciowo Henryk Doma Jerzy Jedlicki “Przedmowa” in Maciej Janowski, Maciej in “Przedmowa” Jedlicki Jerzy and, onand, the other the hand, impulse of the radical socialcritique powerful, althoughtemporarily equally withdrawn an conservative-catholic contains period of the culture potential,Polish growing epoch, whole nationalist the of image our on impulse so much weighted long it is acknowledged that, despite the temporary triumphs of the positivist conquest, which had ideology Obviously, Warsaw positivism and with its offensive agenda of europeanization, was aPolish intellectual Ĕ ska, p.68. , p.10. par excellence Inteligencja w Polsce 60 Ĕ . That she seems to conflate the ‘univocality’ of the represented and its liberal ski (ed.), Ĕ ska, “Dzieje Inteligencji Polskiej do roku 1918” in Inteligencja w Polsce: Specjali and has been considered as such by intellectual and literary historians. Fine, as Fine, historians. literary and intellectual by such as considered been has and 57 [ Intelligentsia inPoland Inteligencja w Polsce Narodziny Inteligencji 20 Ğ Ğü ci, twórcy, klerkowie, klasa poj Ċ cia ‘Inteligencja [Forpolymorphous 56 , pp. 21and 26. ], arecent collective volume on the . Inteligencja w Polsce 1750-1831, vol.1 of 58 , at the same time they Ğ rednia? , p.65. Ĕ ska, author of author ska, (Warszawa: Dzieje 59 , apparently 61 . CEU eTD Collection Clarendon Press, 1989). 64 reality to the imaginary communities they sought to represent. to sought they communities imaginary the to reality efface the ‘performer behindthe performance’ just like the radicals themselves, granting substantial 63 62 Stanis Other attempt atreviving thedemocratic élanis oneofthecentral tenetsof the critical theories of orientation of the ‘critically thinking intellectuals’ in his 1905pamphlet and leadingthe ofMarxist his generation invoked doctrinethe of ‘debt to the people’ as theethical democratic populism of their Romantic predecessors. Ludwik Krzywicki, translator of ideology, despite its ‘scientist’ penchant typical fortheir times, drew wholeheartedly from the intellectuals. She, thus oversee the fact that, for example,much of the revolutionary socialist admits that ‘socialism and leftist thought ingeneral’ attracted the mayor partof the post-positivist economic is agenda, to very undermine of awhole, identity Intelligentsiathe even as though she position of the liberal intellectuals, with modeltheir of spokespersonship and theirsocial and from the apparently uncontestable ‘ethos’. assumes Indeed,to dominating she that challenge the reified form of existence,whose standardsemploys later she to ‘measure’ thedegreeof separateness repressions, admittedly, broughtmainly about by the radicals themselves –into a seemingly natural, modelsof spokespersonship in the aftermath of the hecatombof 1863 and the subsequent historical circumstance virtual– the disappearance from the life public under partitionsof the radical There are various difficulties with Mici counterparts – she comments that comments – she counterparts About the socialist intellectuals – and heropinion is similar with regards to its nationalist See Andrzej Walicki, SeeAndrzej See Walicki, “PolishConceptions”, p. 8; On early socialism, see also Ibidem. á organism, undermined its reason for being and presaged its disappearance in the near future near the in disappearance its presaged and being for reason its undermined organism, social ofthe part integral of an position very Intelligentsia’s the attacked but indeed strata, enlightened the most radical critique of the Intelligentsia, whichcondemned not only the errors…of the Polish constructing ideologicalthe agenda… decidedly a-intellectual ( Representatives of that particular Intelligentsia took active mostand of the time leading part in ( aw Brzozowski antyinteligencki) Stanislaw Brzozowski andthe Polish beginnings of “Western Marxism” in its in nature. At the same time, the ideological imperatives their voiced gave rise to 64 . Thirdly, to take anti-intellectual spokespersons discourse at face value is to is value face at discourse spokespersons anti-intellectual take to . Thirdly, Ĕ ska’s propositions. First of all, she transforms a particular 21 A Suburb of Europe ainteligencki ), if not anti-intellectual Sic iturad virtutem , ibidem. (Oxford: Das Kapital 62 . 63 . CEU eTD Collection 70 69 neo-Marxist,in as case of Jacek Kuro understand attractivenessthe amongst the dissidentsPolish of thealternative traditions, notonly the than plausible it ‘participated’that in this deconstruction with home-made tools. even if the Intelligentsia indeed Intelligentsia the if even differently, it put To consecutively. anarchists and socialists nationalists, conservatives, liberals, by 68 death in Marxism,1918-1968 of power coercive of the ‘use’ the is, thethat State by realm’, the subjects public of the against others. ‘privatization Cf.the Marci in Shore, consisted also but violence, of the boundary betweenthe state and the civil society, a key characteristic of Stalinism, didBelorussia not amout to State 67 Inteligencja wPolsce,pp.129-159; idem, “Inteligencja twórcza w latach1948-1956”, ibidem, pp. 160-182. ‘old’ intellectuals’ 66 Inteligencja w Polsce Polish Intelligentsia’ initiated in 1946 by Józef Cha Józef by 1946 in initiated Intelligentsia’ Polish below’ did not apply to the knowledgeable from ‘totalitarianism about argument Gross’ T. if Jan as way, one only worked Socialism State that theeffacement of theautonomy of intellectualthe field (and of civil society ingeneral) under assume to is it words, In other other. on the Intelligentsia of the fractions various and hand, one the martyrdom’ conceals instead of revealing the complex relations between the and party the State, on the history of the Intelligentsia under Stalinism and post-Stalinism in terms of ‘collective writing circumscribed, orless violently more and effectively was freedom whose elements, floating’ While itis true theofficialthat spokespersons ofPeople’s Poland didnotwelcome ‘free- any Marxist-Leninistideology was adirect negation of everything the ‘old Intelligentsia’ stood for. Intelligentsia awhole, as would she forcefully have share to the authors’ conclusions that the ruling Palska 65 history of the Intelligentsia under Communism.Again if, following Janusz Bohdan Cywi p.168. Twórcza”, “Inteligencja Palska, Józef Cha Józef T. Jan Hanna Palska “Walka o kadry i pierwsze rzesze ‘wykszta Janusz Janusz 66 Moreover, taking the ‘golden age of the Intelligentsia’ as the benchmark, makes it hard to hard it makes benchmark, the as Intelligentsia’ ofthe age ‘golden the taking Moreover, commentlastmore Thisevencomes to therecentwhen it is ofthe renderings relevant , thehistorian tooktheliberal-positivist spokesperson tobe ‘ the Gross, Revolution from Abroad :The Soviet conquest ofPoland's western Ukraine andwestern ĩ (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1988),pp.112-120. Gross argues that the effacement arnowski, “Inteligencja w Polsce niepodleg w Polsce “Inteligencja arnowski, á asi Ĕ Ĕ ski, ski, 68 Przesz Rodowody Niepokornych , pp. 81-102. did not repeat the same arguments which used to be to brought against its rivals áRĞü (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006). iPrzysz only áRĞü ‘contributed in the deconstruction ofits own ethos’ Ĕ Inteligencji Polskiej Inteligencji ’s andKarol Modzelewski’s (Warszawa: 67 . As if the great debate about the ‘genealogy of the 22 á ej, w epoce komunizmu i na progu transformacji” in transformacji” progu ina komunizmu w epoce ej, Caviar and ashes: a Warsaw generation's life and á asi á ĝ ciuchów’: Nowa inteligencja w stalinizmie” in wiat Ksi Ĕ ski’s attack on the ‘gentry mentality’ of the of mentality’ ‘gentry the on attack ski’s (Warszawa: ąĪ ki, 1996). Letter to the Party ĝ wiat Ksi meter of Sèvres of meter ĩ arnowski ąĪ ki, 1997 [1958]). 65 69 and Hanna 70 , it is more it is , , but also , ’ for the CEU eTD Collection and Jovanovich,and 1979). study. Bourdesian redevelopments of Szelenyi, constitutesan important point of reference also in this once existing people’sIntelligentsia were under Communism far from incompatible withthe ‘teleologicalof ethos’ the republics. Theircritically at the same time,which leads the authors to reveal thatvariant knowledge-political interests of the of the NewPower Class approach, preferably along the lines ofespecially György Konrád and Ivan Szelenyi’s in its later, outcomes not onlyin the light of‘intentional world’ official the comparedpropaganda as to the actual working wasIntelligentsia such a cherished slogan inthe workers’ republic, should interpreted be its constitution. Perhaps the fact that the eliminated – the Socialist state actually favored the ‘working people, urban and rural’, as affirmed in and cultural realties pushes the analysis uncannily close to confirming that – the propertied class 73 72 1945 representation of the ‘working people’. ‘working ofthe representation Communistgovernment resided precisely inthe thatfact, it challenged itsmonopoly over the experience manyfor an intellectual committed to the Solidarity movement, whose threat to the 71 Niepokornych early twentieth century radical thought described masterfully by Bogdan Cywi Bogdan by masterfully described thought radical century twentieth early György Konrád and Iván Szelényi, Iván and Konrád György Palska, “Walka okadry”,pp. 140-147. Exerpt inGale Stokes (ed.), (NY, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 108-114. 73 Furthermore, thelack of a truly , in which scientific socialism is not uncritically condemned, but taken seriously and seriously taken but condemned, uncritically not is socialism scientific in which , 72 , but should also induce the historian to rethink the power relations under state Socialism, ( Genealogies oftheInsubordinate From Stalinism to Pluralism. a Documentary History of Eastern Europe since The intellectuals onthe road to powerclass critical upward mobility approach to the party’s the to approach 23 ) 71 , the readingwhich of constituted the formative from peasants and proletarians into proletarians and peasants from Intellectuals onthe Road to Class mise-en-scène (New York: Harcourt Brace Ĕ ski in his in ski of the social Rodowody CEU eTD Collection nationwide on public television – opinion polls made in its aftermath revealed Wa debate withAlfred Miodowicz, the leaderof theofficial trade unions (OPZZ) broadcasted respect and support of the workers as well as the rest of the society, the fact that was corroborated in 1988. Having quelled the strike in the Lenin’s ShipyardWa the main demand in the new wave of strikes spreading across the country in spring and summerof opposition. Alongside the protest against the price increases, thelegalization of Solidarity became associations inexchange for the recognition of legal the and political order on behalf of the independent other and Solidarity of legalization the entail would that pact’ ‘anti-crisis an proposed headed by Lech Wa Citizens’ Committee formed by a plethora of eminentdissidents and Solidarity activists, elected and of the constitution the with began speech Mazowiecki’s to lead eventually would that process The exposé: his in announced Poland, of Republic People’s formally On August 24,1989Tadeusz Mazowiecki, thefirst non-communist primeminister ofwhatwas still CHAPTER 2: What does it mean that Communism has ended? favor ofletting the communist leaders of Warsaw Pact nations ‘do it their way’. in countries European Eastern of affairs internal the in intervention of principle the renounced who became known to be doctrine’as the‘Sinatra ofthereformist Sovietleader Mikhail Gorbachev, economyin the referendum in November 1987. The basis of legitimacy was further limited whatby governmentmade public therejection ofthe blueprint for restructuring of thecollapsing socialist the when since ever shrinking been had rule communist the to consent popular of margin narrow The negotiationswith the government officials concerning economic and political reform of the state. December 1981.The Committee assumed the representationpolitical of the in society the collapse. past.the under line athick Wedraw act. to bound we are which We in circumstances the on influence willhowever, have, does It inherits. it mortgage the for beaccountable be held not can lead responsibleshall I government The for what we will have done to deliver Poland from the present state of One month later, in an interview with the legal monthly legal the with interview an in later, month One áĊ sa, leader of the trade union delegalized in the aftermath of the Martial Law in 24 áĊ sa proved sa proved be to still commanding Konfrontacje , Bronis , á áĊ aw Geremek aw sa’s lasting CEU eTD Collection Solidarity list. The groups which did not participate in the Round Table run independently. The independently. run Table Round the in participate not did which groups The list. Solidarity preparing a listof regional candidates outof which thenational Committee would compose a all- campaign. To this purpose local citizens’ committeeswere with formed, theadditional purpose of Solidarity recommended endowing the Citizens’ Committee with the task of running the electoral date of the elections was set on June 4. the security and announcement of the ‘non-confrontational’ elections inwhich 35 percent of the inseats establishment of the office of presidentwith great prerogatives in the sphere of internal and external union pluralismAccord signed on April 5, 1989comprised joint ‘positions’ on the issuesof economic reform, trade- and the against theinstrumentalizationpolitical of the liberals/hardliners division by the party representatives. The reform.representatives Most those groups rejected importantthe negotiation as an act of treason, which enabled the Solidarity to present wasthemselves the last as ‘moderates’one, which whichincluded was a useful the argument to be played Group’ comprising Augusta number of 1980Solidarity leaders in conflict with Wa ‘Working the and Youth, of Fighting Federation as such groups youth radical KPN, Moczulski’s negotiation process. Not alldissident tendencieswere represented in committee,the most notably, Warsaw, to generaldiscuss the offramework the talks and to resolve the bottlenecks in the opposition and the heldChurch parallel meetings inthe government villa in Magdalenkaoutside on 6, February 1989. Before and during the negotiations, the representatives ofthe the party, strategy and the make-up ofthe side representing the society in the Round Table talks which began hierarchy. internal affairssince 1981– and LechWa negotiations began inAugust 1988,involving general Czes had to be in return for some political concessions. The discussions regarding the form of the possible share the burden of responsibility for the economicradical decisionswith opposition,the even if it popularity. The reformist fraction of party followed the eventswith the increasing willingness to Sejm The events accelerated. Wa The Citizens Committee was formed in December of the same year to shape the political and all seats in the newly established Senate would be filled on the basis of free vote. The áĊ sa and the sa and Nationalthe Executive Commission (KKW) of áĊ 25 sa, accompaniedsa, observersfrom Church by the á aw Kiszczak – responsible for the áĊ sa. Some sa. of CEU eTD Collection embedded in the collective memory of opposition against the party and the state. Before it could be itcould Before state. the and party the against opposition of memory collective the in embedded deeply past of the representation of the contestation for space a opened happened, that way indeterminate,did butso The the past. communisthad power been successfully challenged, butthe into new, the theunpredictable the uncertain”.and recurring crises, the time ofeverlasting expectation. Weentered ofthe time change,every daygave days “the time was felt anew as something aflame and valuable. We left the cyclical rhythm of Many years later, Pawerecent vantage pastfrom the of an point uncertain present more and a future unknown ever.than intentions.of Mazowiecki’s It independently quite came history, made past’ the under line thick a to draw ‘We phrase The symbolize the clarion call for revision of theAugust 24,the first non-Communist prime ministernarratives hadits inaugural speech. about the expressedcountry’s by Adam Michnik in his article ‘Your President, Our Prime Minister’ was passed. On to Wa 74 resistance of Mieczys overthrow the regime ‘from below’ could expectedbe gain to popularity. Despite initialthe would neither provoke the Communist ‘base’nor ignore the society’s verdict inwhich case calls to total defeat, not anticipatedfilled inthe second round, thedemocratic oppositions taking remaining share. In lightthe ofPZPR’s by any of the parties, it took both some time to find a way out which won all butone seats in voters, who rejected the overwhelming majority of the 35 officials on the ‘national list’. Solidarity Polandwas onitswayout, least at to according the expressed desire of the 62 percentof eligible the propagandisticwhen advantage, the results Communism itarrived became clearthat in Communism ‘Wa posters depicted Gary Cooper wearing from High Noon a Solidarity badge andthecandidates, Electoral Studio. of Solidarity programs broadcasted television Polish and editor-in-chief as Michnik daily own Solidarity’s by promoted was campaign Pawe áĊ sa’s Team’ were photographed with the trade union’s chairman. Despite PZPR’s substantial áĊ áĝ sa unexpected call for alliance with the former satellite parties, the variant originally piewak, Pami á Ċü aw Rakowski,aw party’s candidate for leadership of the government, and thanks po Komunizmie áĝ Sejm piewak, a historian of Polish collective memory, recalled that in those (161) and all but eight seats in Senate (92). The vacant seats were (Gda Ĕ sk: s * * * á 26 owo/obraz terytoria, 2005), p.17. 74 Gazeta Wyborcza Gazeta The times were changing, the present became (Election Paper) with Adam with Paper) (Election CEU eTD Collection 76 regime. temporal a of stabilization the and of contestation moments the between opens that space contingent everything social everything political canbe defined precisely as thedimension ontological of the indeterminacy andopennessof occurs when historically and socially specific regime of temporality becomes destabilized. Since the mnemonic practices take place and which shape its form. Intensification of mnemonic practices about the different pastspeople believe in and aboutthe 75 relations what present,It is betweenand thefuture. the past both about the examination of the changing representations of the past,but also of theways experiencepeople the an only not implies memory ofcollective historistoricization the and history, a has itself memory temporality,memory theforms will invariablytake are contingent subject to and change” be an anthropologicalwell may – remarks aptly Huyssen Andreas – memory “Human experience. temporal of structures given, but closely tiedworldwide and increasingly since 1980s –suggestas its centrality to the historical transformationit of the is to the ways a culture boom’ –thesudden gaze backwardsgainedprominence that and inprivate the hasturned life public constructs and marginal problem of the modern livesWestern culture. On the contrary, many analyses of the ‘memory its has to be ‘overcome’. that ‘cost’ its modernization, to road on the – other or European NeitherCentral – societies underdeveloped is it typical to the periphery,of compensatorydiscourse of traditionalist intellectuals and politicians which noraccompanies the (in the other sense of the word) a Collective memory and its politics is not a Memory Collective of Spectres The unavoidable because of the very nature of the transition. was memory of politics way, a In Poland. post-Communist of field intellectual emergent avoided (if itever was avoidable) the ‘thick line’ became the main line of friction within the On the Political TwilightMemories . 76 , I suggest that politics of memory should be understood with reference to the to reference with understood be should memory of politics that I suggest , , p.2. peripheral 27 problem. It cannot be simply reduced to a sort regimes oftemporality and how we remember, we how within which the which within 75 . Hence, . CEU eTD Collection 78 2005), p.8-9. socialist formerly the are beneficiaries active most whose reform, economic neo-liberal of the shield a as operates represent, to ought its workers of the interests the despite trade-union, oppositional public expression, repressed for so long, will devour the orderfragile before it takes root.The once democracy has installed, been butthere are reasons to fearthat thedissidenthunger for unlimited liberal of institutions The appearances. formal the beneath persist to believed are networks the party has lost its power, itsinstitutional structures has been dismantled,its bannerwithdrawn from whichleaving isabout the bad timesbehind is asthe asimportant future ahead. The Communist always a ‘history of bad times’ outcomes, within theonly because of thesimple offact coexistence of new the and old the realities, its and paradoxical same temporal realm.however,the ofpresence the becomespast problematic, and so does the future. Itisproblematic not It is also becauseanticipations. Anon-transitional temporal regime has the form of a the past of the transitionBefore transition,the thepresent accommodated withease the present well pastsas as thefuture is almost 77 present and future becomes blurred. A sagacious chronicler of the DivideGreat of 1989wrote that However,a ‘transition’ is alsoaregime oftemporality within whichdifference the between the past, democracy), and capitalism to as socialism state well (from institutions economic and asof political set a between a change of sphere of culturalsocial change implied in conceptofthe ‘transition’ is understood most commonly as achange influences – movement from East to West. István Rév, István Retroactive Justice, parliament; andyetthe on paint new the social-democratic issign-board toofresh, theinformal professional and amateur self-proclaimed experts offered support: to remake worldthe unknown. Atthat point betweenthe lost and the not-yetcomprehended, historians,professional politicians, and and private one’s of world, the knowledge stabilitythe of memories, thecapital, comprehension social ofthe private and public album, history. family the What remained in was photographs the of meaning the neibourhoods of significance social the names, street well-known the holidays, the and everydays the of life, rhythm the events, familiar recurrent the life: one’s of pillars the certainities, the formerCommunist world became lost; they lost their future because their lost their past…Gone were In that yearthe past fell to pieces and became extinct. Millions, hundreds of millions of people the in Thus, it is in the very nature of the transition to open the space of the political. The type of Retroactive Justice: Prehistory of post-Communism p.3. 78 . In most of the cases, transition is a modality of a historical change 28 (Standford: Standford University Press, University Standford (Standford: trajectory . During a transition, a During . 77 . CEU eTD Collection evident that in the emerging public sphere – among the intellectualswho offered themselves to memory collective intellectuals argued at the time. On the contrary,was it the by the cannotunderstoodtransition be in of ‘amnesiaterms against some remembrance’, as temporal difference, reconnecting the pastand the presentmeaningfulin a way.dilemma The posed order which produces itsown specters. transitional politics of memory canradiant future and theconfusing perceptions.exists.– In Itisthreatened, it therefore sense,this the be understood as practice and processdesireof temporal –aclear-cutstability diving line between the unwanted and the past potentially of restoring the temporal transition realign to they presentspasts, and futures in a newway, bridging gap the between the Casper themselves are quite ambivalentcreatures. Threatening as theymay be,are they also – not unlike witness aspectre unlessone is in prepared, fact, unless one desires it. to Andthespecterssee under thepast’ isat the sametime to‘under-line’ itsunwanted presence. presence that has to be conjured away and ever threatens to come back in the future. the coming-back of a spectre’ difficult,conjuncturewhen distinguish ifnotimpossible, is – it future-to-come between to ‘the and apart, I strongly contend that there are historical moments – and that a transition is precisely such a 80 79 actuality, the oftime thedead nolongerthat have hold a on living the present –the actual and effective reality – and,on the other hand, absence, lackofeffectivity and something as ‘spectrality’, it logics consists in undoing the distinction between,on the one hand, the Jacques Derrida brilliantly on remarked the margins of the in peoplesmentalities and habits, appears to be inevitable. entrepreneurs, and yet the dangerof a backlashof legaciesthe ofonce existing socialism persistent ‘Spectres of Marx’, p. 35. Jacques Derrida, ‘Spectres of Marx’, , the protagonistof thecartoon series– ‘friendly ghosts’. They allow living people under The line’was‘thick notsomuch about separating oneself from the as past, about producing Hence, the very gesture thatattempts leaving at the behindpast conjures upaspectre. As , that contributed to the predicament. As we shall see below, before long it became 80 . The transitional past takes a form of a spectre – an unwanted New Left Review 29 1(205) 1994, pp. 31-58. proliferation ofpossible versions of Communist Manifesto 79 Undeniably, one does not . Literary deconstruction To ‘draw a line , if there is CEU eTD Collection was thefounding moment of newly the regained freedom, apivotaleventwhich radiated both government –theagreement in reached Roundtable talks the andvalidated inthesemi-free elections Roundtable discussions, became members orintellectual supporters of the first non-communist of the public understanding of the past. the democratic public life.All those debates had a substantial retroactive impact on the rival versions post-totalitarian society, offormer the the place and functionariesofbeneficiaries and theregime in considered the offate the Solidarity in new the circumstances, the moral andmental condition of the remained of the ideologues.party nodal The pointsof the debates in emergingthe spherepublic independentvoices became engaged in the controversies, with relative lack of partisanship of what orientations within re-legalized Solidarity. Apart from the former dissidents, anumber of different representing opposition, democratic of legacy the to heirs the between principally discursive wasarticulation involved in the logic of the political and ideological confrontation meaning of dissent, thecharacter of the transition, and the hauntingspectres process.the Their crystallize,each of with them distinctive – andincreasingly polarized – narratives concerning the first non-Communist governmentin 1989,tworival versionsof memory collective began to Following the Roundtable Accords, the ‘non-confrontational’ elections and the constitution of the Hauntology claim about the self-reinforcing logic between memoro-politics andintellectual power. position-takingsin the memory struggles, orwas ittheother way around. Itdoes involve, however,a good criteria to settle the question of whether the drive for the political distinction determined the homology between the doestwo not amount tomaking a claim for ‘ political and intellectual distinction – overlap and cannot be discussed separately. To underscore the field. Those temporal twoterms, butalso in spatial terms –asaideological divide within the emerging intellectual aspects – triggeredthe in 1989 joints and disjoints. In this sense, the ‘thick line’ should be conceived notonly in strategies‘remake world’the was– there no shared understanding ofexactly what historicalthe conjuncture of making a temporal difference and the strategies of For the members of the Citizens’ Committee – theintellectuals who participated in the 30 presentism ’. Indeed, I find no CEU eTD Collection transformation it can easily deform into ‘nationalism’. Those three dangers, Geremek argues, Geremek dangers, three Those ‘nationalism’. into deform easily can it transformation the simplest form of resistance was the appeal toinstitutional weaknessesmay breed theauthoritarian temptations. Thirdly, while ‘undernational Communist rule feeling’, in the face of massive socialthe political demagogues. Secondly the deficit of democratic ‘way of thinking’ coupled with to prey fall easily can which mindset, post-communist the to common illusions’ on ‘egalitarian feeds emancipation from communistthe dictatorship. Firstof isall dangerthere the ofwhich populism, approach three are typesof threats tothe fragile institutional arrangements which follow the evolutionary his motivates what Furthermore, shape. take to starting only are order social democratic government andeconomic planning, a ‘period’ butas of timeinwhich the basesof apluralist and should understoodbe not much so as adrastic moment of of rejection an authoritarian system of appointed ofregime existed.by a nolongerthat Therefore according‘transition’, to Geremek, first time in almosthalf a century –thelegitimate will of nation,the while otherthe was part consequence of thepolitical contract one of thedeputiespart in the parliamentexpressed – forthe democratic public life, butthe political contract that had initiated changesthe still held.As a movementin 1981, in 1989 was thehead of state.the The state regained independence and of political and life.public communistgeneral The same decidedtocrushthat Solidaritythe paradoxes specific of set a in foremost and first consisted realities Polish the of character transitional 81 the logic of the system, theother alien to it but‘conserved’ by forty years of Communist rule. totalitarian legacy persistent in the habits and inclinations ofthe society, apartof which belonged to not the biggestworry – what the architects of the ‘historical compromise’ feared the most, wasthe old and the new. Thattheeconomic and political structures have been only dismantledpartially was however, it was a non-event, a transitorytowards the future and back into the over-determiningpast, their meaning. At the same time, period which lacked a clear cut dividing line between the Bronis democracy philosophy of actionwhicha for demands account a necessary and changes transitionalof the stage character inthe passage gradual fromthe authoritarianism however justify to They period. transitional the in countries European Central ofthe ahead stand that chances the diminish nor erase neither For Bronis For á aw Geremek, ‘Polskiuk 81 . á aw Geremek, the unquestionable mastermind of the Round Table Accords, the Accords, Table Round the of mastermind unquestionable the Geremek, aw á ad nadziei’, Tygodnik Powszechny 31 17.06.1990. CEU eTD Collection 84 sacrifice’. emotional attachment toSolidarity as‘frameworkof which hope’ engenders‘acceptance for capital of trust’? According to Geremek’sconclusion, the commitmentcan be substituted by civic involvement declines, butits mobilization does not seem prudent, how to generate the ‘social Since avoid. to like would reformers the mobilization social of kind the with parties) and unions associates theforms ofinvolvement inscribed in the Polish model of civic society (especially the into citizen’, itis probably because at thesame time – although it is notexplicitly stated – he doesnotgo expressingbeyond the concern about the ofslowness the of‘metamorphosis the subject parties, and finally, the independent trade union – inprotest against the totalitarian state. If Geremek had created the structures of the autonomous civil society educational– organizations, political The civic involvementhas radically dropped down the since when time democraticthe opposition important capital than social trust. It canbe generated through commitment to public life. democracy to is the metamorphosis transition the of of process the subject main the into a citizen.Thus, And in this process involvement. civic thereneed is democracy no greaterand towards more moving Societies necessary. more the all seems democracy and authoritarianism between of passage moment participation in public life mightlead outbursts to of ‘populism and demagoguery’, extending the necessary ‘social costs’, which in combination with the raised material aspirations and broadening 83 underestimated the rulers of People’s the Republic of China. Geremek Massacre, Tien’anmen of the impression under Writing economy. socialist the into mechanisms 82 element in the transformation towards democracy’ necessary a constitutes and system old the to regards with function destructive a plays liberalism resistance of theexisting structures is so strong, thatthe ‘programmatic radicalism of economic possibility of itsimprovement,expresses the only radical withbreak the However,past. the The collapse of Central Europeanthe economies,which destroyed remainingillusionsthe about the exclusion of the alternative endeavors It is themore he all so,experiencescontinues, of sincethe thesocialistcountriesdemonstrate – by Ibidem. ‘Polski uk That is, the revisionist attempts at democratizing socialism, and Chinese attempts at introducing market Lastly, Geremek deplores that the civic involvement in the public life. á ad nadziei’. 82 – the indissoluble link between democracy and the market. 32 83 . Since the radical economic strategy entails 84 . CEU eTD Collection 86 85 satisfaction of needs alone. needs of satisfaction dimensional man’ deprived of the dimension‘vertical of existence’, his existence understood as the own’ enemy,while overcoming entails inner an metamorphosis –asubstitution ofhis faith one’sby dismantled, while the latter has to be ‘overcome’. ‘Defeat consists in the material destruction of the immaterial loci of the old regime is all the more important since the former can be ‘defeated’, that is, form of neo-paganism, with a rival ‘conception ofman’.distinction The between material and an economy on false based premises. Communism constituted mirrora of image new thechurch, a its intellectual representative, Communism didnot amount tothe totalitarian power nor structure to the totalitarian past persisting in people’sminds and habits. From the perspective of the Church, says the chaplain of Solidarity back in 1980, coined theterm ‘ prominentfigures supporting the Mazowiecki’sgovernment path to transformation. Father Tischner, which must fill the void left by the civic commitment. form,is tothe counterpoised of symbol‘frameworkof hope’,apassive attachment to the Solidarity economic structures. The threat of the return of the old regime,whether inits structural or mental the society for improvement of the material conditions are justified in the light of inertiaof the of aspirations the against working measures economic radical the while leader, strong a for desire and liberal democracy isexplained mentalby the inclinations towards populism,nationalism and the authoritarianism in between moment political The mentality. post-totalitarian the in and mechanisms structural in embodied both regime old the of legacies the to appeal through transformation agreement. Giving meaning to time entails here explaining the contradictions of the first phase of the Roundtable of the architects of the production oftemporal narrative the for character exemplary Idem, ‘Homo sovieticus: Mi Rev. Józef Tischner, ‘Dok that all his internal life could be reduced to the ‘consciousness determined by its material conditions’ ‘matter’, that is human raw material to be constantly molded bywork. More importantly, italso meant Homo sovieticus, according to the classics, could not have a ‘soul’. It meant, first of all, that he was all 85 . What was the ‘conception of man’ embodied in The main treads of this narrative of transition appear in different forms in the efforts of other of efforts the in forms different in appear oftransition narrative of this treads main The Apart from eminentthe figure of its author, Geremek’s argumentis important because of its ą d prowadzi ta droga?’, Ċ dzy Wawelem iJasn ą Tygodnik Powszechny Gór 33 ą ’, Tygodnik Powszechny homo sovieticus homo sovieticus 19.11.1989. ? He was essentially a ‘one- ’ to refer to the residues of 24.VI.1989. 86 . CEU eTD Collection 87 meaning of Solidarity followed from the fact that legitimacy based on monopolythe of truth-and-power begins toerode. The profound, revolutionary change is fundamental and irreversible’. Once the party recognizes anindependent point ofview, its the however, system, totalitarian the within ‘From change. much make to seem do not journals the realm of power’. The institutions, the party, the police remain the same and a couple of samizdat place without external signs. ‘Revolution in the realm of cognition comes ahead of the revolution in ittakes since notice, to easy not is transformation the paradoxically, but community, the for event’ the depths of individual experience and common understanding of people’. social life does not fall from the skies, like rain drops on the earth, but growsand illusion between the leaders and led.the In from dialogicalthe society definitive ‘the truth about the bottom, from exclude the relation of power;entails, it however the supposition about theequal distribution of truth citizenequally is a‘carrierof inwhich and truth’ no there are vantageprivileged points. Itdoesnot view with the point ofview of power. must rejectindividuality, their and become ‘socialized’, that is,identify with their particularpoint of subject of truth may become a subject of power’, putthemselveson the side of the truth, the subjects a deep insight into mechanisms of social life determining the ‘interest of the whole’. Since ‘only a possess to unable hence and interests short-term their by determined illusions’, of particular ‘carriers vantage point of power.From the point ofview of the totalitarian power,its subjects are only is only one vantage from point which the truth and meaning of human existence can graspedbe – the dignity on the one hand, the property-rights on the other. double denial of the rights to possession – the right ‘to self-possession’, individual autonomy and the in consisted socialization The man’. a ‘socialized was Tischner, to according man, soviet The Ibidem. respect to the powers the to respect point onall socialvantage mattersof a and its recognition relevant the truths, time same whichthe is at permanently meant union trade independent from independent andof an critical with recognition legal The There There transition the ‘monological’ to ‘dialogical’ society, Tischner argues, isa‘pivotal Overcoming totalitarianism means here the transition to ‘dialogical society’ in which every Firstly, thetotalitarian society was‘monological a society’, basedon the premise that there 87 . 34 CEU eTD Collection 88 ‘everyone according to his work’ – only to reach the phase of ‘socialist consummerism’, of‘socialist phase the reach to only – work’ his to according ‘everyone principles of justdistribution – the one,first ‘everyone according histo needs’, the second one satisfaction. Through the consecutive stages of ofcrises the shortage the socialized state rejected its property. At the same time, its abolition led to exasperation of the needs, rather than its final in whichneed the to necessary‘have’ work to the and itsatisfy divorced was from of title the hisworst enemy wasinstitution the of private property. Communism created existential an situation, consequences’. its in dangerous but correct, principle ‘in criterion a hands’, of ‘clean criterion consists in substituting economic, political and meritoratic criteria oflegitimacy with theethical which ‘moralism’, towards inclination isthe totalitarianism under living of ‘fruits’ the among Lastly, on top’ shouldthe identify themselveswith the particularpointof view of ‘those at thebottom’. ‘those that demand the in and are’ really ‘things how define would who somebody for demand the power,still act asif theywere communist subjects. This residue of ‘defend their to heart willing are who and heart’ withvery their at strikes theirmetamorphosis internal an of verynecessity ‘the whom lifes’. On the side of society, therethose who truly believedare in the ‘principle of socialization’those and really ‘socialized themselves’, for who,of hosts in of sense relation broad the in but commandment, every its to docile to regime old of the functionaries dialogue’. Nevertheless, concludeswouldit Tischner not be prudent that to asses ‘feign dialogue’, itonly was first phase of the its ideological decomposition, that finally lead ‘realto Although Martial Law the firstindicated of the that reaction the onlyconsistedparty inattempt to society’. On the side of the power, there is gone for good. ‘The habitspast weight over the and present refrain the development of the dialogical ‘Dok promoting the worst kindof consumerism, which is the usage of somebody else’s goods his…[communism] never was fact refusedin the menthat right to property, something butgranted consumes he the right to consumes, consume,man’ therefore ‘socialized the When property. his first ‘mine’ and ‘not mine’ at the sameis time. what If a capitalistproperty’, ‘consumes’ ‘socialized is something,what of use the this in ‘something’pleasure must taking be and using in consists essence whose that believed man soviet the continues, argument Tischner’s of things’, ‘possession the As for ą d prowadzi ta droga?’. ta prowadzi d nomenklatura 35 , understood not in the narrow sense of the of sense narrow the in not understood , homo sovieticus homo sovieticus 88 consists both in both consists . is CEU eTD Collection 89 the Atlantic. Since ‘the ofworkcriterion isgrowth the of capital’ – in this sense capitaliststhe of side other the at happened often it as rights, labour and security social no with work to ‘choose’ hence, in reality, ‘choose’ to be exploited. the fact that iswidely recognized by all those un-captive mindswho queue for anAmerican visa and suggests, is to fail to recognize that theonly alternative to exploitation is getting one’s life ‘wasted’, the hyperinflation on the living condition or the wages.unpaid To be property rights, especially the protest against exploitation of labour, re-privatization, the effects of sign of itspermanence iseverything that undermines the efforts to constitute the legal framework of collapse of the system displaceand the ‘promise of Communism’ into the capitalists.An obvious mentality, according to Tischner itis very plausible, that this form of captive mind will outlive the sovieticus This second stage iseven harder toreach. Since ‘defeat does notequal overcoming’ and of law’ iswho recognizes that‘the basis of ownership isthe right to ownership’. Tischner,‘rule of law’ consists fundamentally in the recognition of property rights, and the ‘subject which corresponds to passagethe from ‘the subjectof truth to the subjectof law’. According to goods as ‘somebody else’s goods’ isto have entered already into the second ofstage the transition work, but also imposed that ‘illusion’ on its subjects who believed that itwas the ‘authentic’ thing. ‘illusory’ amount large a created only not –Communism work considered be cannot it multiply’ and circumstances ‘criterion the ofworkgrowth isthe ofcapital’ – and notactivity an doesthat ‘breed At the same time, same the At ‘Homo sovieticus…’. conscious subject of rights. It marks the emergence of the foundations of the legal order legal ofthe foundations of the emergence the It marks rights. of subject conscious becoming of the civil society that moment is decisive. Thus hitherto subjectof social truthbecomes a struggle forrights. That moment is hard to define, but still one is entitled to assess that inthe process of moment in the life of a anymore,society but about right to things, that is, a new socialwhen order, damaged by the revolution.it Therepasses is a he considers ‘his’what from despite and needs any he regulations…The what takes the just conflict man the over levelrightstheft: goesordinary deeper.an It is resemble not about of things sometimes things over the conflict The struggle for things toThe conflict overtheownership is twofold:level it is a conflict over things and a conflictof overthe the right to things. It is not at all certain whether father Tischner meant that workers in Poland should in fact To To be able discern to between the ‘illusory’ and the ‘authentic’, tounderstand ‘socialized’ is only partially connected to the ideology,Communist deeper butburied in one’s homo sovieticus had had a false conception ofwork.in Whereas‘normal’the 36 homo sovieticus 89 . , Tischner homo CEU eTD Collection based notonmerit, buton‘connections’, political decisionsand opportunism. Hence,the conflictual Communism, natural this order distorted become the by mechanism which produced hierarchies under alone, achievements’ and work ‘hard on relies mobility upward and differences’, ‘socialist democracy’. Whereas in the ‘normal societies’ the social status is constituted by ‘natural consciousness’, aconflictual worldview imposed on the community experienceby the of of 50 years Not unlike Tischner,she identified the expression ofsurface deepknowledgewiththis ‘class the society’. ‘open Popperian-style emergent the menace and societies post-communist of the conscious’ instance,wrote about the residues of ‘post-totalitarian mentality’ which haunt the ‘collective sub- pronounced themes in the emerging post-Communist public sphere. El a legitimate participant in the community of dialogue. possible, has patent troubleswith ‘overcoming’ itsmental habits, and hence be cannot considered as paradox isthatvery the same whosocial made actor had the emergence of the ‘dialogical society’ judged in lightthe of the 21 postulateswith – itstheme of ‘emancipation of labour’ – the resulting general phenomenon andnot address anyparticulargroup. Nevertheless, Solidarity’s if heritageis fringe of the ‘dialogicalthe daemonsof Communism.the And the very condition of being possessed puts himoutside the society’. Itdemands directed at those ‘at the suggesttop’) is his that non-existent is soul neverthelesshaunted by safe to assume thatis devoid of the ‘vertical dimension’, yet, retrospectively, theexternal signs (e.g.egalitarian Tischner’s intention was to describe a 90 state, indeed,of the state of being doesnot appearon the discursive surface; the surface is only an external expression of the internal of mentality the in incorporated becomes but illusions’), ‘egalitarian (nationalism as the symbolic vehicle of resistance) or political language (populism on based the spectre of theold regime no longer takes the form of the product of some mechanismssocial case in Tischner’s is that however, evident, does seem What capitalists. become would everybody point which at clear very not also is –it of production means of the deprived those than more far workers resemble El Ī bieta Wolicka, ‘O mentalno The discourse on totalitarian possession, in differentits modalities, became one of mostthe homo sovieticus Ğ ci posttotalitarnej’, would cease to exist, unless we assume that at some final stage possessed by of by the legacy the Evenpast. though Znak 37 (3) 1993. homo sovieticus Ī bieta Wolicka homo sovieticus . The spectre The . 90 , for , CEU eTD Collection issue issue of involvement in the public sphere for Adam Michnik, one formerly of key Polish 91 prospects of ‘survival of the fall of Communism’, he warned, that of thespectre. writer The Jan SzczepaJózef transition process. Andjust asin case the of the to hazard greatest the xenophobia and megalomania national the in saw Committee Citizens’ the of supportive positions the from wrote who intellectuals other many present, hardly was life’. of collective aspects many in regress possible of the light the in berevised should legacy totalitarian surprisingly than, she concludes that ‘the prospects of leaving behind the antinomiesof the post- Not atavisms’. ‘authoritarian and daemons’ ‘irrational of resurrection the to lead can which – order lawful for respect and responsibility civic of sense the to opposed as – interests’ particular and demands opinions, of expression of freedom ‘unrestrained to related citizenship of understanding the Apart from merit. ‘class consciousness’the Wolicka identified another posttotalitarian symptom in inequalitieswhich can potentially undermine emergencethe of thenatural hierarchies based on inequalitiesas suchthat new the community inherits, butaway of thinking about the social a form of ‘false consciousness’ which hasoutlived its legitimate context. Itisnot the social becomes consciousness class the differences social of order natural of restoration the and normality’ implication is that while egalitarian demands had legitimacy under Communism,with the ‘return to clear The distinctions. natural in embedded those to opposed as hierarchies ‘artificial’ against really excising class antagonism engendered by state socialist system of redistribution, but a protest worldview imbued mindsin the of the communist subjects wasnot somuch aconsequence of the Jan Józef Szczepa In the first years of the transition, daemons the ofthepastconstituted the single mostimportant daemons of the past reemerge past ofthe daemons the cracked, has discipline of totalitarian corset once that today, see even We can Poland. about most the fear I what is This aspirations. the democratic hamper to sufficient are These dogmatism. parochial and I belief that ultimately Poland will evade it, but there exist intermediary levels of intolerance, xenophobia suppose…the lofty of ideas independence and sovereignty do not exclude terror,aggression andgenocide. The ideas of independence and sovereignty which we are socherish not asunambiguous asyou might While in Tischner’s and Wolicka’s version of the narrative of transition the issue of nationalism Ĕ ski, ‘Demony przesz 91 . áRĞ ci’, Znak Ĕ homo sovieticus ski was not wasski when, alone answering a survey about the (3) 1991 38 , the threat took the form of the return CEU eTD Collection 92 independentwith regards to Communism and corresponding to a deeper historical layer,which was in terms of demand for retributive justice. However,constitutes the itsimplest can‘common denominator’also of resistance.refer In this case the itsto ‘return’a may‘demon be read of the past’ quite reading.In linewith Geremek’s it interpretation, can mean underthat nationalism Communism, Communist edge. between xenophobicprism of its anti-totalitarian identity, than in Michnik’s argument there is asuggestion of complicity Communism isnationalism over. Instead, if thepolitical projectof civil society is defined mainly through the entail the triumph of the civil society. Itsenemy’s enemy does not become civil society’s ally once and its aggressive nationalism and tribal hatred’. Inthisformer the sense, fall of Communism doesnotnecessary oppressor,Soviet organization despite, asparticularist’. it were, itsLebensraum fierce the interwar Right,where the ‘national feeling’ is understood in anti-terms of struggle for survival and of the‘Catholic of State Polish the Nation’ nationalistthe doctrine with itsroots inthe repertoire of name the in also rejected been had Poland in Communism totalitarianism. against be to way another reducible to the politicalparticularit subcultures integrated. was argues, However,Michnik there not identity, political anti-totalitarian genuine a create to utopias, retrospective and prospective beyond the traditional political divides between leftand right,or –correspondingly –between different purposes. Asthis contradictory reception suggested, theidea of the civil society went far for albeit Left, and Right intellectuals Western by embraced and dissidents European Central struggled against the totalitarian state. Firstof wasthe those ideaof the civil society, resurrected by about the ‘Trappings ofNationalism’ of editor-in-chief oppositionists,who in the middle of the electoral campaign of 1989was appointed by Lech Wa Adam Michnik,‘Pu The thesis about nationalism as the ‘terminal phase of Communism’ may be given a twofold a given be may Communism’ of phase ‘terminal the as nationalism about thesis The According to Michnik, the ethnic conflict in Yugoslavia as well as the case of the post- . The former project was ‘humanist and European’, the latter ‘nationalist and Gazeta Wyborcza á Pamiat apka nacjonalizmu’, reveals that ‘totalitarianism in the terminal phase leaves the legacy of , soon to become the most widely read Polish daily. In his article his In daily. Polish read widely most the become to soon , 92 Gazeta Wyborcza , Michnik spoke of two counter-hegemonic projects that projects counter-hegemonic two of spoke Michnik , 39 10.02.1990. áĊ sa CEU eTD Collection perspectives 94 22.11.1992. whether the laterwas Michnik’s intention. See ‘totalitariansymmetry’, which in the ‘extremes meet’ and one canstand forthe other. Idoubt, however, ‘bad’ one which the state combated. The two theories are also reconcilable if we rely on the premise of the Communism, there were a ‘good’ nationalism whichprovided legitimacy to the post-totalitarianstate and a legitimacy of the political legacies, they vulnerableare against the presentdangers. endangers What ( Slobodan Miloševi Slobodan the inCommunist ideology beenabandoned.has Accordingthis to was Michnik, case the of Serbia under namely, that nationalism provided acompensatory legitimizationto State Socialist countries where the belief Democrats ( Democrats in the politicalof thoughtgreat three ideologicalof theinterwarcamps Poland – the National the brim of amnesia.What applies to Narutowicz, applies aswell to the ‘anti-democratic evolution’ the murder didnot become a ‘pivotal fact’ in the historical consciousnessof the Poles, pushedover electoral support given to Narutowicz ethnic by the minorities. He judges highly symptomatic that the for revenge in campaign anti-Semitic and nationalist fierce of a aftermath the in Niewiadomski, Narutowicz, thefirst presidentof theyoung Polish democracy, whowas shotby a fanatic Eligiusz More specifically, Michniksince vital, more the all is It opposition. Communist anti- the pledges by idealized and propaganda Communist the by denigrated both was which period, interwar from for Republic Second the to respect with especially stereotypes, and reassessment myths historical argues, have always shaped Polish attitudes political and ideas. The more it isimportant to unravel of thewith poses the problem of the historical consciousness. The representationsof the Michnikpast, assassination cannot legitimately speak from the inposition of the victim. 1922 ofnationalism’s claim to retributive justice, showing that since it has itsown ofrecord wrongdoings, it Gabriel 93 restrained by the totalitarian State but resurfaced on its ruins sanacja Adam Michnik, ‘Three Kinds of Fundamentalism’ in There is a third interpretative possibility suggestedby Michnik in his conversationwith Ko might be called the revenge of memory, a memory that was for years relegated to our subconscious our to relegated years for was that a memory ofmemory, revenge the be called might burdened with myths rather thansoberjudgments, andwe are doomed tobe defenseless what against without such a reassessment, we are doomed to idealize our past, we are doomed to a sense of history To the extend that the Poles are unable to ‘overcome’ their past by reassessing the Michnik develops the second idea in his article on ‘Three fundamentalisms’, which opens which fundamentalisms’, on‘Three article his in idea second the develops Michnik ) – and to the history of the Catholic Church. Catholic of the history the to ) –and (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), p.178. endecja ü . Third interpretation is contradictory to the second one, unless we assume that under that we assume unless one, second the to contradictory is interpretation Third . ), the Socialists (PPS) and the supporters of general Pilsudzki’s dictatorship ‘Komunizm, Ko 40 Letters from Freedom: post-Cold War realities and Ğ ció á iczarownice’, 93 . The later case undermines case later The . Gazeta Wyborcza Gazeta á akowski, 94 . 21- CEU eTD Collection the moral norm and the political rules of the game, the distinction which in liberal democracies is mentality’ which, not unlike religious fundamentalism,does not serve well to discriminate between dissident,origin. Underground activity, Michnik argues self-reflexively,engendered a ‘moralist values alien to its credo, and the religion that whishes to ‘return to Europe’ that no longer exists. (fundamentalist) nationalism, there are two Churches: the modernizedreligion by Vatican II, open to and patriotism (critical) between difference isa there as Just values. (christian) of set boundary between the religious fundamentalism magical– a solution which retrospectively attempts atobliterating the ‘international’ nationalist ideology, the suggestion may be pushed even further). as considered be can fascism only past, recent in Europe’s that (given phenomenon European the Pen phenomenonLe in orderFrance, in tosuggest the that ofmemory’‘revenge isapan- Lithuania discrimination and the ofthe to Roma and Jews, the ‘historians’ debate’ Germany in and the nation. Michnik connects the xenophobic reactionsagainst the critique of the Polish minority in the membersof national community, and perceivesevery instance of critique as anattempt vilifyto of wrongdoings the justify to compels right-or-wrong’, country ‘my of terms in community of the collapse, butatthe same time itis and evil – is a flawless, harmonic community, delivered from conflictsall the other than the conflict between good of the utopia the – Fundamentalism of fundamentalism’. danger reemerging the to point would are now appearing, with greateror lesser force,onor below the surface of current politicaldebate, I vicious heritage deeperrooted in the collective memory. ‘IfIhad define to new the phenomena that the present, Michnik clearly implies,is not much so the immediate legacy of Communism, but fundamentalisms. First of all, he speaks of speaks he of all, First fundamentalisms. was hidden from the critical insight of the community. The third trapping of fundamentalism has a genuine Central European, and, specifically, and, European, Central genuine a has fundamentalism of trapping third The the is terms pan-European in contextualized be should that predicament local other The According future-to-come intocoming-back to Michnik, ofthree the can turn the new phenomenonas ithas insofar in been aftermathreleased ofCommunism’sthe profane and the reemerging sacred national and reconstitute the society on the basis of an uniform from the depths ofthe collective memory where it 41 fundamentalism, which understands the interest the understands which fundamentalism, CEU eTD Collection 95 continues, danger there is a thatunder new circumstances thedemand forsocial justicewill take to elites who learned that ‘we effectiveare when we speak the language of the crowd’. the was it Instead, rationality. procedural the learn crowd the make to time enough not was ‘carnival’ but passive mass of back-standers, itis not surprising that even the 500 days of Solidarity’s the opposition only when it was backed by the crowd’. Since the crowd, bydefinition, is adangerous a ‘powerless’ cry in the wilderness. ‘The Communistsprocedures, was the language– Michnik of the dissident elite. It was a languagerecalls of reason, but at the same – time,began to take account ofpopulist simply because it was ‘popular’. The rationaldiscourse, the discourse of democratic-legal revolt, wasof therevolt the crowd’. The assumption here is that thelanguage ofworkers protestwas have to tell ourselves finally the that revolt against communism in whatPoland,successful and a absurdity, afact justified only by the absurdity of the system as awhole. But that is not all. ‘We also communist, an anti-Communist social movementmaking Communist claims isaclearexample of altogether consistent. Inotherwords,one since demandcannot justicesocial unless sheor heis a not is comments, Michnik system, the by espoused values the of name the in system the against product of an ‘egalitarian consciousness, which for decades legitimated communist rule’ interests’. Secondly,which, according to notMichnik, does belong languageto the of‘analysis ofpolitical or social at the veryisdemonstrated by fact thatthe itoperated dichotomized a distinction between ‘us’ and ‘them’, heart it of irrational, was it That theirrational. was it because populist, was It workersdiscourse. populist a in articulated revolt was protestthe against a totalitarian state and in namethe of ‘freedom and dignity’, but nevertheless itwas demand for socialof the Workers’ Defense Committee can be properly defined as populism. Granted,justice, itwas a voice of a of thelabour protest ingeneral and of Solidarity in particular, which according to the former leader not to call ‘fanatism’ butnevertheless considers potentially disturbing. That is the political discourse fanatism. into transform can game democratic the to in transposed underground anti-Communist crucial. Although every political discourse should be founded upon values, the anti-politicsof the ‘Three kinds of fundamentalism’, p.181 ( Translation Modified). Since the experience of Solidarity left apopulistmark on the ‘we’ of theelites, Michnik Interestingly, Michnikrecons most the for recentpast yet afourth whichdanger, he prefers 42 95 . A revolt CEU eTD Collection sense of orientation once she has found herself, more or less permanently, in a circumstance that circumstance a in permanently, less or more herself, found has she once orientation of sense social this looses (habitus), milieu social specific ina operate to adjusted and by shaped been have concept that refers to a situation when a social actor,endowed with psychological dispositions that sovieticus of ‘ notion the in implied post-effects of psycho-social much example, For conditions. social not real in the sense of being a part of the collective imaginary which may be traced to its underling to ‘revolt of the crowd’? Well, are spectres real? reduced be ofSolidarity experience the Could ‘fundamentalism’? with languages political inter-war come? Did Polish ‘historical consciousness’hide uncannyan secret ofthe contamination of the reason reduced ofsatisfaction to the memory’‘revenge of needs?Was the aplausible future-to- transforming people into ‘sovietmen’, creatures devoid of spirituality and sense of freedom, their prone to all theminority ahead of their time, whereas thevast majority remained locked in the pre-democratic past, vices typicalform of avery thin line, constantly endangered by the spectres.for Where their fears real? Where they a authoritarianintellectual supportersfirstnon-Communist ofthe minister prime temporality the transitional tooka the for Instead, drawn. symbolically never was divide societies? this than past, the to respect with break Were If the ‘thick theline’ Mazowiecki referred to in his speech on August24 1989was meant toexpress a Communist so successfulThe sideofthepast, the excluded side in ofauthoritarianism. coming parliamentary order,contribute to the ‘anarchization of public life’ and create the climate for the (irreflexively) ‘encoded during period ofthe anti-communist struggle’ can undermine fragile the goods but not market by mechanisms’. The return the to of‘language whichcrowd’ hadthe been justice but toforce people efficientto be and creative.Justice may be served by a redistribution of ensure to not is market of the role The ideas. key its of one as justice social for place no has Poland exposed a position within a public sphere,whereas ‘the market that iscurrently being constructed in One way ofthe question totackle isto saythattheghostsof spectral ontology past are the ’ can be understood in terms of what Pierre Bourdieu calls ‘histeresis of habitus’, the habitus’, of ‘histeresis calls Bourdieu Pierre what of terms in understood be ’ can 43 homo CEU eTD Collection 96 altogether consistent’ with the critique of essentialist thinking implied in notionthe of ‘not it is only Not ‘nature’. essential an them grant to is past, the in clash of their outcomes political legacy of the interwar Polish state will lead, in the present, to the same nightmarish essence’, but arecollective identities neitheron preexist some natural grounds of ‘relations of production’ or ‘national shaped in theidentification will bring about the same consequenceshad it broughtpolitical about in the past. The process.identification with a certain political tradition does not immediately follow, that the act of To arguedisturbing prophecies. might The same be about the argued ‘revenge of memory’. From an that an act of wholesaleidentification contestation of social and political order,the disadvantaged are likely to confirm the most of through exasperation their to outlet an provides that other the and habit) past shameful a as with the articulation of individual experiences are negotiated. autonomous space of the political,within which different discursive modalities of collective necessary, butnever sufficient. Between the identities and their conditions is there always an identitiescollective of formation the though Even disorientation. social of sense the to given can be would any, be traced backbroken along this difficult pathdoes not automatically follow what kindof political articulation, if to some socialdemocracy. But from quitethe founded expectation that thatmany social trajectories would be conditionsdid exist of possibility,in the course of a theseradical conditionstransition from are plan only to market and from power-monopoly to position that calls for atemporal self-exclusion ( collective identity of the possible disadvantaged, thedisadvantaged are to choose between asubject- legitimate voicein thedebates the about common future. Now, ifin the process ofthenegotiation of a granted be cannot past its handle properly to unable is that A person habits. past its by ‘possessed’ spectressome as just And phantoms. into sounds strange and silhouettes uncanny transforms areimagination the ‘realas just residue, mental quasi-reified a into process social a transforms which inmeaning of surplus their circumstances’, so is a performative act of classifying a person as requires a different set of dispositions set different a requires See Pierre Bourdieu, SeePierre In this sense, Distinction homo sovieticus , pp. 125-169. 96 captures a lot more than an acute observation. It contains a contains It observation. acute an than more lot a captures . Without anydoubt, this sortof difficulties in readjustment homo sovieticus 44 should privatize it sense ofinjustice sense it privatize should CEU eTD Collection public sphere. To find oneself on the side of the past often means to be on the excluded side. of memorydrawing collective – lines thick underpast –servesdelimit the to the ofboundaries the history is a ‘history of bad times’, that is, in Centralbetween Europe a spectreand in Poland kept in particular,at bay and thea usable,the politicspast are condemned to repeat it’ and a self-fulfilling but prophecy. Inotherdemonizedwords, aclear distinction remember not do who ‘those that dictum pastSantayana’s famous isthe between in notsomething is alwayspresence easy to draw. Where the is somethingpast, conjured in up the very same moment itis that conjured Itsmode away. of of presence unwanted spectre, The memory-work. transitional of logic performative this underwrites despite its perhaps doubtful citizenship in the ofhuman republic sciences, itisprecisely itbecause society’. demarcation linebetween thespokespersonsof tradition the and the spokespersonsof the ‘open substance or the ‘iron laws’ of historical process –but also it actually contributes to reinforcing the ‘fundamentalism’ – the erasure of the political in namethe of an a-historical ethnic or religious If I insist that ‘spectre’ is useful notion in describing the politics of collective memory, 45 CEU eTD Collection very conversations.personal They steamed from necessity of new finding ways togive meaningthe himself confirm seemsto in that the conversation Cohn-Bendit with that Michnik’s prisonwritings were a kindof political activism pursued othermeans,by and author 99 Press, 1985), p. XIV. Czes concern. immediate his of always were addressed he questions the and ancestors dead his to talking prison in time his of most spend Michnik Adam twoancestors,conversations. The are more influential than others, and undeniably, this is Michnik’s case. individual intellectual production in termsof ‘reflecting’ other intellectuals’ opinions, some authors inevitable. Iwould also add that although isthere nogood way of judging the representativeness of intention is to identify positions within abroader intellectual field, I find this generalization my Since doubtful. considered be may intellectuals of group broader a to feelings and thoughts broader fraction of Solidarity elites. The analyticaldecision to attribute one author’s writingswith the transitional hauntology. The assumption here is that they are representative for the earlier Michnik’s Adam confront to I try follows, what In circumstances. different radically under 98 97 rather that adequately narrative the of transition of thedissidents supporting Mazowiecki’sgovernment, but in successive presents’. from an ongoing dialogue in which earlier images shape and constrain what can be done with them that‘images of the are past neither dictated by the past nor wholly invented in the but present, result along linesthe ofJ.K.Olick’s idea the about ‘path-dependence’of collective memory. Olick argues dissident subculture to whichits proponents belonged. Iunderstood the relation between thetwo In this chapter, I would like to connect the transitional hauntology with collective memories of the CHAPTER 3: Adam Michnik and the locus oftotalitarianism. Adam Michnik, ‘Foreword’ in Adam Michnik, Olick, ‘What does it mean…’, p. 264. hauntology Letters from Freedom from Letters constituted attemptan atuniversalization of particularsubcultural memories 97 My contention here is thatknowledge-political alone do not explain Letters from Prison and Other Essays andOther Prison Letters from , p. 66. 46 á aw Mi aw á osz (Berkeley: University of California 98 was not altogether wrong to say 99 . At the same time, these were personal CEU eTD Collection came as a shock not only because it revealed a ‘backward, stupid, chauvinistic and xenophobic’ and chauvinistic stupid, ‘backward, a revealed it because only not shock a as came Gomu party propaganda against last the attempt by the revisionist Intelligentsia tomake First Secretary the by launched campaign anti-Intelligentsia and anti-Semitic the – Events March The narrative. constitution. authoritarian an imposed and Poland againstof theforces progress, and uppolitical set intermenttrials camps forhisadversaries ( Democracy discredited at the time.The formerwas theleaderof the chauvinistic and anti-Semitic National 100 historical epitomizedfiguresthat it, Dmowski Roman and Józef Pi standpoint, and certainly notfrom the perspective of prewarindependentist political thought. The it was acompletely different thing to criticize post-Stalinist realities from an ‘anti-Communist’ conclude the that hadrevolution been betrayed and the that socialistideals were distorted,being but were disadvantaged postwarPoland, was there no reason tojuxtaposeit tothe Second Republic,and where many so people persecuted forpolitically usable to Michnik past for. reach grew confidentup was whatever that wrong the about their beliefs, justprewarhistory of Poland, according to which beyond Communist underground there wasas simply no his of version parents official the abandon to necessary was it ancestors, the with were.conversation a in engage To It was one thing to important as controlling the present. ‘shadows’. For the regime, Michnik recalled in 1973, remolding the representation of the past was as languages into the ‘shadows offorgotten orderancestors’ butin todothat,onehad todissipate the political post-war beyond reaching required It loss. memory a also but orphancy ideological of sort of dissent, once revisionismMarxist had abandoned.been Farewell to Communism meantnot only a ‘Shadows of forgotten ancestors’ in what happened to me to happened what discover our ownserved often identity.has history where country a as in case the a pretext especially is This future. the and A present keyforthe about thoughts disputesto the manipulate to beable also will pastabout past ofthe perceptions over thereigning can in succeed can who present.those unlockwonder: No Uncovering many of lies the aboutmyths the pastbeing frequently created allows today. us to This is á kadeliver onhisdemocratization promises of economic madeand reform during Thaw the – Michnik’sexperience of Polish March 1968 posed a seriouschallenge to the anti-fascist Endecja ), the later), the who in adictator waged war1920 in name ofthe the bourgeois 100 . Letters from Prison from Letters 47 , p., 202. á sudski, were sudski, profoundly CEU eTD Collection came to symbolize to came 102 101 substance’ fed on the pettiest human instincts developed in captivity. Pi captivity. in developed instincts human pettiest the on fed substance’ Pi Józef of squads fighting socialist the were to referred Dmowski conspiracy Jewish the In reality, means. proper granted were they only if disorder to end and put would Poles’ ‘real that that Polish irredentist activities were in fact the working of a Jewish revolutionary conspiracy and condemned theconspirators justasharshly astheyhated their masters. Russian Dmowski argued who day his of cafés’ Warsaw’s in around sitting alecks ‘smart of the resentment the fueled also but the Second Republic Dmowski not only choose the path of collaboration with the Russian officials, national community and towardsoppression. Russian Michnik recalled thatin period the preceding towards attitudes two for stood Poland of prewar figures great two the which in play shadow And hence the forgotten ancestors re-emerged from the shadows. This first conversation was rather a rather, were questions the afterwards emancipation’, of enemies the were spectrum of political choices. betrayed he would Ifbefore therevolution’1968 ask ‘who or‘who would recall in 1973, the March Events brought aseries about ofquestions, which redefined the the who reasonable hadknown right from what start the conspiracies lead would Asto. Michnik a sector of the Intelligentsia reacted to the persecutionsconsentof a significant ofthe who population’, also of approved Prague invasion.the What ismore, of the dissidents with a petty satisfactionsubculture within the ranksof the but Party, also because the ‘pogrom was conducted with the active of ‘Shadows…’, p. 207. ‘Shadows…’, p. 204. sovereignty Russia would hardly restore national sovereignty; the Poles themselves would have to want this sloth, against the backwardness of his compatriots. Pi compatriots. his of backwardness the against sloth, a revolt against a large part of Polishsociety. Itwas a revolt against conformism, intellectual and moral theirparticipation used who in anti-Semitic them before pogromsPoland in as a sourceothers of been nationalthere pride? Had Poles claim? only to the be tradition a to have name ofthat themselves worthy believed who Ignorance and Darkness of Kingdom the from knights the whichPoles could believe this? Did there exist inPoland a traditionthat justified these convictions? Did Dmowski epitomized the kind of patriotism that in the name of ‘preservation of national of ‘preservation of name the in that patriotism of kind the epitomized Dmowski 102 . 48 á sudzki understood perfectly that the defeat of defeat the that perfectly understood sudzki 101 á sudski, on the other hand, other on the sudski, á sudski. CEU eTD Collection substantive problem. Idealizing Pi duty, professional basic their positions of the fellow intellectuals, who ‘putagag over their ownmouths and deny themselves alienation from the captive society and deep antagonism toward opportunistic and conciliatory identification with a Pi either feeddegeneration. That the captive state produced captive mindswas agiven – anintellectual could on that realityunder theimpressions of March 1968 –was precisely the ofrelation political oppression and moral or rebelsociety from the state of captivity. Perhaps the most important Michnik’s conclusion – clearly drawn against it and try transform the society from below. The Socialism from within and find the courage ofPi courage the find and within from Socialism Endecja of legacy the from borrowing were suggested, Michnik Communists, the If nationals. own his and 105 104 103 renounces its own culture, retreating to the level of a tribe’ the essentials, that forgoesthe defense of things that are sometimes elusive and indefinable, thereby resentment who toward those –asMichnik-Pibelieved and cultures other toward hatred on fed lie, and fear of culture the to justification provided realism’ ‘political Dmowski’s bombs. and arms as important as was word’ printed uncensored independent, ‘free, of weapon The independence. ofnational prerequisite the was citizens fellow his of minds captive of the ‘sovereignty’ for fight the (PPS), Party Socialist Polish of leader paramilitary forces, but also the editorof the illegal testified their high moral standards through action. Pi action. through standards moral high their testified submissive to oppressors,the uncritical of thenation’s moral faults, and resentful those towards who the philosopher Leo Strauss would have appreciated. It was adiscursive shadow play. Dmowski was Pi á ‘Shadows…’, p. 207. Italics in original. ‘Shadows…’, p. 209. TheKOR activists will borrow titlethe for workers-orientedthe samizdat journal circulated in 1977-1981. sudski, Michnik reminded somewhatself-reflexively, wasnotonly the commanderof the This reading of historicalthe dilemmasof politicalPolish had,thought however, one The first conversation with the ancestors was not exactly the kind of esoteric ‘art of writing’ ‘art esoteric of kind the exactly not was ancestors the with conversation first The , and with, and success, dissidentsremarkable the abandon strategy should ofthe State reforming á sudski-type partisan intellectual involved atthe same time a sense of the duty to speak the truth’ á sudski romanticthe revolutionary from the late repartition period 49 á sudski to win back the hearts and minds of the minds and hearts the back win to sudski á sudski was a rebel both with regards to Russia to regards with both a rebel was sudski Robotnik á 105 sudski did sudski without– that ‘anationthatlives . 104 . 103 [The Worker] . According to the CEU eTD Collection institutions ofintellectual life educational and activities among students andvillagers. Endecjanow – not or legal – autonomous creating principally meant Self-organization code. legal his and invader the of independently nation the of self-organization’ ‘internal at aimed which opposition, of strategy overall greater of the element an only was manifestations patriotic organizing and leaflets illegal distributing hand, other the On self-deception. to amounted them bridging not that narrow, socialists. On the one hand, Dmowski believed that in his day the limits of ‘legal’ resistance were so (KOR) - his own oppositionalactivism’, of ‘philosophy original which and developed Dmowski groupthat consider to came Michnik – asMoreover, a – matterto a larger of fact extend – resembledprevious interpretation, National Democracy didnotbelong inthe ‘conciliatory camp’ after all. than thethe practicesrevolutionary Toru study byBarbara of Workers practice Defense Committeeof the both sides of the ideological spectrum to their ‘innocentperiod’. the other hand, themain ofaim the second conversation was to trace the ‘totalitarian temptation’ on On Left. the by denounced and Right far the by boasted ideologue nationalist of image stereotypical one hand, Michnik discovered ‘early’was there that more also an Dmowski,complex than the dead,ofdead butbetween 1973and the one the had 1982 undergone asubstantialthe change. On Wszechpolski’ 106 Michnik’s Citadel was in the prison Bia museum. a into converted been had it then, By citizens. irredentist its persecute and city the control Tsar Nikolai Ion the outskirts of Warsaw in the ofaftermath the 1831 NovemberUprising, to imposition of the Martial Law in DecemberThe second conversation,‘Conversation in Citadel’, took the place monthsseveral after the 13, 1981. The Citadel once was a fortress built by the Marx. ‘early’ the for opted had who 1956 could only on bet the ‘early independence-minded, socialist Pi did not translate well into explaining Pi Barbara Toru The reevaluation of Dmowski and of Dmowski reevaluation The (London: Aneks, 1983), quoted in Ĕ czyk (ed.), Ĕ czyk National Democracy: an anthology of the political thought from ‘Przegl 106 , consisted largely in the reappraisal of ‘realism’. Contrary to the to Contrary of‘realism’. reappraisal the in largely consisted , á áRáĊ sudski dictatorthe of the Second Republic. In 1973 Michnik ka.Asfor theinterlocutors, these were the same eminent Endecja Letters from Prison. Letters * * * 50 , inspired by a brilliant and well documented well and brilliant a by inspired , á sudski’ not unlike the revisionists of ą d CEU eTD Collection 109 108 107 socialists, the of sort ‘psychology’ aconspirator acquired throughout hisactivity. the caseof In Polish Undeniably, strong ideologicalmotivation was anecessary precondition.But thedecisive factorwas notmuchit inthe so utopian revolutionary ideology,asin the practice of ‘underground’. the localizes Evolutionism’ ‘New of author the Thus movements. anti-conciliatory both in latent germ’ misplaced were the conclusions it drawn from giving a correct diagnosis Endecja burgeoning national aspirationsof Lithuanians and Ukrainians and their conflict-laden nature, the obliterating commonwealth, old of the framework the within stuck remained or nation-blind other political thinker understood the modernity of thenational question. While the Socialists were within legal limits independent social institutionsin ofplace both the revolutionary at on-time act and the conciliation political consisted realism in accepting agradualist, long-term ofstrategy networkbuilding a of whose sovereignty, national regaining at aimed Intelligentsia of movement radical a as appeared knowledge about general aims and interests, and the more he (or she) comes todespise narrow-the the ‘professional revolutionary’ differs from ofthe rest theoppressed in virtue of his greater repression and marginalization the conspirator suffers, the more he or she is inclined to believe that on one hand,the andon other,the the indifference conformity ofand ‘silentthe majority’. Themore becomes a‘fanaticof his ideas’. Other circumstancesare necessary: the repression of the occupier, socialist to believe that it isworth sacrificing their lives.But believing in the utopia isnot how one emergingrevolutionary after a debacle. The ideological promise had tobe enough strong for the On one the hand, there was theutopia ofsociety delivered from social antagonism,new dawn a ‘Conversation Citadel’, inthe p.295. ‘Conversation Citadel’, inthe p.287-289. ‘Conversation in the Citadel’ in Citadel’ the in ‘Conversation workers’ holy war against Russian autocracy Russian against war holy workers’ lay as well intheIt nature ofconcepts. the organization, and categories its the form in life of whichof society’s was saidwealth to whole guarantee the embrace and success comprehend in theto Polish attempted Pretotalitarianism twohad faces. Itlay, onthe one hand, the in nature of thedoctrine itself, which What is however farmore interesting is Michnik’s answer to the question of the ‘totalitarian saw the inevitability of the antagonism, andin this sense itwasmore ‘modern’, however 107 . What is more, Michnik went as far as to say that Dmowski better than any Letters from Prison from Letters 109 . 51 , p.287. 108 . CEU eTD Collection altogether in false the of period the ‘awakening’ ofyoung the nationalisms, and aggressive of thezero-sumgame which only in nationsthe strong which, survive, incidentally wasnot political thought, Michnik argued, was notsomuch dogmathe of ‘national egoism’ and the picture and its reflection in the mindsetof aconspirator. What was ‘pretotalitarian’ about Dmowski’s divergence did not preclude an underlying similarity in terms of experienceboth of marginalization ideological this conflict, class over survival’ for ‘struggle national the to priority gave and interest’ but abstract ideas of social justice and peaceful coexistence of nationalities to a ‘healthy national his in Dmowski, although least, not but Last teams of armed conspirators. mentality that was an offspring of clandestinity, alienation and the disciplinearmy of the small ‘doctrinaires’. And yet the members of the fightingPSS squads also developed a pretotalitarian armed actions against the Tsarist system. were, They asMichnik calls them, ‘organizers’ rather than concrete towards foremost and first oriented were they party, Communist the later and fraction, uprising. to the more contrast consciouslymovements In Marxist Rosa Luxemburg’s suchas national romantic-style a and struggle’ ‘class conscious ideologically between difference of a revolutionary fraction of the The PPS. commander ofthe socialist fighting squads never much saw 110 revolutionary practice rather than ideology, iseven morevisible inhis treatmentof Pi only legitimate spokesperson of the society in dealingswith power. immune to the threats that stand before others in the same situation, that in fact, the conspirator is the the conciliation, comes to believe the that greatest awareness and faithfulness to the cause makes one compromise with theoppressors isnecessary. The conspirator,whose identityon rests of rejection mindedness and conformism of non-conspirators. It is all the more so since after all, somedegree of ‘Conversation Citadel’, inthe p.297-298. better, see farther, and – most importantly – are prepared to ‘throw their lives onto the pyre’ the onto lives their to ‘throw prepared are – – importantly most and see farther, better, preservation and its political reason. This is why this nation must subordinate itself to those who know it and is not giving the cadres a mandate forit. Under the partitions this nationlost itsinstinct forself- that it is they who are the Poles, actualof the honor realizersthe with ofthem the nation’s aspirations,entrusted had himself God even if that the nationbelieve itself public…On must is cadres unawarethese of conformist contrary, the of the moods the for out look cannot say, would organizers the cadre, leading The That, in the last instance, Michnik saw the formation of the ‘totalitarian germ’ in the in germ’ ‘totalitarian of the formation the saw Michnik instance, last in the That, Thoughts of theModern Pole 52 , counterpoised the lofty, the counterpoised , á sudski and sudski the and 110 . CEU eTD Collection 111 antagonisms, underwentsimilar a evolution. the lastanalysis, comments, ancestors’, ‘forgotten Michnik all despite differencestwo the the and organizations theyestablished and lead under Republic. Second Endecja was transformed into the life. That was the case, Michnik argues, of both exponents of the ‘philosophy of activism’ and of the underground persist under new circumstances andjeopardize the development of apluralist public been consummated. The dogmatic mindset and the habitsof internal discipline engendered in the had victory the once order established newly the to threat greatest the possess goal, that realizes that force same the paradoxically, activity, conspiratorial of the goal final the be may community self-organization’ of citizens who become subjects and notobjects indeciding faith ofthe their resistance the logicand of liberal democracy are substantially incompatible. Even though ‘internal Michnik’s most important conclusion regarded the danger implicit in the fact that the logic of projected onto the nation from nation the onto projected assimilatory policiesof Russians and Germans. The pretotalitarian element consisted in the belief – organization which externalizes its internal antagonism onto the image of an image the onto antagonism internal its externalizes which organization was anecessary componentof this worldview made in image the and likeness of disciplined a anti-Semitism way, this Jew. In a – preferably element alien an by corrupted become hehad because or Pole, a really not was he because been have must it enough, national not was Pole a if And oneself outside the moral community. spokesperson of an objectively existing collective. To disagree with national democrats,was to put treason. conformism was asign ofmoral weakness, butan alternative vision of Polishnesswas considered that is,to nationalthe democrats.From the pointof view of guardiansthe of Polishness,the interest, national healthy its and ‘Polishness’ to access privileged have who those to subordination comes from discipline and organization, and discipline that and organization means unconditional ‘Conversation Citadel’, inthe p.315. see the mark of pretotalitarianism traits were present Ithe political programs Dangerous of that day; traits in self-determination? which from towards today’s educate to perspective wanted it iseasy leaders to the whom people same these weren’t Dmowski and Pi Endecja presented itself not in terms of a particular project of patriotism, but in terms of a á sudski were full of contempt forthose people who still suffered this psychology. Yet Endecja 111 . Endecja ’s own political practice – that the strength of the nation viewed their viewed ideological adversaries‘half-Poles’. as 53 agent provocateur . In CEU eTD Collection coupd'état in 1926 Pilsudski After goals. authoritarian explicitly and structure centralized highly with Poland, Great of Camp years before, Michnik comments in ‘Conversation in the Citadel’, by the presentdilemmas and serves illuminate to it. Reflection on things happened some eighty cooperatives would put an end to the cycle of revolution and exploitation. management. Only developmentthe of civic culture ‘ethicsand ofwork’ through participation in the autonomization from the state voluntarythrough association on based the ofprinciples self- Abramowski ofproposed the idea ‘cooperative oriented republic’ the towards society its and power, state assuming towards oriented and elite the by headed organizations disciplined of Instead where large ofthe sectors suffered population from enduring deprivation of politicalfreedom. social movements, especially in countries suchwhere as Poland state wasoverwhelmingpower and for the‘temporary character’ of thehierarchiesengendered for revolutionary purposeswithin the of the state wouldpower change once it into passes the ‘right’ andhe hands remained skeptical as elites andnew order of domination. At the same time he rejected the belief that the coercive nature ‘from above’, without previous ‘revolutionization of social consciousness’ could only breed new about brought change Social change. social of character the shaped arrangements organizational that believed Abramowski variants. Leninist and social-democratic its in both movements, socialist the cooperativism and acute critic ofthe tendencies towards autonomization of the spokespersons within of theorist radical a Abramowski, Edward contemporary their by developed ideas the to Pilsudski PPS. of case citizens and their civic rights, even though doctrinethe was coherent with the ideology only in the Both political tendenciesespoused doctrinethe of the autonomy of the with state regards to the support of veteransthe from the fighting squads the and legionsestablished during the Great War. authentic knowledge ofourown history.an necessary Itis in to develop lies one’s own approachto the national self-determination for struggle of the element important an so since more the All independence. for strive to turn our is it when now, and ancestors our of era the between bridge intellectual an create can Endecja Both conversationswere a form of recollection, inwhich reckoning of the pastisprompted Michnik counterpoised the philosophy epitomized ofactivism practice and by Dmowski and , whereas – notably – it stood in stark contrast to the ‘humanist’ values professed by de factode dismantled the fragile parliamentary order and ruled with ruled and order parliamentary fragile the dismantled 54 CEU eTD Collection 112 the broader collective is also a precondition of a successful transition to liberal democracy. in the ideaof ‘cooperative republic’,which allows for bridging gapthe between the dissidents and the ‘pretotalitarian temptation’ bythe former.In this sense, organizational the arrangement implicit dissident the and society not empoweronly serves butalso to latter, the preventsthe development of the between relations of model participatory more a Notably, Abramowski. in inspired resistance of formula alternative the to contrast by underscored further is possibility a merely otherwise retroactively projected onto theempirical collective.That the imaginary overdetermines what is ‘captive society’ is the reversal of the existentially determined condition of a ‘fanatic of ideas’,only ofthe imaginary The integrity. moral and goals the of knowledge superior his in believe to prone existential condition of thedissident himself. Themore marginalized he becomes, more the he is of the‘captive society’ doesnot correspond givento a ‘outthere’,reality butowesmuch to the between ‘psychology of slavery’ and who‘people suffer’ fromitwould suggest that the imaginary it or counteract it), in the second the ‘germ’ feeds on intellectual marginalization. The distinction locus of the ‘pretotalitarian temptation’ ison the side of the society (the intellectual can only release the last analysis, with the interests ofthe Indeed,represented.whereas inthefirst conversation the situation in which he develops knowledge-political interests of his own, notentirely compatible, in intellectual, revealing that thedissident isalso determined by hisexistential situation of resistance, a dissident the toward approach critical more a takes Michnik case, second In the granted. for massesor take a critical stance, butthehierarchical model of therelation of representation istaken existentialdeterminations. The intellectual may choose to fuel the petty passionsof thecaptive mental captivity and surrendered to influences ofthe intellectuals, who themselves are free of any elites acting from above is taken for granted. The society is represented as aamorphous mass held in is remarkable. case In the first the distinction between the society ‘down there’ and the revolutionary If the conversationsecond is commentary read as a to the the first, intellectual evolution of Michnik ‘Conversation Citadel’, inthe p.325. frequently equivalent to quarrels overour identity heritage, to form one’s ownideological tradition and place oneself in it. Disputes over history are 55 112 . CEU eTD Collection 113 The strategy should focusespecially on working class,the which ‘with a steady and unyielding public, astrategy thatentails in first placethe empowermentthe of society the exerting the pressure from within, ‘new evolutionism’ should direct its program to an independent applying steady pressurepublic on government’the position of the ‘unrealistic and dangerous’ any hopes ofoverthrowing USSRthe party dictatorship while geopoliticalthe remains unchallenged,of the ‘reform or revolution’ dilemma. While the democratic opposition should cast away as balance the of tipping terms in importance its understand to – argued –Michnik wrong be would it at the same timethe same time, while 1968 revealed openan conflict between‘real the authorities and dissidentthe public, concessionsparty leader,proved a poorto be service cause ofto the democratization and economicAt reform. can be wonthe Prague Spring, in the ‘liberalbelief wing’the notmention ofthe party, to myth ofthe the‘good’ by structures of the state was not a necessary elementdominated the previous years, still, theempowermentof the public sphere ofindependent from the their endeavors. After Polish March 1968 constituted a seriousandbreakthrough with apathy respect tothe and ofattitudes ‘internalwhich exile’ progressive as theintellectual advisors themselves.Although their unrestrained and public activity fact that inside the collective ‘communist prince’ there is amore liberal, reform-oriented fraction, as the on counting within, the from Party the influencing towards oriented were and above from come point. old The strategies, originated during post 1956Thaw, shared the view that thechange would the ‘new’ strategiesof exerting on pressure the Communist system, March 1968 being a pivotal Paris in ofTheOctober axis 1976. the between bythecontrastargumentis provided the‘old’ and search for itsgenealogy in the transformation of the intellectual landscape between 1973 and 1982. in Michnik’s understanding of the ofrole thedissident in relation to greaterthe public,we need to shift the grasp to order in than living, the of horizon existential the by shaped – are support answers If the conversationswith the eminent dead – the questions that are posed and the convictions that the ‘New evolutionism’ and the of limits evolution ‘New Evolutionism’ in One obvious hypothesis is Michnik’s manifesto ‘New Evolutionism’, firstmade public in Letters from from Prison Letters , p. 142-3. 56 113 . Contrary to old evolutionism which aimed an vis-à-vis the state. CEU eTD Collection 116 115 114 the opposition engaged in their defense, KOR transformed itself into Social Self-Defense Committee Self-Defense Social into itself transformed KOR defense, their in engaged opposition the was forced to grant amnesty to both a networkthe workersof activists, mainly participants students coordinated and andof repressions scouts. campaign the about After 1977,information of publicized whenthe founds, First1976 relief Secretary raised who riots Edward Gierek and the members of important figures from Octoberboth 1956and March 1968generations ofdissident Intelligentsia, of providinglegal and material assistance to the workers persecuted by the authorities.engaged It (KOR).established KORwas following 1976 strikes infactoriesof Ursus, Radom with and aim the ideological foundations of democraticthe opposition gathered Workers’around Defense Committee crucial, because hand, it not should treat thegovernment asapolitical ally. This cautious stand, Michnik claims,is ‘pragmatist’within current the evolutionaryparty the strategy would impossible.be other On the should avery take cautious stand. one On the hand,without the supposition existsthat there a an object of change. object an same time, any reform can not beeffective unless the society becomes the subject instead of being ‘Antipolitics’ of ‘new evolutionism’ is justafirst,albeit necessary, step towards reform, butatthe vis Empowering the sphere of autonomous civic institutions and creating acleardemarcation line resistance’ political for traditions about substantial changes dueto ‘absencethe of authentic workers’ institutions ofmodels and and government] forced the government tomake concessions’,spectacular butwhich failed to bring stand,on has occasions several [the wavesof strikesin 1970 and1976heavily repressed by the SeeFalk, 147. p. Evolutionism’, ‘New 144. p. Evolutionism’, ‘New the state is neither an end in itself, nor a mere instrument of political transformation. of political instrument mere a nor itself, in end an neither is state the goals in hand, reach political compromises identity…The democratic oppositionmust formulate its ownpolitical goals and only then, withthose them to repeat the mistakes of the revisionists, toform false alliances and lose their ideological adventurism.Identifying their goals with those pragmaticof the wing of the party,however,could lead apparatus, I believe they may ignore reality, become fanatical maximalists, and go astray into political If the people of the democratic oppositionfail to distinguish the various trends that exist withinthe power Together with Jacek Kuro Jacek with Together TheDillemas of Dissidence in East-Central Europe 114 Ĕ . In their relations In their . ’s numerous writings numerous ’s 115 . 57 vis-à-vis , p. 184-192. 116 , Michnik’s manifesto laid down the the party, the democratic opposition vis-à- CEU eTD Collection 118 PRL, 1945-1980 deepeningeconomic crisis, Kuro opozycji’ program get. Agoodexample is provided by the debate Jacek around Kuro communist and anti-communist,the themore blurred the post-revisionist dissidentidentity would state resulted to morebe difficultin practice than in theory and the thinner theline between the growth’.of On one hand,the maintaining demarcationthe line between civic institutionsthe and the agitators. student- or police the by organized raids by interrupted often were sessions the that fact the despite public to open remained courses TKN Similarly of selection. form only the being networks personal valid prewarlaw on relief committees. The recruitment policy was asopen as possible, trustworthy the of law, Polish abuses KORaimed invokingat legalizing itsstatus Helsinki Accordsthe and a the membership –including names, addresses and telephone numberswas – made Despitepublic. and archives containing the filesdocumenting Committee’s activity needed to be kept in clandestine, 117 119 act ‘as if’ State Socialism was an open and pluralistic society Poland, 1976-1981 within its orbit, was publicness constraints. official of free education ofacademic dissemination the towards oriented (TKN) Courses of Scientific Society for and (NOWa); House Publishing (SKS); for publishing of censure-free journals including books and establishmentthe of Independent (ROPCiO), the Free UnionsTrade in coastal regionthe and the Student Solidarity Committee Rights Civil and Human of Defense the For Movement as such groups opposition associated the press.materialunderground KORprovided KSS a andinfrastructural base for anumberof for support and reforms economic and educational peasants, and workers of self-organization rights, (KSS ‘KOR’) taking up anumber of new initiatives fostering the institutionalization of basic civil Onpre-Solidarity opposition, see JanJózef Lipski, Jacek Kuro Dillemas Nevertheless, expansion the the counter-cultural soon sphere seriousbegan sufferto ‘crisis a Apparently, thedistinctive offeature both KOR thenetworkand ofindependent institutions , p. 36. Ĕ , (LondonAneks, : 1994). Polityka Odpowiedzialnoi (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985); Andrzej Friszke, 119 [Situation in Poland the Opposition’sand program]. Inthecontextof the 117 Ĕ . Not unlike Czechoslovakthe Charter 77,the assumption wasto alarmed thatdiscontent thepopular with mismanagement ofthe Ğü (Londyn:Aneks, 1984). 58 KOR: a history of the Workers' Defense Committee in 118 . While print shops, storage places shops,. Whileprint storage Ĕ ’s 1979 article ‘Sytuacja kraju a Opozycja polityczna w CEU eTD Collection authorities. At the same time, he reminded that structures on the various levels, from starting prosecutor’s the office,ending with prison the existenceof relief committees demands such as KOR engagement perpetual with official the same time a free 120 a reminded that insome cases of adegree cooperation with the authorities isinevitable.example, For subscribed to the critique of relying on the ‘liberal-reformist’ current within the party, at the same he saw Kuro democratic opposition’s independentist orientation within the and party condemned the thesis about‘finlandization’ of Poland ascontradictory with journal the and Macierewicz Antoni around gathered members KOR of group the Especially outside the realm of the state and curtailing the society’s efforts atself-organization and resistance. interpreted asan attempt atundermining the strategy of creating independentcivic institutions within the framework of the Brezhnev doctrine along the linesof the Finish experience. direct negotiation with the presentingSoviets, a liberal-democratic alternative mono-partyto the rule social isgreatanger as expected, as democratic the opposition should engagingprepare withfor party in case emerges.it Ifthe reachesparty instead for measures repressive and the outburstof reform within the official structures and providing a conditional supportfor‘liberal’ a fraction of the concentrates oninitiating abroad social on pressure mobilizingthe authorities, movement a toward 1976 are still fresh. In this situation, the canbloodshed be onlyavoided if thedemocratic opposition of outburstthe closer,especially provided that thememoriesof numerous riots between 1956 and mere existence attenuates the inhibitions against social mobilization, and hence brings the possibility democratic opposition doesnotwant togobeyond proposing a path structural towards reform, its the authoritiesmay go beyond any of the outbursts of social anger seen up todate. While the free Friszke,p. 428-432. totalitarianism seems distant and uncertain…There are also many groups between the declared opposition declared the between groups many also are uncertain…There over and distant seems victory since and totalitarianism fighters he for risks many too involve to seem our by methods those fight to since chosen yet methods not have who people among primarily struggles and acts opposition The trade union cannot allow the authorities interfere to in electionthe of itsmembers, butatthe The responses to Kuro Ĕ ’s ideas as a return to the revisionist strategy of engagement in inter-fractional struggles trade union , must, negotiate with theauthorities since that is its function.Also the Ĕ ’s article were in theirmajority negative. His argument was widely 59 120 . While Michnik (writing with Jan Józef Lipski) *á os , CEU eTD Collection 124 123 199-211. p. Brumberg, Abraham 122 121 conspirational activities ofmany generations of Poles. For Michnik, adangerof developing a ‘psychology of contempt’ has always been presentin the and his ‘Treatise onThicks’ ‘Treatise his and the most important polemics about the dissidence initiated writerby and journalist Piotr Wierzbicki was amayor concern for themembers ofthedemocratic opposition, isdemonstrated by one the of the increasing tension between dissidents the and non-dissidentthe Intelligentsia. this That tension In the passage above, Michnik indicates anotherinstance of the of‘crisis growth’,which resided in of thinking. redeemed. More importantly, he cautioned against the potential dangers implied in Wierzbicki’s way circumstances in which oppositionactive waseither impossible, or the submissiveness waslater the and motivations of complexity the both show to went which ofPoland, history from examples several to pointed he usual, As argument. Wierzbicki’s to in response reservations serious presented the ‘captive society’. While in 1973 Michnik identified with Pilsudski-type dissident,in 1979 legitimacy to the regime.Wierzbicki’s diatribes were not unlike those launched by Pilsudski against moral providing and non-partisanship of cost the at gained profits intellectual and material remained submissive nevertheless. The main object of scorn is the rationalization given to the which privately disapproved of the Communists or even held contacts with the dissidents, rule, but ‘Maggots and Angels’, p. 194. Angels’, and ‘Maggots ‘Maggots and Angels’ in in Thicks’ on ‘Treatise Wierzbicki, Piotr ‘Some Remarks on the Opposition and Generalthe Situation inPoland’ in had of himself led him –often inconsciously – to assign himself special rights himself and friends,his fighters fora souvereignand just ‘angelic Poland. The character’ of picture he the pathos tragedy and romantic of the heroes. Seeing maggots cowedthe in he‘angelized’ population, The conspirator who perceived conformists as resembling slavesfound in himself and his friends the detach themselves completely from the passive population and goals are obliterated.interest But it would that be even the and now-substantial numberof who believe people maintenance the of amonoparty oneto beintheir more dangerouscould sayif the groupsa continuum fighting for changeexists. were to It can be dangerous when important distinction in views style and a differentlife- way another dictate of servingfear or merely a commoncausetemperament, convictions, whom to people those for contempt a text Oppositionists, who are being south by the police and tormented with house searches, may learn from this Letters from Prison Letters 122 , apamphlet directed against the broad sector of the Intelligentsia, Poland: genesis of a revolution , p. 169-197. 60 123 . 121 . (NY: Random House) ed. by Letters from from Prison Letters 124 . , p. 153. CEU eTD Collection orderdomination.of Unless the society reconstructs itspolitical subjectivity two are there change implemented from above. ‘New evolutionism’, by contrast, was founded on the idea unless endowed with political subjectivity, hence the influence should come from within and the social to the communist prince’. Before the was the assumption communist state was theonly agent new dissidentidentity was created through rejection of the previous revisionist strategy of ‘advisor stability ofdemarcation the line between ‘reform-from-without’ ‘collaboration-from-within’ and ‘collaboration or reform’ alternative, thesecond meaning pressure-from-without.since However, the former in ofterms pressure-from-within, the oppositionpost-1968 defined itself along linesthe of of dilemmathe ‘reform or revolution’, discarding latterthe impossible as and understanding the society’. ‘captive the and avant-garde dissident the between distance the reinforcing effect feedback a to leading public, dissident-to-be the to relation more benevolent a entailed well articulate identity and the aim toexpand the scope of counter-culture. later The necessarily nevertheless discard radical Herepartisanship. tensions also the arose between theneed defend to a ‘internally dissident’, butremain reluctant to take partisan positions, and the ‘active dissidents’ who the problem waswith clear-cut distinction between those sectors of the Intelligentsia that are boundary of ‘new evolutionist’ identity, thatbetweenthe dissident and non-dissident public. Here the radicalreinforced that effect feedback strategies a had boundaries the blurring from resulted that tension The blur. to started of pressure dissentexternal versus internal the between opposeddifference the multiplied, state the with to junction any form of dialogue. Theoppressors. In practice,however, the as independent civic institutions expanded and its points of same applies to the state, the democratic secondopposition will repeat theerrors of its ancestors and become new the evolutionism’, encountered serious ‘new of philosophy (anti)political the in fundamented opposition, democratic the of identity emergence of whatwould Michnik latter the call ‘totalitarian temptation’. Thepost-1968 collective the preclude not did character, open and public its despite KOR, around organized institutions Both examples seems to suggest, that the institutional framework of the independent civic To To put it more graphically, if the pre-1968 opposition constructed its identity along linesthe separate political subjectivities, any social change would amount to change in the in change to amount would change social any subjectivities, political practical obstacles in delimiting its boundaries. In 61 vis-à-vis the totalitarian the theory the CEU eTD Collection 126 125 hence, the bloodshed would be inevitable boundary existed. And if there was no such boundary, there was no possibility of discriminating of possibility no was there boundary, such no was there if And existed. boundary governing institutions and the State. From the perspective of the State and its logic, nosuch – was met with negative response those limits –principally the attempts atcounteracting the economic crisis with a package of reforms the ‘geopolitical reasons’ and the control over of the apparatus coercion. Whatever stretched beyond ‘captivity’ was no longerproblem. a consent The to the Communist rule became limitedstrictly to Wa by advocated Solidarity’s legalexistence, Michnik would still oppose whathe saw a ‘conciliatory’ politics ‘New Evolutionism’,was focused on first the in exposed idea, original The emphasis. the in change clear a is there conspirator, the of temptation’ politics was constructed against both the passivity of the ‘captive society’ and the ‘totalitarian anxiety over possible radicalization of the democratic underground. Although his version of anti- The mayor shiftthat took in place Michnik’s thinking after the Law Martial wasfurther a of growth Solidarity andthe totalitarian temptation expansion. successful of its effect feedback a constituted the revisionist strategy, itwas not immune to the ‘pretotalitarian temptation’, which, paradoxically, underground and its aftermath. If the‘new evolutionist’ strategy was designed avoid the pitfalls of Republic pre-Second of the memories back brought which identity dissident radicalized this radicalization of the positions, along the linesof the alternative ‘collaboration or revolution’. It was a produced identity dissident the on effect feedback the maintain, to easy that not in practice was – was resulted incompatible of with logic thecommunistauthorities.the he Solidarity’s– commented aim ‘stalemate’ which made the situation impossible or to be more precise, logic the of ‘anti-politics’ On Polish situation after Martial Law, see Andrzej Paczkowski, Letters from Freedom from Letters not Admitedly, Michnik saw that the anti-politics ofSolidarity was responsible for the to change the ofsystem government, butto reinforce the boundary between the self- áĊ sa and Kuro and sa , p., 60-63. Ĕ , arguing that the price to pay for a compromise was to high and, high to was compromise a for pay to price the that arguing , 126 . 125 . After the Martial Law was lifted, however, the 62 locus of totalitarianism. In the last weeks of weeks last the In oftotalitarianism. The spring will be ours , pp. 455-482. CEU eTD Collection 129 128 127 to the topic from the first conversation, albeit monthsof freedom,ads toMichnik, according put an endto ‘psychologythe of captivity’. He a returned new element. If under memory’ human Russianfrom not but walls from empireerased be can Solidarity fromfreedom. of thelesson on antipolitics conquered a permanentwithin place thesociety. months ‘These fifteen have beena experience of Solidarity. The autonomous institutions were dismantled, butthe political philosophy ‘hand of steel’. the was prevailed what other, the and colossus one the between agreement no be could there Since integrity. own on its assault an as compromise for impulses external and internal saw it but system, Solidarity and government,the was treated with mistrust. The union did notwant to assault the agreement going beyond imperativethe of autonomization and entailing cooperation between strategy of coexistence with the authoritiesonce goalthis would be achieved.Any political goal of ‘reconstructing bondssocial outside the structures of the state’, butit didnot include any ‘colossus with legs of clay and hands of steel’ hands and of clay legs with ‘colossus ‘counter-revolutionaries’. external and internal of both repression for opted ‘hard-liners’ party the hand, Afterother the On above. the party Congress, the second fractionauthorities prevailed. The partyin sowas a farstructures’ worked against the principle of ‘democratic centralism’as but stayed within the logic of it took for granted‘horizontal structures’ with the imperative of its ‘internal democratization’. The ‘horizontal that it is the partyquite in line with the strategy of pressure-from-without –the party reformers constituted the that has ‘democratizeand ‘counter-revolution’. society’ frombetween ‘defense the the against Hence,state’ and ‘attack on the state’, between empowermentof autonomy the party was able to react only in two ways. On the one hand – ‘The Polish War’, p.39. ‘The Polish War’, p. 29. ‘The Polish War’ in it was powerful among the factory crews but powerless at the negotiating table concept ofcoexistence with the communist regime…It was a colossus with legs of steel andhands of clay: amid incessant conflicts with authorities – did not posses aclearvision of specific goals ora well-defined The mighty and spontaneous social movement –deprived of examples, changing from one day to the next Nevertheless, Michnik claimed, the imposition of theMartial Law did not putan end to the The logic of Solidarity (and ‘New Evolutionism’ in general) was focused around main the Letters from from Prison Letters , p. 35. 127 . 63 128 . 129 . The fifteen CEU eTD Collection exist beforehand in Polish society’ in Polish beforehand exist gains vital importance. ‘A polish democratic state will never be born if democratic structures do not counter-culture broader delineated the ‘New in and public– manifestoback Evolutionism’the – With imposition of the theMartial Law, theparticipatorymodel of relations dissident between the 132 131 underground union’s cadre structure to function effectively’, he neverthelessemphasizes that conflict between an attempt maintain to massa basefor movement the and needthe for the the is problem chronic ‘one that recognizes Michnik Although organization. centralized highly style’ implies that the underground should not takethe form of neither armed resistance nor ‘Leninist- maintaining the liaison between oppositionthe the and social base. Specifically, imperative the Communist rule, the form the resistance take,should correspond should to the imperative of to resistance underground organize to necessary was it while say, to on went Michnik Therefore, base. social broad a on count could dictatorship military the to resistance further that believe to deep roots in Polish hearts and minds, in work places and private homes’, the fact that permitted him itself has been crushed by the imposition of the Martial Law, the experience of Solidarity ‘struck rediscoverAlthough tradeand reconstructunion social bonds. thebroken themselvesascitizens the Michnik believed fifteen the monthsofthat freedom enabled people to regain the subjectivity, 130 resentment towards the dissidents,under Communism it refersalso to workersprotests. late 19 ‘OnResistance’, p. 55. ‘OnResistance’, pp. 54-55. ‘On Resistance’ in Resistance’ ‘On always remembers that many roads lead to democracy to lead roads many that remembers always it and movement, tolerant and open an remains it when Pole, single every to accessible action of forms The activists must understand that anunderground movement makes sense only whenit isable to create deprived of community,his his ideals, his and language whichis rarely constructive. The rebellious slave will at best lookfor a better tsar, but he has been political change. The rebellious slave doesfree himself for amoment; but hismain desire is revenge, ideologies, agreed onone thing: aslave revolt little has commonin with amovement forsocial or Pi movements…Polish thinkers and politicians called this atmosphere the psychology of captivity. Józef followedby programs ofnot were reform orhowever, by These, alternativeearthquakes. politicalpolitical plans. by sudden They were interrupted only were protests, notdepolitization reform and apathy of The system created a psychology characteristic of communities subjugated by communism. Long periods á sudski, RomanDmowski, and Edward Abramowski, who represented conflicting political parties and th century ‘captivity’ referred first and formost to conciliatory attitudes of the elites and the and elites of the attitudes conciliatory to formost and first referred ‘captivity’ century Letters from from Prison Letters 132 , pp. 50-51. . On the one hand, unless the mass experience of civic 64 131 130 . . CEU eTD Collection 134 133 went limits beyond the ofinternal pluralism.It didnot correspond to a division between the The controversy overmovement’s tactics in the last weeks ofits legal existence, Michnik claimed, mayor controversy over this point, according to him it only goes to show that after all, is ‘by no means uncontroversial’, and withinthat among the leadership ofmovement there was a governmentis bound governto by authoritarian means. While Michnik recognizesthat his position apply solutions.authoritarian Andwhoever for reaches the solutionsauthoritarian toseize Strategies thatwould go beyond the preservation of the structure of independent society are bound to alternative to State Socialism, butaproject of independent public life outside its boundaries. independent trade union’s Congress inAutumn 1981didnot represent aproject of ordera social restrict the scope of its power. The idea of ‘Self-Governing Republic’, approved at the first (and last) resistance would be contrary to Solidarity’s main goal, which was not to conquer the State, butto notonly because its leaderswanted to avoid bloodshed at any cost. Itwasalso because active renunciation of violence. If Solidarity didnot confront the Communists in December 1981,it was The greatest achievementof ‘fifteen the monthsfreedom’ of now – Michnik argued –was the democratic transformation. the to obstacle an become itself may activity conspirational the base, social broad a into integrated the eventualdemocratic change. On otherhand,the unless democratic the opposition remains to indifferent become will society the effort, broad and permanent through sustained is subjectivity ‘Letter from the Gda ‘OnResistance’, p. 60-61. come. The future of post-communist societies will depend on how it is resolved othersocial movementevery inthe and communist system, state…Solidarity, will the of have to confront omnipotence thisthe dilemma restrict in to the days attempting to and decisions administrative were shaped by its totalitarian structures, Solidarity has always beentorn betweentrying to influence struggling against totalitarianthe state, composedof people who grew Leadingup inthe System and Solidarity has not beenwholly immune o totalitarian temptations. Organized as a social movement from detached weak and is that degenerate become to doomed is base underground a An society. of indifference hostile the but defeat real about bring will not surprising, but this is preciselyis which why underground, he must the constantly idealizes of be reminded conspirator that it is not police involvement failures…The its the of terror one thatevery in agents discern to police hidden begins underground antitotalitarian the crisis; every in underground conspiracy; pluralism is not the style favoredby it…A totalitarian regime sees the hand of its underground dangerousas they are on…A later spirit of democracy virtuesis notoneof required by the There is a unique type of activist-conspirator, whose characteristics make him as useful inthe Ĕ k Prison, 1985’ in Letters from from Prison Letters 65 133 . , p. 89. 134 . CEU eTD Collection line of the often repeated Talleyrand’s dictum ‘onecan that do everything with a bayonet, albeit one writings. While both attempt atexplaining the nature of consent tothe Communist rule–along the difference between Czes between difference comes to level ofthe the and social, conceptthe of ‘psychology of captivity’. There is aremarkable it when interesting more much is notion the of understanding his granted, for state the of structure While it is safe to assume that the author of experiencesis of a very peculiarkind. ‘Totalitarianism’ in Michnik’s thoughtmultiple has of the ancestors. The object of knowledge emergesthat outof this mixture of present and past through the effort of describing Michnik’s own existential situation and his reading of the experience simultaneously developed is which of ‘totalitarianism’ theory intricate very isa there of thought, the late 19 136 135 constructs a symbolic thread going from experiencesthe of Dmowski, Pi of ‘antipolitics’ or of philosophy dissidence, memory the ofdissidence, and or thewayMichnik version his between interconnection a strong is there thought political of Michnik’s basis the at that within democraticPolish opposition. Letme recapitulate the punch line of the argument. Isuggest his own dissident identity and possibly contributed shaping to the collective identity of KORgroup his position reliedheavily on kindparticular ofmemory-work which constituted an ofunderpinning struggles during the democratic transition. At the same time, the aim of this chapter was to show that memory the in take will Michnik position the foreshadow directly 1985, in written words, last These the society as such: positions regardingmore thecommongood fundamental –buttoa of choice regarding the future ‘radicals’ and ‘moderates’ or‘Left’ and –that‘Right’ istwodisparate, but Czes Gda the from ‘Letter closed society the state is the master and overseer who determines all modes of society’s existence society’s of modes all determines who overseer and master the is state the society closed In the vision of governmentan and collectiveopen agreements; inthe latter, orderis society, achieved through repression and discipline. open the state actssociety distinctionascomes to the the fore different in the era past…A of the totalitarian to guardiandictatorships:belongs left the and one between right the the proponents between conflict ofthe an Poland in that think I ofand safety the for citizens;proponents in the vision of a of a closed society. In the former, social order is based on self- á aw Mi th century century to the post-1968 democratic opposition. At the intersection of those two streams á osz, The Captive Mind Captive The Ĕ k Prison, 1985’, p. 91. p. 1985’, k Prison, á aw aw Mi á osz’s ‘captive mind’ ‘captive osz’s (NY: Random House, 1951). Letters fromPrison 66 136 and ‘captivity’ in asitappears Michnik’s takes theexistence of the totalitarian á sudski sudski and Abramowski in equally legitimate 135 loci . . CEU eTD Collection marginal situation, and ‘captive society’is there asurplus ofmeaning, thatitisover-determined dissident’sby the own identification with the marginalized PPS revolutionaries lead by Pilsudski. society wasmobilized against student protest under the ofbanners anti-Semitism – andonhis understanding of ‘captive society’ based on both experienceMichnik’s of March 1968 –when the specific This dissidence. open towards resentment the to importantly, more but, freedom’, bring about only calamities. captive Thus attitude corresponds notonly numbing ofto the ‘taste for can actions his of consequences the lunacy, of sheer out or forces dark other themselves, Communist the outside.Thirdly, if the society could not be considered a reliable ally, opposition the would turn have adeeper knowledgeof theinterests ofwhole the and greater ‘taste for freedom’, than on those underground activism would reinforce the belief that thoseinside structuresthe of theunderground of form specific that Secondly, pluralism. internal over priority a had efficacy which in conspiracy, of contempt’ into translated a preference forhighly centralized,disciplined and isolated structures of identity thatcould bring potentially disastrous consequences. Firstly,oppositional the ‘psychology environment, butat the same time, itwasan element of democratic the opposition’s collective hostile the against mechanism defense understandable an constituted and marginalization another ‘totalitarian temptation’. Thecontempt forthe non-dissidentsgrew outof conditionthe of wasone of side coin, theotherthe was ‘contempt for psychology of captivity’, thelocusyet of at the conclusion that the dissidentsubject can either reconsider the basis ofhisis consent –whichmeans anend to ‘captivity’ – anor arrive despite that itshould notexist. In the face of this complicated ontological dilemma thecaptive and hence, the legitimacydissent is –cannot be challenged. From the ‘captive’ perspective isthe System overwhelming, is impossible.legitimacy of theSystem, which butasociety strongly believes that theSystem whatever– its The dissentwithout-ideology. The ‘captive society’ is not so much a society that beliefs in ideologicalthe is not provideddoctrine mainly ontheintellectuals. In the by second case, contrast ‘captivity’ is a form of consent- for, andcannot sit on it’ – in yetthe first case ‘captivity’ refers asort of ideologicalit seduction exerted by exists.Marxist It exists Laterhowever, on, hediscovered in that existentiallythis and historically founded image of not just a reality the dissident reacts to. If social indifference and resentment and indifference social If to. reacts dissident the reality a just agent provocateur 67 – whether he is acting on behalf of the CEU eTD Collection only two scenarios the Party took seriously into account. The resulting stalemate was favorable only favorable was stalemate resulting The account. into seriously took Party the scenarios two only institutions, Solidarity rejected both seizure of the State and cooperation with the authorities – the hand,while Augustthe Accords constituted a boundary between the State and the independent civic and outbursts ofthe proletarian anger exercise into ofcivic freedom and democracy. On otherthe structures of participatory democracy,which transformed inhibitionsboth ofthe theIntelligentsia of itsmass character and duration, Solidarity ultimately destroyed the barriers of‘captivity’, creating AugustAccords. On one the hand it wasan undisputable victory of ‘New Evolutionism’. Byvirtue tensionswere already visible before 1980, the strategy showed its greatestlimitations after the compromise that would imply taking responsibility for of ashare power. these While internal any in engaging of fear as well as discourse of anti-Communist radicalization fostering opposition, democratic the within tensions internal created of stability lack This blurred. became state the with the ‘dissident’ and the ‘non-dissident’, and on the other,‘pressure-from-without’ and ‘collaboration’ with expansion the of counter-culturalthe public thedistinction sphere, between,on theonehand, Together built. be could opposition democratic of the identity collective which on fundament stable century revolutionaries. Paradoxically, ‘new evolutionism’ was asuccessful strategy, butnot avery of Communist ‘advisors to the vanguardist-style prince’, and ofto the conspiracy late 19 the the structuresof thestate, read alternative can be as an toboth the pre-1968oppositional strategies democracy. for victory pyrrhic a be Second demonstratedRepublic thatof avictory marginal but disciplined oppositional groups would believed,wouldnot lastforever because history –butprincipally the ofideological clash under seizure of the state should be rejected not only ofbecause the geopolitical constellation – which, he the leap from ‘realm of marginalization’ to the ‘realm of freedom’. For Michnik, the strategy of dissident counterculture in the sea ofindifferencewas one thing to struggle the against, wasother ofthe disintegration if words, other In of. aware be should themselves dissidents the temptation a fantasy, totalitarian another yet of instance an Michnik, to according was, society the for into civic freedom.Now, freedomimposed above by from an organized force which has contempt educated be could society the conquered, been has state the after Only state. of the conquest the to The strategy of ‘new evolutionism’, oriented at reconstructing independent civic life outside 68 th CEU eTD Collection 138 137 and we need totalk about the future’ history, now is this But of Solidarity. achievement greatest the is this and Communists, our educated and kicking. ‘The peopleof therevolution,in Poland AD 1988 Solidarity and civic institutionsthe built around itwere – alive he said – are relaxed,upheavals in Hungary in 1956 and in Czechoslovakia in 1968, the Communists erased all unafraid,the traces and their backs are straight. We have necessarily tied to the sea change happening in Gorbachev’s SovietUnion. The ‘silence ofthe sea’, of dignity’ were ‘absolutely irreversible’ interviewed by John Keane, heaffirmed thatthe changes brought about bySolidarity’s ‘revolution society. pluralist a of framework himself firmly within camp,the first butalso judged the alternative position as incompatible with the rejected withpower,a compromise butnot State. aconspiracy notonlyagainst the Michnik put between those who rejected any form underground. Also,within ofthe ranks of the democratic opposition, the polarization increased struggle for power, and the radicalthe democratic opposition rebuilt network the of independentthe civic institutions, othersanti-Communists, remained who legitimacy of italso led dispersionPUWP, ofto countercultural the sphere. some While membersof longer the economic bothstructures ‘captive oftheand collapse, showedthat the no society’state the were the effortssociety of last the resisted Communist the governments to the stabilize political and order.The profound discredit ofgeneral Jaruzelski’s command, ‘the silence of the with sea’ which existential situation of dissidentthe was theonly troublesome heritage for the future democratic At theverge of 1985, Michnik was certain that the ‘totalitarian temptation’ inscribed in the Lucidity and blindness scenario. confrontational the for the hardliners, who after crushing the reformist fraction within the PZPR, began to prepare for Ibidem. ‘Towards a civil society’ in Aslate as February 1988 (with preliminary talks aboutthe legalization of Solidarity underway), loci of totalitarianism. While the Martial Law destroyed the last reservoirs of social Letters from from Freedom Letters 138 . In Michnik’s opinion,what thefuture could bring was 137 . He reminded that while six years after the historical , p. 101. 69 CEU eTD Collection 140 139 effects of violence, butbecause he judged that society was ‘uncaptive’ enough live in the civic social mechanismsof power along the lines attempted by Solidarity’ not much so due to pernicious freedom’ would become strongly qualified.Along lines,these Michnik would advocate ‘altering the of months ‘fifteen of the effect psychological and moral of the ‘irreversibility’ interpretation, But the statement be can given another reading,which complicates thispicture. In the second not preclude the democratic participation in state powerif conspiracy and violence could be avoided. overthrowing state,the but–thedemise of social captivity being ‘absolutely irreversible’ would– to means as violence and conspiracy of refusal to amount would position his interpretation, this to According conversation. second the and first the between captured as totalitarianism, be consistent withour observations about developmentthe of Michnik’s thought on locusthe of This statement is a very ambiguous one and can be given two different readings. The first one would ‘captive’ about the society after all. revolutions, was notthe only reason of refusal to take Perhapspower. there was still something However,the ‘demoralizing effect’ ofviolenceon revolutionary, attestedthe afact by all the brutal confrontation, and ‘whoever violence uses to gain power violence uses to maintain power’. position of rejecting Solidarities possible seizure of state power, since that would necessarily mean a of Solidarity in a in of Solidarity between thedissident counterculture Jaruzelski,and the was acknowledgment of ‘crucial importance war’ civil ‘cold the in stake at was there All neither. Solidarity of horizon term long the in not Khrushchev’s SovietUnion after Hungarian ofRevolution ofseizure 1956.Butthe statepowerwas backlashoccurred that in Russia under Alexander IIafter Polish UprisingJanuary in 1863, orin of kind same the bring could peripheries western the in of resistance form active More rationale. lack ofdemonstrationsotheror mayor with clashes of theapparatus coercion, had, thus,ashort term ‘Towards a civil society’, p.107. ‘Towards a civil society’, p.102. along the lines attempted by Solidarity democratic society which renders totalitarianism impossible by altering the social mechanisms of power tomorrow byWa becomes vulnerable to totalitarianism. Hypothetically speaking, if Jaruzelski were to be replaced Violence fractures social bonds. And, wheneversociety is atomized, its intrasocial networks shattered, it society independent ofthestate áĊ sa orKuro sa Ĕ , wouldnothing problem The crucial change. istherefore to build a 140 . 70 ’ 139 . In February 1988 Michnik was still ina CEU eTD Collection at the at the moment ‘down’. were Communists the sense what in unclear rather is it intellectual, critical a of duty anundeniable is revenge mention the Affairs) and FlorianSiwicki (The Army) and PZPR was spared the expropriationof its properties, not to still the president, the coercion apparatus was still in the hands of the generals Czes generals of the hands inthe still was apparatus coercion the president, the still 142 141 of changes brought about by Solidarity, the Polish realities of 1990 changed dramatically. changed 1990 of realities Polish the Solidarity, by about brought of changes permanence of totalitarian ‘reason’. Thus in comparison with his 1988 belief about the irreversibility the regarding ofposition change radical and sudden Michnik’ is illuminate fails memory totalitarian, but so are the intermediary organizations thatwant to participate in state power. democratic claim to powerundemocratic road to whichpower – would democraticturn aspiration into itsopposite – butthe as such. Ifabout the common good.This radicalized version ofwould antipolitics notrenounce only it is not longersphere dissociated from state and its power,but still too ‘captive’ to participate in decisionsthe about undemocratic means, there is no place for a were presented manyas different sidesof the same phenomenon – the habits’‘totalitarian of the ‘beating’ and ‘beaten’.the Anti-Communism,economic demands, nationalism and homophobia those who down’ are ‘kicking against Protest envy’. simple conceals that populism to proper demagoguery ‘egalitarian courage’. Where once was ‘the just demand of emancipation ofwork’ now it transformed to of belated ‘displays of dismissal into changed non-dissidents of expense the at oppositionists ‘social fabric’ brimful of ‘violence,hatred revenge’.and The caution not to‘angelicize’ the Only recently, there were the people ‘relaxed, unafraid and with their backs straight’. Now there was The article, first published in the French inthe published first article, The in revolution” the “After bread slave of Communism did not die with the endo fo the Communist party’s reign party’s Communist fothe endo the with die not did Communism of slave bread Communism…The deathof Communist system does not meanthe end of totalitarian habits. The carefully forall who are different?... And we wonder, afterall, whetherwe are not all childrenof totalitarian of the nationalist idea the stateto return come from? this does This Where explosion envy? simple conceals of that hatred for populism to everyone proper – fordemagoguery gypsies, foregalitarian AIDS patients, imprison people of to the ancient urge regime, this this dream ofof intolerance, vengeance, area this chauvinism, ever-growing his this from, xenophobia,come down this are who those kicking for taste adversary, or any of being against secretembezzlements agents and or crypto-Communists accusations these slanders, these – conflicts, where do personal they and come intrigues from?...these Where courage, does belated of this displays these ambitions, aroused These control. not could he that forces released who apprentice, sorcerer’s the like feel we fabric…Sometimes social ofthe resistance the encountering We are I would suggest that thelatterinterpretation is valid. Thus, what the path dependence of will to powerneither.The state that prevents the reconstruction of civil society is nomenclatura 142 became more important than the refusal to obliterate the difference between difference the obliterate to refusal the than important more became positions in the economy. While protest about the abuse of power and unlawful and power of abuse the about protest While economy. in the positions Letters FromFreedom Letters Liberacion , p. 152. 71 Mayin 1990. At that time, WojciechJaruzelski was á aw Kiszczak (Internal Kiszczak aw 141 . any CEU eTD Collection 143 willingness becomes its legitimization. Paradoxically, found itselfwhere in the ofplace power. Howdoes one justify holding power without really wanting it? the will to political and the And authoritarian. powerthe paradox is in that wasit 1989 the anti-political camp that is a symptomantipolitical solution to the problem,whose unintended wasconsequence an identification of the of a posttotalitarianof democracy he had contributed muchso to release? In my opinion,it wasthe consequence of the mentality,feeling of a‘sorcerer’s apprentice’ came from, especially, and the sudden urge to the want of ideology.After all, Pi an of offspring an not and dissident the of condition existential of an vector a is which loftiness democracy and human rights included do – notmake oppositionist the immune to this kind of moral and of pluralism values – values professed any that realized also but consequences, pernicious possibly the of aware was only not Michnik there’. ‘out reality given a to than rather marginality, properorder ofthings corresponds to a displaced tension involved in his own condition of for thenon-dissidents andself-ascription of greatermoral worth deeper and knowledge about the the ‘captive society’. The ofspotoppositionistblind the would not be to recognize contempt the that performative relation betweenmarginalized the ofdissidentposition the and the imaginary social of the regarded work memory this of point A pivotal escape. not did resistance Polish of tradition the to dangersthe involved in existentialthe of condition conspirator,dangersthe hisgreat ancestors in Communism was precisely his penetrating mnemonic construction of dissidentthe identity, sensitive Michnik’s mostintriguing contribution ourto understanding of counterculturethe under Perhaps Dick Pels’ reminder isaccurate. One cannot see everything from everywhere. conversation a personal spectre of Michnik from the second conversation? for psychologyof slavery’ ofPilsudzki? Wasnot the identification with Pi ‘carefully slaves of bred Communism’. Now, doesnotMichnik’s argument resemble the ‘contempt Intellectual asStranger invariably shadowed by owntheir indigenous blind spot standpoints produce different different that pointsordains of view, which life open up differentsocial in realities blindness ina different and lucidity way, while reciprocal beingof law a operates There á sudski was an ‘organizer’ and not a ‘doctrinaire’. In this sense,where does his , p.223. 72 143 . á sudski from sudski from the first control the forces the CEU eTD Collection 145 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1976), vol.11, p. 185. (Cambridge:MITPress, 1986), p.139-181. 144 representations of the past which harbor continuity harbor which past of the representations own history’, themore they draw back the horizonfrom of the unprecedented into the their ‘making of process the in involved uncertainties the with faced are they more The past. of the with what isnew, butreact to the historicity of their condition by taking refuge in the representations capitalist societies, inwhich ‘everything solid melts into air’, the individuals constantly confronted reveals theintimate connection between imaginary of the past and historical change. modern In Claude Lafort, inhis marvelous ‘immanentcritique’ of Karl Marx, pointsout that the passage political situation. The transitional hauntology, in this context, served as a discursive reference for reference discursive a as served context, in this hauntology, transitional The situation. political framework within which the first non-Communist government and its supporters defined the identity of the Polish democratic opposition whole,as a butthe is thatfact itbecame the symbolic whether Michnik’s discourse on dissidentmemory was an important element of the collective memory servesto misrecognize theirown on position the ‘new scene ofhistory’. It ishard to tell the time same the at change, historical radical amidst identity their maintain actors social the how is representations of the past. Lefort’s reading of Marx demonstrates that while the recourse to memory secondto interests paradigm,the isit goals the present and in that thepublic the shape memory imposes restraints onhow intereststhe andgoals are in understood the present.According to politics of collective memory. In the first paradigm,the sense of identity engendered by collective suggests that ‘path-dependence’ and ‘presentism’ arenot alternative irreconcilableand approaches tribute to the imaginary: The Eighteenth Brumaire CHAPTER 4: Hauntology and the Residual Past Claude Lefort, Claude Karl Marx, world history in this time-honoured of disguise and this scene borrowed new the language present to order in costumes and battle-cries names, them from borrow and service their existed, precisely suchperiodsin yet of never revolutionary they crisis has anxiously that up conjure spiritsthe of pastsomething the to creating in things, and themselves revolutionising in engaged seem they The tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living. And just when The Eighteenth BrumaireofLouis Bonaparte The Political Forms of Modern Society openswith well known celebrated passage in which the base pays the 73 145 : Bureaucracy, democracy, totalitarianism . Lefort’s interpretation is important because it in K. Marx and F. Engels, 144 . Collected Works CEU eTD Collection decisions of Mazowiecki and Bronis that made it into the parliament, were unwilling giveto unconditional support to the political the democratic opposition.After theelections, some of the representatives ofthedissidents groups of currents different to chances equal ensure would that mechanism any to abide not did candidates of the the selection that fact the against protested members of the some committee the Inside Table’. group and theanarchists, called for the boycott of whatthey called the ‘capitulation at theRound as the electoral campaign started. Thedissident groups largely on the influencepersonal of the advisors themselves. The tensions became apparent assoon taken within Citizensthe Committee were not subjected to anyformal procedure butdepended institutionalization. From momentthe ofits constitution until the electoral victory all the decisions created ad hoc for the purpose of the campaign. The entire expanding structure was in need of daily, own its of disposing state, the against as society the of representation parliamentary the became campaign electoral the and What started as ahalf-legal group of advisers to Lech Wa other hand, the situation within the camp of the democratic opposition evenwas more complex. of the unanimous rejection of theCommunist authoritiesexpressed in June elections.the On the light the in and agreement, previous of the sides the between distinctions the blurring to lead might that steps undertaking against inhibitions entrenched well of terms in both controversial was pact the public by Michnik in his celebrated article ‘Your President, Our Prime Minister’. At the same time, coertion wing’ of the party was dictated by the uncertainty about the reaction of the party hardliners and the in the Solidarity government. The political pact between the democratic opposition and the ‘reformer an extremely complicated one. On the one hand, there was the problematic ofstatus the Communists transition the dissidentmemory waselement an of the discourse of the ‘power ofthe powerless’. During the of the Solidarity camp. At the same time, the circumstances become radically different. Before 1989, the definition of the dominant political conflict theway it was understood by the dominant fraction In the aftermath of the constitution of Mazowiecki’s government the balance of forceswas apparatus aswell ascautionwith tothe regards positive response the to made solution hauntology became the discourse of the ‘powerless in power’. in ‘powerless the of discourse the became Gazeta Wyborcza á aw Geremek,aw leader the of oppositionalthe bloc (Citizens 74 , and a network of eponymous local organizations local eponymous of network a , and excluded from the committee, KPN, Gwiazda KPN, committee, the from excluded áĊ sa, in the course of the Round Table talks CEU eTD Collection reform. On the other hand, Lech Wa Lech hand, other the On reform. Mazowiecki decided not to consult the union in the preparation of the blueprint for theeconomic well. Ontheone hand, none of the representativesof the trade madeunion it government to the and problem. the did so and remained network the reserve the‘Soldarity’ logoexclusively to the union orwithoutstructures. With name, the however, 10 million strong base after re-legalization. That was the rationale behind trade union’s decision to leadersit provided further trouble in lightthe of fact the that the union never recuperated itsmassive the committeesdeveloped at theexpanse of the union, intercepting some activists. Forthe local division of labourbetween the ‘political’ and the ‘unionist’ functions. However,it was also true that transparent lest or more a promised organ, press own its with one each committees of the emergence Mazowiecki’s government.Another of set problems emerged after theelections. Apparently, the that also became problematic because of the ofpresence themembers ofthe former group ruling in however, elite, Solidarity old the by headed were if they reforms the to consent lend would factories protest was rather anti-capitalistor anti-Communist incharacter. The later inclined hopeto that the that whether clear not was it although them, against protested hand, other on the workers, young The defend theireconomic condition. Forthe old activists structural economic reformswere inevitable. younger generation of workers that in 1988 organized strikescalled upon inSolidarity order to strikes began inspringof 1988, thedidnoteven knewwholedthem. theother On hand, much the the military dictatorship, loosing contact with its social base on shop-floor level. When the wave of illegality,during which the activistsof the ‘old’ wereunion engaged mostly in political resistance to Committee to the Solidarity trade union. Partially,it was aconsequence of the eightyears of institutionalization. of need in was other, the on committees citizens Also, the relation between the central Citizens Committee and OKP on the one hand, and the local appointed through party clearance procedure ( procedure clearance party through appointed applies to the executors of the Martial Law, the ‘enfranchised’ managers of state enterprises, Parliamentary Club, OKP) in the in OKP) Club, Parliamentary The institutionalization of thisdivision of labour was never pursued for other reasons as At the same time, itwas not atall certain what was the relation of the Solidarity Citizens Sejm áĊ sa, who ‘retreated’ to his chairman office in Gda in office chairman his to ‘retreated’ who sa, . Especially questionable was whether was questionable Especially . nomenclatura 75 ), and the state administration apparatus. pacta suntservanda Ĕ sk, had more had sk, CEU eTD Collection 146 Second Republic, whereas the phenomenon of ‘Solidarity’ ‘left’, ‘right’,democracy’, ‘social ‘Christian democracy’ belongs toanoutdated vocabulary of the to the emergentdemocratic order. At the he same claimstime that, ingeneral, the concepts such as threatening potentially but unavoidable is which concepts’ and words of ‘chaos a pluralism political unified political subject and not aloose federation of political parties. Michnik in sees the calls for everything cannot be a trade union’. At the same time ‘Solidarity’a civic movement should remain a would grant itexcessive weight on government’sthe decisions. ‘A trade union which would decide union (headed Wa by same keepingtime, faith to the ‘letter’, thateliminating is, the committeesand leaving the trade At the movement. civic a and organization labour both as worked originally which ‘Solidarity’, Such a solution, arguedMichnik the editor-in-chief maintaining ofthe unity of Solidarity campwithin the framework of the Committee.Citizens’ Adam Gazeta Wyborcza, wouldThe be faithful to the spirit of Post-totalitarian Divide The power todefine political divisions is the power todefine the dominant principle of domination. the question was not so much how maintainto the buthowunity, to define the principle of division. introducing Balcerowicz’s ‘shock therapy’ and the representativesof became labor, apparent. Soon once of ruling counteroffensive the and reality ofa more became Europe Central in ofCommunism collapse apparatus lesssymbolic prestige made him key the figure. of a treatregulating the infrastructure social whole,as a his position both ofthe union’s chairman and his an as thelent credibilityconflict authority personal his that given movement, labour the of care taking simply than plans toambitious Solidarity of interestcamp as a whole. Actually, between in the absence theof any formalgovernment, procedures Adam Michnik, ‘Zwi hauntology Keeping allthis fragile frameworkwas together lessand less viable as time wenton, the 146 advocated creating a dual structure comprising an ‘union’ wing and a‘political’ wing. served as a symbolic legitimization for the political strategy of the supporters of ą áĊ zek zawodowy ju sa) as the only source of only sa) asthe source Ī wystarczy’,nie 76 political Gazeta Wyborcza Gazeta supportfor Mazowiecki’s government 6.10.1989. CEU eTD Collection modernization (Michnik’s ‘european idea’) arenotgiven an the play of different perspectives. It differs from the ‘closed’ form in that questions such as the vision ofmodernization and ordersocial it supports is notone possible version among many, but that imply would which orientations’, competing of formerly ‘synthesis a representing movement symptomatically,with together thespectres. Instead,Michnik imaginessocial Solidarity asa conventional vocabulary of political identitiesdismissed is as belonging to that the past, is The of power. field the within division internal an as applied is idea Popperian the hand, other allow ‘view from nowhere’, astandpoint above and superior others. to In Michnik’s article, on the identities representing different visions ofthe social order. Italso implies thatdemocracy does not presupposes it sense this In contestation. 149 148 147 definesa sortofminimal consensus asforthe word the of sense Popperian a in society’ ‘Open aims. the with coherent entirely not be to seem totalitarianism) – should be combated by political means. At closer scrutiny, for however,word the means (another are society’ ‘closed the nationalism, ‘unfrozen’ rule, authoritarian for preference production of temporal difference within thediscourse of In Michnik’s proposition there is astrict correspondence between the political distinctions and the realities. new the within orientation of sense good a provide not does identity While the conventional political taxonomies do not apply to describe Solidarity, itsanti-Communist K. R. Popper, Ibidem. ‘Zwi Solidarity is needed in Poland needed is Solidarity nationalism, the open society with the closed society. This is why I maintain that amovement like democratic idea will clashwith the nostalgia forautoritatianism; the Europeanidea withthe parochial We entered aperiod inwhich new divisions typical forthe post-totalitarianevolution shall be shaped. The I presume that it is impossible to reconstruct the universe of the political divisions valid only yeara ago. of world the in rationality and economic decisionsconflicts ofpolitical world the in truth for of labour, emancipation the tradition of struggle for freedom,national the independenceChurch; Catholic tolerance;and ofthe values the thepersistentto proximity strugglea declared for and socialethics justice Christian and the comprises out of the Polish soil and Polish struggle against the totalitarian system. The set of Solidarity’s principles is a specifically Polishsynthesis offormerly competing orientations…a movement growing organically ą zek zawodowy ju The open society and its enemies 147 Ī . nie wystarczy’. 148 . internal , (London: Routledge, 1966). form 77 of democratic of community, leaving the political divisions and antagonistic political antagonistic and divisions political hauntology a priori meaning and are left open to . The daemons of the past – content 149 to , CEU eTD Collection should take a short-cutwould andimitate what destiny their be were anyway. Thereeven those for instead but identities, political negotiating of route European) (historically the via consensus the at totalitarian communities on their road to the West, were said not to be in a position to afford arriving on strong political identitieswas thedomain of outdated radicalism.Atthe same time,the post- emphasis whereas centre’, of the of ‘politics favor in abandoned practice in been has arrangement ‘paradox’ showed way the towards the European future, inwhich the apparently pluralist political position, as opposed to the traditional rightist and leftist political identifications political leftist and rightist traditional the to opposed as position, who demonstrated that being a ‘liberal-conservative socialist’ was actually legitimatea political democracy assessed along the lines of totalitarianism as against liberalism, or authoritarianism as against ideologicalwell storms’serve and didnot whichto classify thepolitical shouldphenomena, be status quo. It was a common place to argue that the left-right divide amounted to an ‘echo of the old about rules of the democratic game, and hence, all the power. division creates an asymmetrical framework,which in oneof theplayershas alltheknowledge internal the with boundary external the Collapsing past. ‘tribalist’ against as future Europeanized fundamental dilemmademocracy between and authoritarianism,open as opposedtoclosed society, legitimate subject-positionswithin themarginsof ademocratic consensus, butfurnishes a 151 150 totalitarian divide’ in which the political choice does position, hence and The –universal. particularposition, butatthe same time, the threatening alternative makes onlyit the available contradiction is through resolved the movement to appeal civicspectres. The the speaks from a at the same time, claim for itself thegift of utopian, that is ‘non-localized’, standpoint. The contradictory. A political subject that presents itself as defending the idea ofthe open society cannot, reconcile partial,partisan InthisMichnik’sand parochial standpoints. sense, positionis the precisely a synthesis, outcome an of a better –vision, –superior able to grasp the total picture and Wojciech Gie Wojciech Ernest Skalski, ‘Bieda Partie’, The post-totalitarian divide found much salience amongst the defendersof the transitional 150 . The commentators invoked often the intellectual authority of Leszek Ko áĪ\Ĕ ski, ‘Nie mog ‘Nie ski, Gazeta Wyborcza Gazeta Ċ tego przemilcze tego hauntology 07.04.1990. ü ’, 78 createsthe discursive underpinning for the‘post- Gazeta Wyborcza not comprehend a plurality of equally 13.07.1989. 151 . Ko á akowski’s á akowski, CEU eTD Collection the ‘fundamentalist’ intentions ofthe rival political subjects indicate turn in would which overblown, and artificial necessarily be would policy its to respect with government realizesan universally acceptable versionmodernization, of political any difference restore irreconcilable ideological clashes. A tacit assumption was that since Mazowiecki’s respectively, Communism and Nazism – represented its negation; to restore political partieswas to came destabilization and ended with the military coup d'état process already reminds Polandin 1918, when the proliferation of political parties led politicalto transitional the with reinforced was taxonomy post-totalitarian the antagonist position could eitherbe ‘Marxist-Communist’ a or ‘chauvinist-rightist’. At the same time standpoint. Since the subject position of the ‘liberal-conservative socialist’ was already taken, the in principle did notexclude political antagonism, itwasappropriated as aparticular, yet universal blindness, hence and cannot aspire to ‘total abouttruth’ how ordersocial should organizedbe – but minimal democratic consensus –showing rival all that the political identitiescombine lucidity and 154 153 of self-image with iscoupled marginalization existential the in which conspirator, ofthe figure the in of ‘advisor the theCommunist to prince’ pre-1968 (taken by the revisionists) andtheoneinscribed identity corresponded to a double rejection of will the intellectualto power –that implicit in role the place of whichpower in the now identity needed be to performed. The antipolitical edge of this the and memory-work), Michnik’s by exemplified (as resistance of political experiences historical dissident identity of the post-KOR group, predicated upon a specific set ofpositive negative and expression of knowledge-political interests. Iwould rather point to the contradiction between the same vain thePopperianwas idea disfigured. Ko While 152 governed by broad social movements with a modernizatory edge whom model a to emulate could be found amongst democracies suchasIndia,Japan or Mexico, Stefan Bratkowski,‘Propozycja: model ameryka Ibidem. Maciej Koz after In the discourse of the ‘powerless in power’ there was something more than a simple This version of the post-totalitarian divide was instrumental with Ko with instrumental was divide post-totalitarian ofthe version This mass political parties and – since both socialist andnationalist ideologies concluded in, á owski,‘Rzeczpospolita bezpartyjna?’, Ĕ ski’, 79 Tygodnik Powszechny Gazeta Wyborcza in 1926 á akowski’s defineargumentserved to a 154 153 . 152 . Some reminded that thepolitical . hauntology 05.01.1990. 18.03.1990. á : the divide waswhat akowski much in the in much akowski CEU eTD Collection them was atechnocratic, non-negotiable style of introducing mayor political changes. Itsteamed not that ofself-effacement. discourse The of the antipolitics incommand had twothus faces.of One was position contradictory this to reaction their And founded. was identity collective their which on taboos the transgressed had dissidents the power, of place the in themselves finding however, case, to restore capitalism withthehelpof the –asithappenedState oralone inChina Chile). Inany Mieczys home’ awaiting collapseofthe the maybesystem, the Communist leaders have would replaced ‘at stayed dissidents the (had way another some was there that argue to wise be wouldn’t it changes, than democratic participation in thedecision-making.Frankly, given the revolutionary pace of the marketeconomy’, asort of consent founded on trust in the infallibility of ‘Wa to transition the for support ‘social for demand the to way gave now reform’ economic of process committees mainly serving electoralas an apparatus. The demand for ‘social control over the Wa Lech by chosen were candidates the but war, the of end of social base. The parliamentary group of Solidarity waselected in the first free elections since the The dissidentelites commanded the symbolic capital ofSolidarity, butwere detached from any kind between the State and sociala broad movement based on the principles ofparticipatory democracy. Citizens Committee was that of negotiation between dissidentthe and Communistelites, rather than case of ‘pressure-from-without’ either.The second problem was thatthe road to powerof the ‘pressure-from-within’ – wasit the opposition whowas now sovereign – butitwas not anymore the ‘reaction’ of party base the and thecoercion For sure,was apparatus. this notthe of situation Communistgovernmentwith participation executors of the was ofthe Law Martial thethreat of turned entire thisworld down.upside Firstof all, therationale behind the constitution of non-the political strategy of ‘pressure from without’. Now, constitution the of theMazowieckigovernment empowermentof the autonomy ( against theoppressor. The three treads came together intheidea ‘newevolutionism’, combining the the Intelligentsia toward the dissidence on the one hand, outbursts of ‘blind’ proletarian hatred of resentment – of captivity’ ‘psychology the and activism oppositional between difference the on the ofspokesperson the universal, long-term interests of whole the community. Itwas also founded á aw Rakowski’s reformers with a talented neo-liberal economist,who would have managed upodmiotowienie 80 ) ofthe society as against the State and in the áĊ sa’s advisory body, the regional the body, advisory sa’s áĊ sa’s team’ rather CEU eTD Collection demise of socialism’s aspirations to political hegemony. Relegating the notion of politics as ofpolitics notion the Relegating hegemony. political to aspirations of socialism’s demise final the from conclusions wrong drew dialogue, rational of means by at arrived be to consensus redefined politics aseithersphere a of playofindividual preferencesorspace of a universal right’.According to Mouffe, liberal the thinkers and oftheoreticians ‘secondthe modernity’, who ‘triumph of the Free World’, ‘theendof History’, ‘farewell to ideology’ or politics ‘beyond left and ‘common majority in of sense’ the Western aftersocietiesheralded bysuch 1989, asthe slogans democracy, aproduct generated by the ‘post-political to resort to needed it enacted, it change of social ‘antinomy of transition’, the antipolitics had its own. Denying the political character of the process its had dissent of model avant-gardist if the And counterparts. Communist their with agreement an at of abroad self-governing social movement, butrather in the character of the dissident elites arriving powerless’ mightone day find themselvesin the ofplace power,and not in the character of experts incompatible with democratic order.What was notpredictable inback the 1970s, was that ‘the revolutionary movements, burdened with contempt forthenon-revolutionaries, amindset that is dissidents, butalso counteracts the development ofmindset a specific for the disciplined the dissident counterculture not only creates condition for overcoming the barrier of offear the non- antipolitics, ‘new evolutionism’ was predicated upon the idea that abroad, participatory model of to showing modern that populism is an response. spectre away, also conjuresit up.The response the post-totalitarianto divide can be only a populist position of ‘powerless in power’. The problem was that the performative act which conjures the society. power,as defending it others from populist –the tendencies, thenationalists and ‘captive’the OKP and decisions. The other was the transitional the was other The decisions. so much from akindof ‘avant-gardist’ usurpation, butfromdenial of the political character of the The mechanismwell isdescribed by the political scientist Chantalwho Mouffe, contributed The problem with problem The Gazeta Wyborcza were presenting themselves asnot somuch occupying the ofplace hauntology internal can be formulated as follows: Michnik’s variant of variant Michnik’s follows: as formulated be can hauntology problem (as opposed to external negation) of liberal of negation) external to opposed (as problem 81 hauntology . The decision-takersin thegovernment, the Zeitgeist’ in order to legitimize its contradictory which came to form a sort of sort a form to came which CEU eTD Collection 155 ‘reflexive’modernity. In where reality, the difference between left and wasobliteratedright and the horizon of politics, was greeted at the same time as the ‘end ofhistory’ and a beginning of a second, politics and economy, thatthe ideological debateshad diedout and that theconsensus is the final which it became common-sensical to believe that there is no alternative to liberal arrangements in Precisely taskofthis liberal democracy iswhat the postpolitical vision obliterates. Themoment in ‘agonism’. as democracy liberal for specific relation society makesthat coexistence ofconflictual politicalidentities possible.She refers tothewe/they with political pluralism. On the contrary, liberal democracy, in her view,is the only political form of albeitnecessary not one. to In contrast Schmitt,Mouffe argues that the political isnot incompatible possible, a is – grouping friend/enemy –the way Schmitt’s Carl and ways, of variety a in organized competing forhegemony.discursive Importantly, the of articulation difference political canbe not reducible to one another,that the space of the political is opened to political taxonomies ‘natural’ categories such as class, religion or ethnicity.It is because different social antagonisms are entail reifying the political difference in any way,particular for instance according to seemingly does exterior’ ‘constitutive a needs identity an That ‘them’. and ‘us’ between relation a imply decision. Secondly, antagonism is inscribed in the differential logic of political identities,which ofcontingent realm the to belongs and grounded rationally be cannot ultimately which exclusion possibilities, ofalternative exclusion by constituted necessarily is – organized is community First, life. social the ofall given existential be an to takes she which ofantagonism, possibility dimension the is political theoreticalmisunderstanding, grave of butithas well.consequencespractical ForMouffe, as the antagonismcollective articulation of democratic demands and conflict asits cannot be overcome, because the social order – the way a Mouffe, agonism conflict takes place. We could say that the task of democracy is to transform antagonism into as belonging to the same themselves see they political conflict, association, in while as that, sharing means This common enemies. symbolic not space within ‘adversaries’ which are They the opponents. that there is no rational solutionto theirconflict, nevertheless recognize the legitimacy of their commonground, agonism is awe/they relation where the conflicting parties, although acknowledging While antagonism is a we/they relation in which the two sides are enemies who do not share any On the Political 155 . , p. 20. 82 modus operandi , is not only a not CEU eTD Collection 156 populism on the other.According to Mouffe, the legitimization, signaled massby disenchantmentwith politics ontheone hand, and the ofrise triumph of the politics of the centre announced, political communities into plunged a crisis of some things in common, although they should not be collapsed as identical phenomena. Before 1989 confirmation of the hauntological prognoses, demonstrates that post-politics andanti-politics share ‘post-totalitarian’ divide interpretedof the projectsocialist heralded from 1980.The duringfact that the Transition the ofproponents the the rise of Jan Marie Le Pen’s National Front in France as the However,she tracks back the originsof the post-political the adversarial arrangement. that extent greater much to space symbolic common the shatters which exclusion moral of terms in contestation. What populism post-politicsand have in commonis political differences out are played opposition to the established order a whole as and appeals to the antidemocratic forms of other hand, populism constitutes aresponse in which the we/they relation is constructed in the On forth. so and archaic’, of the ‘return the of instance an as dialogue, of reason, enemies as but articulation of we/theythe relation in which ‘they’ notare treated asadversaries –legitimate rivals – discursive is a It of rationality/irrationality. terms non-political in defined is division the albeit ‘without frontiers’, every accessible to rational person, isinfact predicated division,upon a political On the one hand, the post-political public sphere, contrary to its self-image of a space of dialogue not somuch the dissolution of conflict, asits displacement. possibility of playing out the political differencewithin the legitimate parameters, butthe outcome is be organized around strong alternative political projects. democratic The consensus reducesthe xenophobic collective identifications isdue to fact thatthe the post-political public sphere ceased to On the Political wrong’ and ‘right between struggle a with faced we are left’ and ‘right between struggle a of In place terms. moral discrimination, but the we/they, instead of being defined with political categories, is now established in that nowadays thepolitical is playedout inthe moral register. Iotherwords, it still consists in awe/they disappearance of the political in its adversarial dimension but something different. What is happening is Contrary to what post-political theorists want us to believe,what we are currently witnessing is not the Chantal writes Mouffe mainly aboutthe late of 1990 populistthe tide in Western Europe. 156 . , p. 5. 83 charm Zeithgeist of the anti-establishment politics and to the ‘ideological bankruptcy’ CEU eTD Collection played out on the grounds of‘normalizing a difficult past’and political adversaries castas spectres. was conflict political way, In this memory. dissident the in inscribed nationalism’ of ‘daemons and mentality’ ‘totalitarian of background the against set were consensus of virtues the Poland politics had to develop a ‘constitutive exterior’ to safeguard its identity.Unlike in the West, in political ideology of consensus. Like Western post-politics, the ‘Europeanized’ version of anti- somewhat self-evident to translate anti-political ethosof activism-without-ideology into the post- Thatcherite TINA (‘there is no alternative’). Riding on the high wave of the ‘return to Europe’ it was symbolic space withoutexcluding at the same time adversarial politics. shared a as serve to enough ‘capacious’ was Solidarity of ethos the case any In (cooperativism). (public demonstrations, self-educational and circles) anarchistthe Edward Abramowski establishing a network of independent civic institutions borrowed both from National Democrats political projects,butonthe the totalitarian State. If at all, the political synthesiswas achieved noton the orientations’, asacommon articulation of will the toautonomy against the ‘constitutive exterior’ of rival of formerly ‘synthesis a much so not was of Solidarity ethos The necessity. of out born community, butthis non-ideological virtue of downplaying the differencepolitical was certainly to bring ‘laic left’ and ‘Catholic right’ closerwere necessary together togenerate ofa sense moral of social autonomy( space was occupied by debates.political Both in theory and in practice the ofstrategy empowerment of thesamizdat publications proliferating in Poland after 1968would demonstrate muchthat of the anti-politics was not incompatible with strong political identifications. Even the most cursory review and theLeft successful, there were others. Naturally, symbolic gestures –exemplified by Michnik’s engaging both public andworkers,figures campaigning for human rights West in wasthe – themost through variegated oppositional life-styles. While KOR the group andits political practice – serious political differences amongstdifferent dissident groups,expressed in the affiliated journals preponderance of state-certified ideology, but this common effort neverentailed dispensing with It happened, however,otherwise. of One thereasonsundoubtedly was the parallel of the rise and Bogdan Cywinski’s Bogdan and upodmiotowienie practical Rodowody Niepokornych ) aimed at winning) aimed at a shared symbolic space from free level ofdissident activism.For instance,the idea of 84 ( Genealogies ofthe Insubordinate) ideological The Church level of – CEU eTD Collection European Democracy 157 ‘true democrats’. more ‘they’The denythat they position,speak from aparticular more and the democratic game, who and – those obscurefor some reasons –denytheir identity, hencenot and are opposition whobetween openly those admit it eager identity theirpolitical test ina and are to but as spokesman of the universal, theother might party ‘translate’ the left/right divide into an themselves with the alternative political projects.one of If partiesthe defines itself asnotas party however,works aslong as both parties themselves recognize long identify assuch,as they as describe equally legitimate adversaries, andhence, transforms ‘antagonism into agonism’. This, idle.It is alanguage of moral exclusion. The left-right divide,on otherthe hand, usually serves to the against working hard the cosmopolitan, the against national the corrupted, the against healthy articulatednot inatraditional political vocabulary, butwith reference tooppositions suchasthe threatening others steal that away thepeople’s inalienable attributes (identity, sovereignty, rights), dichotomy between a (differently understood) moral community and false elites, usurpers and Populism (in the by sense others Mouffe used and Sly Populism political. Itwas populist, because the left/right dividewasplayed out onmoral grounds. ‘right of saying way or another became left’ and ‘right wrong’.in 1989, For expect. would Mouffe what to contrary It was a slyNonetheless, intention the behind traditionalthe to appeal the political taxonomywas all the populism. the dissidentItelites defined themselves asrightist struggling against hegemony the of the Left. was sly, becausepolitics. During the transition, in response to the post-totalitarian divide, the dominated fraction of post- to proper it wrong’ and of ‘right appeared register moral the to counterpoised are – model adversarial as the to proper – left’ and bringing‘right of categories political the argument Mouffe’s In case. Polish back the was another which interpretative reason shows the limits of Chantal Mouffe’s theory applied tothe e.g. Daniele Albertazzi and Duncan McDonnell, Duncan and Albertazzi Daniele e.g. Still, eagerness the imitate to the best Western standards do notexplaineverything. There (New York and London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008). Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western 85 157 ) is apolitical discourse founded upona CEU eTD Collection Review of Politics of Poland’ Case The Detotalitarization: and ‘Totalitarianism Walicki, Andrzej See Thaw. the after in betotalitarian to ceased Poland that thesis the defended when he 1990s, from ideas Walicki’s with consistent 161 160 165-169. 159 158 are are not genuinely democratic. Oneof the foundauthors it quite amusing to note that loundly ‘we’ admit it,the easier isto show that ‘they’hide something from the rest of‘us’ and hence political command overeconomy ofinstead marketization. Piotr Wierzbicki while ,in contrast, egalitarian-revindicative as opposed to liberal-individualist, and that itstruggled offor theshare movement putinto practice a form of ‘democratic totalitarianism’ climate tothe Leftthe was not the Rightbest place to be. However, started as David Ost recorded, were. really they than the different something shiftalready of the intellectual intraditionsvalues ofand thenation whole,as a to the in usurpers who power,pretended tobe the the with attune more allegedly 1980 identity political strong their opposing by populism sly their of accords laud the play could they hand, other the On it. incarnating not if live to back past’ the occupying the ‘dark’ side of the post-totalitarian divide, castaspopulists bringing the ‘daemonsof On one hand,the they could present themselvesas traditional democratic politicians and thus evade dominated position within the Solidarity camp, to cling to the left-right divide wasperfect a solution. For theself-proclaimed rightist fraction of dissidentthe elites, who found themselves onthe Walicki Andrzej ideas of historian The consistent. mutually always not of reasons, variety a for movement, Probably as opposed to ‘authoritarian totalitarianism’ of the Communist government. That is not altogether not is That government. Communist of the totalitarianism’ ‘authoritarian to opposed as Probably Andrzej Walicki, ‘My David Ost, David Jan Walc, ‘W poszukiwaniu zaginionej lewicy’, this actually right,support the andaleftsupports that that the pardonright…- me, butI really inventdid not left alone. In this situation the left all the more can not claim its ‘leftism’, because if it did, that would perhaps presidential elections... The right might win them undercondition that it would compete with the because it cunningly denies its ‘leftism’ while plotting leftist-style…Ahead we have the parliamentary and since the right exists, it is implausible without there being aleft, thus, if one does not notice any, itis without the leftbecause itwould not make much sense... [But] it is not as absurd asyou might think – volunteers fora political suicide. You would think that it cuts bothways and that the right can not exist the right blooms joyfully vociferouslyand theand leftis practically absent because there are few 158 160 The day Communism collapsed and the‘end ofhistory’ appeared on thehorizon, on to be . , at the time a persistent admirer of Friedrich Hayek, wrote that Solidarity as a mass Solidarity and the Politics of Anti-Politics 3 (58) 1996, pp. 505-529. Ğ li o sytuacji politycznej i moralno-psychologicznej w Polsce’, Wokanda 86 (Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 1990), pp. 159 . Solidarity came under fire as a ‘Leftist’ 17.06.1991. 161 , by which he meant that it was Aneks (35) 1984. The CEU eTD Collection 164 politics in Post-Communist Europe 163 162 ‘rightist’ intellectuals were after. On the contrary,reason according to the right, theappealed to politically Leftliberal sensibilities. The dominating fraction ofwas the dissidents had every what though iteven word, ofthe was sense reasonable any in ‘leftist’ as denominated be cannot sense the political this In recognize. than rather criticize to ittended which needs, existential with legitimate citizens agenda realized by saw in workers thefuture incumbentsofMazowiecki nonexistingthis class, rather than ‘actually existing’ and supported by OKP and Gazeta Wyborcza the trade union incompatible with the ‘shock therapy’of Balcerowicz withdrawn and without any withconsultation judged subsequently were Accords, the in promised were that workers the to concessions those even ratified by Solidarity’s firstcongress in were 1981 duringdropped the Table discussions,Round but inclusive and participatory democratic project the banner of Solidarity, thevictory was the same time the ‘defeat ofSolidarity’ aseconomically architects of Solidarity’s success of 1980. If it istrue the that ‘revolution of 1989’wasmade under suggest that by 1989 the premises onwhich wasit founded were entirely internalized by the reverse” the exactly of its traditions and the right thatwasembarrassed its by own label; tenyears later, the situation was political on theintellectualreform agenda.Ost explained “In 1976 – wasleft thatwas– it the proud economy independent rather than economic sphere, public and over reform took precedence society’ was redefined as ‘bourgeois society’, thecitizenship recast with reference market to ideological hegemony oftheleft. As other in Central European countries, thenotion of ‘civil personalgeneral, authority. Wierzbicki In attributed defeats ofall oppositionthe thepostwar to the excessively concerned with popularparticipation distrustful ofand virtues conservativeof strong, is, that democratic, too being for Solidarity attacked ofWalicki, liberalism economic sharing Tadeusz Kowalik, ‘A Reply to Maurice Glasman’New Left Review 1 (206) 1994, pp. 133-144. David Ost, David Solidarity… not Nevertheless, ideas the professed by the post-KOR groupin were not1989 what the to consider themselves asthe Left. Kl , p.169. 164 Ċ ska Solidarno . Mazowiecki’s governmentwas busy building ‘capitalism without capitalists’ and 162 . Regardless whether this critique was founded or not, everything seems to Ğ ci (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005)]. (Warszawa: Muza S.A., 2007) [en. 163 87 . Not only the ideas of‘self-governing republic’ The Defeat of Solidarity : Anger and Anger hauntology CEU eTD Collection 166 before 1989, who – describing the internal struggleswithin the Solidarity camp –observed that 165 ideological choices. Itwas an instance of intergenerational struggle for power,which is another way under Communism the ‘pink’ were oppressed by the ‘red’ thiswas notbecause of any fundamental Although differences. apparent the all than stronger is corruption ideological of residue shared The relation between the ‘red’ and the ‘pink’? dissident Intelligentsiawho constituted the ‘cadres’ of the ‘Round opposition’.Table Whatis the fraction’ of the late PZPR, sympathetic to the younger ‘pinkish’ generation, thatis,the post-1968 Thaw as defendersthe ‘red’, the formermilitants of theparty organizationyouth ZMP, whodebuted during the Polish of ‘socialismPolish political scene, alarmed one of the authors, is dominated by two generations. First, there were with a humanwas thegenealogy. For the right,itwas not the society who was ‘sovietized’. Itwas the elites. The face’ andBut it wasneither convictions, the nor theeffective political agendalattermattered. that mattered What became the part of the ‘liberal was noted by two journalists of journalists two by noted was present convictions. The rightist politics ofmemory took the form of the discourse on the residues. ‘Leftist’ past.From the ‘right’ perspective the residues of the ‘wrong’ pastwere stronger thatthe spokespersons of the universally valid ethos of Solidarity had a secret to hide. Thatsecret was their ideas were a screening to deceitshield the confused public. For, according the to the right, despite Jan Maria Jackowski, ‘Nieobecni’, Andrzej Krzemi Józef Lipski Jan as such leftists noble The forever. and enough deep ideology lefist the with stung been to have said are they if not, even and Kiszczak, and Jaruzelski with something plot that ones the are These reformers. party ex- the with compromise toward inclination ofthe and record party aburdensome of accused Solidarity from those comprises second The groups. post-PZPR PZPR and socialist the comprises first The in Poland there is a leftwho identifies itself as such, andthere is the other left, who was dubbed this way. demobilized in terms of dynamic and offensive action which the present hour demands. hour present the which action offensive and ofdynamic terms in demobilized and demoralized somewhat are they sense In this state. welfare the about slogans demagogic and thinking Bothgenerations raised under real Socialism willy-nilly absorbed thecommunist spectre, the dialectial contrary account thatinto the Round taken Table not is It politics otherand solutions difference. every than do bearnot stronger any leftist traits, connections, but rathertoxic the vicious, of web a others the around what claimed itto be.the denialonlyserved Indeed, professed to prove the that point The emergence of the rival political taxonomy, with the discourse on the residues in its core, its in residues the on discourse the with taxonomy, political rival of the emergence The 166 . 165 Ĕ are are left to themselves, while the polititians of the same genealogy worldviewand cast ski, Wies á aw W á adyka, ‘Pod t Polityka à ad 14.01.1990. weekly, organpress the of wingliberal the of party the ą pokrywk 88 ą kipi’, Polityka 10.03.1990. CEU eTD Collection attempt to‘break thepsychic ofnation’,and physical strength the it to irredentist failed but tame the positional war betweenthe oppressed national community and the regime imposing itself through coercion anddeceit, a two hostile andMoczulskihistory ofPolandisthe history ofchanging of forcesbalance betweenofresistance the different in natureThis was entities.the same strategy, Moczulski The comments, Martial Solidaritythe elite is responsibleCommunists for retardation of thenational uprising against the Sovietoccupier. usedLaw throughout was their the rule. Forlastoppositional politicalargued late founded in party allegedthe 1970., the that ofthe ‘leftism’ to govern. the public confused, butthis is what the ‘red’ and the ‘pinkish’ want –the confused public easieris ‘ marketization’ amounts to full elimination of the conditions of the society, butby the ‘color’of the technocrats thatintroduce it. A ‘full the ofradicalism theeconomic reform notshould measured be by impact itthe has on living the of Balcerowicz is alsonot what itseems to be. Since ideological genealogy determineseverything, hands of the in ‘pinkish’ exchange for impunity and commandeconomy. over The ‘shock therapy’ Magdalenka where the advisors to the both partiesIn met. The ‘red’reality, agreed to pass the power into the only apparently non-Communist, sotheAccords only were apparently outcome an ofnegotiations. it was a sheds newlighton the Round Accords.Table Justas the dominant fraction of ‘pact’the opposition was author, the to according past, residual shared The ‘pinkish’. the than was discredited more and educated secretlyand tolerant intelligent, less is it but consequences’, and costs social conjuncture, political any sealed experience and governmentpractice in perfectly and commandedbehind tactic ofthe staying afloat ‘despite thethinking and reasoning’. Also the ‘red’ and the ‘pink’ needed each other.The ‘red’ had more scenes,permanence of geopoliticalthe mentalframework…, schemas of full clichés anddogmatism inin the governmentdifferences both groups share a ‘afuzzy, butnotable leftist deviation, almost genetic belief in the course of which the youngervilla fraction incidentally found itself outside the apparatus. Despite all the in to say ‘inter-fractional struggle’ betweenolder younger and representativesof the same incolor, the nomenclatura’ Leszek Moczulski,of theleader Confederation the ofIndependentPoland (KPN),an are as incompatible as ‘capitalism’ and ‘communism’ itself. Mixing the two leaves 89 nomenclatura . ‘Market reform’ and CEU eTD Collection 167 both sides failed to foresee. The leadership – which apparently underestimated its ‘good’ side – was what in even PZPR, of the intentions the with consistent were exerting) was (Solidarity pressure’ Polish national uprisings. The intentions of leftist leadership of Solidarity to ‘tame the national schizophrenicexpression internal ofwhat isgoingon outside - the latest chapter of ofthe saga enemy wrong and (leftist)the agent represses that it -‘self-limiting revolution’ becomes asomewhat Within this narrative framework, Solidarity is both the ‘right’ agentexerts that the ‘pressure’ onthe leftist Solidarity, a puppet in the hands of the enemy of the nation. nation’s interest. And it would have achieved all those things if it was not for the wrong, that is the Communist fromthe government, introduce pluralism political and reform economythe in the Solidarity is stronger then the occupier –it has the power tovote its own president, oust the irredentism; the other is the ‘letist’ face materialized in the Citizens’ Committees. The ‘right’ national the of emanation the is one faces: to has Solidarity narrative, Moczulski’s in Indeed, force. general Jaruzelski for president, roleofthemanipulative revealed thePZPRin itsucceed that explosion. After the Round Table, however concessions the ended, because Solidarity, choosing of social danger the remove to served concessions the but wanted, they than more away gave increased, butthe nation was not aware of themanipulation.At the Round Table, the Communists leaders.At the time,only PZPR knew Solidarity’s intentions. Irredentist pressure of thenation suppress, it was in the left’s nature to behave as it did, regardless theexpressed motivation of its demands oftheworkers. Butsince were those strikesnot quell, to butanational uprising to and dominated by the left. The leftwould not be leftthe if itwas going against theeconomic economic inevitable drive for independence,which appeared in 1988 in disguise of the protest against pressure. In the lightof its failure the occupier could only imply the strategy of retarding the Leszek Moczulski, ‘PZPR odesz pressure and the social demands social the and pressure of power,it quickly mechanisms became and assimilated structures and the trade bureaucratic unionthe as such beganIntercepting tobe usedof change. to quell pace the the national retard to on went Solidarity and its political extensions…abstained. Abstaining the realizationof the formerly declared program, introduceownprogram ofits ‘self-governing republic’. Unfortunately, leftist leadership of the union the The collapse of the political structures of the Communist system gave Solidarity uniquean opportunity to reform. The Communist chosen as their instrument theSolidarity assured of itsweakness á a, nomenklatura zosta 167 . 90 á a’, Opinia 11.03.1990. CEU eTD Collection the authors –…isde new facto mono-party.a Pan-national civicmovements created for the support of one wrote – proposes Michnik ‘What practices. ‘old’ the of continuation the as movement civic a 168 Christian-democratic weekly Christian-democratic which the rightist intellectuals wanted to position themselves asdefendersdemocracy. of The It can take the body of the ‘leftist’ Solidarity, for instance. In can be its residue. If the doer behind deedthe constantly ‘evolves andtransformsitself’, itcan practicallybe anybody. was also an instrument of the real occupier. Solidarity, ‘leftist’ the like party, the end, the In ago. months three dissolved was party Communist the fact thatPoland remains under Sovietoccupation. Finally,it is no to explainuse that the fact that only the ‘leftist’ Solidarity and the PZPR have the practical means todo politics attests to It defends PZPR’s property, its media, its financial accounts and its ‘ an appearance. In reality, Mazowiecki’s government does thejobof ‘taming national pressure’ for it. of the thisstate. That Moscow-approved Communist co-government ‘plunged into passivity’ isonly president Jaruzelski’s ‘government’ – allthe officialsformer PZPR –who ‘control’ thekey agendas not have to – asituation of dual government.Alongside the minister’sprime government, there is a the pressure in this case is simply functional’. taming for reason The Poles. of the inclinations anarchical alledged the deplore to used constantly waspressure motivated by the undeniable needs of the government itself...The former governments was areform of the system,not itsdestruction. ‘Thirdly, the tendency towards taming natioanlthe manipulators, thenew manipulators didnotwant the changes to go becausetoo far, their intention surprised with how far the concessionswent, just like the Communists. Secondly, just like the old ‘PZPR odesz During years it developed and transformed, but never lost its specific character specific its lost but never transformed, and developed it years During years ago Stalin five establishedForty in Poland instrument. its ownmere a intelligencejust but force, service, endowing political itwithathentic all the an power.been never PZPR has that is truth The The discourse on the residual ‘leftism’ of the post-KOR dissidents was the backdrop against backdrop the was dissidents post-KOR of the ‘leftism’ residual the on discourse The The leftist leadership of Solidarity accepted – although for Moczulski it is clear that it did it that clear is it Moczulski for although – accepted of Solidarity leadership leftist The á a…’. à ad (Order) denounced Michnik’s proposal to transform Solidarity into Solidarity transform to proposal Michnik’s denounced (Order) 91 nomenclatura’ 168 . enterprises. The CEU eTD Collection 171 the leader of the fascist ONR. 170 Tygodnik Powszechny unity’. Besides for struggle a deviations, against ‘struggle the of history the is Communism of history the indeed, discourse. It was the Communists, in his opinion that always stood against the political divisions and Niesio 169 cunning language, the leftist is the it Since xenophobia’. and anti-Semitism of ‘denunciation must be a oneand the same leftsince thing against usesthe thesame both instrumentcunning of Vilifying the right is howonegets todisclose a ‘leftist’. Vilifying the right and nation,the which confusion. The left appeals for ‘tolerance’ butin wantsreality to show that the right isintolerant. pretends to be something differentfacto dictatorship, albeit possible ‘without terror and in principle without electoral forgery’. The left than it really is, becauseconsolidate. it is Otherwise, in the nature Niesio ofachieved by the leftthe ‘thanks to the support of the Communists’, which left the left was striving to to spread as the socialist democracy’. The stake of the struggle is to undermine the privileged position struggle between democratic the forces and the ofadvocates acommand-democracy of the same sort iswhy ‘the political struggle in Poland…boils down by and large to the struggle against the left, the This menaced. is democracy Hence, trend. historical of this footsteps the in follow to fails ministry) included) and theEverywhere butinPoland. most Poland,of anti-Communist the (workers them all ‘uprisings’ most Catholic ofreconstructed and the rightist partiesthem ‘of Christian decadence’ triumphed in the elections. all (the 90 % of believers, the pope, vocations for the Everywhere else in Europe,Central Niesio Stefan Niesio of the authorities has been always established by the enemies of democracy’. In a similar vain, Stefan Niesio Satellite Catholic organization of PZPR, organized byBoles organized of PZPR, organization Catholic Satellite Niesio PAX left Catholic allied the and left laic of a by group a decided is [everything] PolandEither remains post-Communista hybrid,country a by ruled mono-party,a withinwhich á owski decodes the appeals within to unity the campSolidarity asatypical communist 170 á owski refers to the liberal-Catholic circle of Tadeusz Mazowiecki assotiated with the weekly the with assotiated Mazowiecki of Tadeusz circle liberal-Catholic the to refers owski …or Poland becomes a normal democratic country. democratic a normal becomes Poland …or á owski, a‘rightist’ veteran dissident, alarmed that Poland faces adramatic choice. á owski, ‘Regu and the monthly right á y Gry’, intellectuals become the spokespersons of the ordinary people. Finally, á owski warns, what awaits Poland is a ‘mexicanisation’, that is, a de à Znak ad 10.06.1990. . á owski reported, the parliamentary democracy was being 92 á 171 aw Piasecki, who under Second Republic was Republic Second under who Piasecki, aw intellectuals 169 , being a kind of a new a of kind a being , that employ this employ that CEU eTD Collection Needless to say, the ‘legions’ of Adam Michnik were less numerous than those of the Pope. the of those than numerous less were Michnik Adam of ‘legions’ the say, to Needless 172 guardians of the ‘Solidarity ethics’ would be would ethics’ ‘Solidarity of the guardians the Pope, the and hierarchy its church, (Catholic) the by guarded is ethics’ ‘Christian of the authority The difference, according to Niesio ‘Regu constitutes a menace to the traditions ofSolidarity’, of European ‘ehtics of political concept the with culture – Pole every for beacceptable not would it that pretence attemptThe atsubstituting theclear anduniversally concept uponagreed ethics –under ofChristian a á y gry’. á owski, ison the level of the acceptable authority. While the Gazeta Wyborcza 93 or an ‘allied’ intellectual elite. 172 . CEU eTD Collection meant to be an oppositional structure with shared interests shared with structure oppositional an be to meant a more procedural form to the relations within Solidaritythe government, the mutual agreement was taken forgranted and nosteps institutional were made to give network as a whole. After all,authority of the 1983 Noble it winner.Prize Before 1989 electionsthe was and the establishmentof the Solidarity’s National Executive Commission (KKW) and it drew support from the symbolic mutual agreement between chairman its the advisors. Nominally,and establishedwasit by and of cooptation way by chosen were members whose chairman, Solidarity’s to body advisory parliamentary representatives from the regional lists. However, the Citizens Committee itselfwas an the elected and committees regional the by organized campaign electoral the coordinated Committee relations between differentthe bodies comprising Solidarity’s power structure. The Citizens position was astrategic one, of because oflack the precise democratic procedures regulating the hand, Wa appearing under banner the of Solidarity, itchairman held a veryposition. particular the one On move was taken thanks to his to thanks taken was move significant That Kiszczak. general against Party Peasant United and Party Democratic ‘pro-regime’ parliament towardsestablishment of Solidarity government, forging an alliance with the former to the inner relations. Itwas Wa establishment of Mazowiecki’s government revealed that consensus had its limitseven when applied structure deciding on offaith the thecountry.At the same time, thepolitical process that ledto the however, a mighty ally. That ally was Lech Wa Lech was ally That ally. mighty a however, outside Solidarity didcamp – nothave much on influence any of decisionthose centers. They had, different groups of victoriousthe dissident counterculture. The right wing intellectuals – inside and the parliamentary representation, government, and the – could arranged in way be satisfyingfora plethoraof institutions –the Citizens’ Committee, thelocal committees, the trade union, themedia, Solidarity felt in to piecesConclusions like a house of cards. It happened before the puzzle comprised of a áĊ sa renounced running forofficeholding or anygovernment post. On the other hand, his personal áĊ sa whoinAugust 1989tipped the balance of forcesin the advisers, the twin brothers Jaros brothers twin the advisers, 94 áĊ sa. Within the framework of the institutions the of framework the Within sa. vis-à-vis the Communists and not apower á aw and Lech Kaczy Lech and aw Ĕ ski, and ski, CEU eTD Collection discursive background, thepost-totalitarian divide was defined as the‘dominant principle of to become a victim of po pulists and nationalists and their authoritarian will-to-power. Against this 174 173 present. subcultures andserved tojustify the respective visionsof thepower relationsin the transitional dissident respective oftheir memory collective the in embedded both were narratives The moving from totalitarianism capitalism to democracy – overlapped withand political taxonomies. – difference temporal ofthe definition the which in of transition narratives employed parties Both camp and institutionalizing it in the form of rival political partieswould empower their position. government. The wing right dissidents believed that revealing differencesthe within the victorious to the advantage of the post-KOR dissidents dominantin the Citizens’ Committee, OKP and the a unified political representation of the democratic opposition, backed up by the workedtrade union, into structure power Solidarity’s Transforming authority. symbolic of clash a into transformed was it formal procedure to regulate the ofbalance forces in the ofcase conflict, when the conflict appeared, between dissidentthe groups representing divergent political identities. And since there was no For, in the end, the conflict broke outnot between politicalthe wing and the trade union wing, but dissidents. wing right marginalized the were vociferously most reservations such voiced who Those inner relations were dangerously unstable. As David Ost commented in 1990, for the Solidarity camp as a whole, but at the same time it was a victory of a power structure whose Mazowiecki, amongst others) amongst Mazowiecki, (‘Your president,our prime minister’) wasjudged irresponsible (by the future ministerprime without consultation with the Citizens’ Committee,where the proposalsimilar of Adam Michnik Solidarity and the Politics of Anti-Politics Pami too many people like the old Stalinist conundrum again But meant that that purpose the tradeof unionthe was tosupport the government – and that sounded to government clearly, problem the was that no one knew what Solidarity was anymore. Itwas a trade union The establishment ofthe first non-Communistgovernment everything.changed was avictory It Ċü Hauntology The politics ofmemory constituted the discursive framework for their political projects. po Komunizmie and a groupof some 260parliamentarians. Presumably, Solidarity should supportSolidarity. situated thelocus of totalitarian past in habitsthe of the , p.27. 173 . , p. 221. 95 174 . homo sovietivus and prone the CEU eTD Collection was – and alienated from the moral community. What made the left fake and morally excluded, in excluded, morally and fake left the made What community. moral the from alienated – and was justice and morality, while the ‘left’ was fake – itpretended to be something different than it really of sense national the to bound ‘organically’ the and intentions of ‘sincerity’ of the interms genuine at the same time, thediscourse of ‘acceleration’ defined a we/they relation in which the rightwas conventions ofdemocratic politics asagainstwhat theydubbed as the‘post-Communist hybrid’. But presented themselves asdefenders oftheEuropean political traditions, bringing back the ‘civilized’ excluded side,responded in way havethat I a called ‘sly populism’. The rightist intellectuals populist response. political ingenealogy and post-political inChantal Mouffe’s terms, could only bring a proper representatives ofthe past that everybody wants to leave behind. The post-totalitarian divide, anti- modernization acceptable to every rational citizen – to the enemies of modernization, irrational achieved throughdialogical a ofrivalsynthesis ethical and political credos supporting a version of dominant fraction of the intellectuals defined the we/they relation opposing the forcesof consensus – exclusion rather than interms ofpolitical difference between equally legitimate adversaries. The the in end,virulent.split, the so both casesthe antagonism In was moralof articulated in terms agents of the totalitarian past who strove to block the nation’s development towards the better future. left/right divide served to counterpoise spokespersonsof nationalthe the aspirations against the administrative structures of the state, political scene and economy.Against this backdrop the the defined locusthe of ‘totalitarian past’ as the persistent presence of the Communists in the occupierindependence, for parliamentary democracy and capitalism. narrative of The ‘acceleration’ principles anti-Communism, Catholic ethics and pro-capitalism was– struggling against the Soviet chapter of the national uprising, in which the moral community of the nation – founded on the Solidarity’ against its ‘totalitarian’ contestants. of ‘ethos the pitting Committee, Citizens Solidarity’s the around Europe’ to ‘return the and domination’. The post-totalitarian divide justified rallying the supporters of democracy,open society Those who within the anti-political framework found on themselves of the the side the past, It was the rival narratives of transition and the political taxonomies they implied that made The narrative of ‘acceleration’, on the other hand, represented the transition as the latest 96 CEU eTD Collection Solidarity’s chairman, the wing dissidentsright would not command enough symbolic authority to notonly because of his authorship ofthe ‘war on term top’.the Ontheonehand,if itwasn’t for possible, to the story of the clash would not be possible without explaining the role of Lech Wa ofLech role the explaining without possible be not would clash the of story the to possible, While all these reasons showwhy more a ‘velvet’ betweensplit the dissident intellectualsnot was the adversary. polarization of positions according to the logic of political antagonism oriented at moral exclusion of logic’ inwhich political actors recognize themselves as legitimate opponents, butsaw the explain why emergingthe field of dissident politicswas shaped not according to the ‘adversarial their embeddedness in the collective memories of subcultures,both were decisivethe factors which aftermath of the June elections. the in emerged which arrangement political the and Accords Table Round the of contestation Communist lost their power, only exasperated the political will-to-distinction and resulted in ‘pure’. The fact that theyfound themselvesmarginalized from the political process whichin the distinguishing their anti-Communism by as uncompromised any revisionist record,hencemore and party). The rightist subculture constructed its political identity understood itself asheirs tothe political traditionsthe of Second Republic (suspicious to the other obscure designs of others. The ‘others’ of this narrative was the oppositional subculture which in ofthe place power,they understood their in role of defendingterms ofthe place power from the these dissidents found themselves, resulted in a discourse of political self-effacement. While residing calls coming from the underground. The contradictory position of the powerless in inpower, which on anti-authoritarian themes andwas any suspicious towards of sort conspiratorial, insurrectionist emphasis laid which dissent, of tradition ofPolish understanding specific in a embedded was elites respective oppositional subcultures. The political identity of the dominant fraction of the Solidarity than the professed convictions. the narrative of the wasright, the residual pastof its members, whose moral gravity was stronger Taken together,the narratives of transition, the political taxonomieswhich implied,they and A more ‘velvet’ split was even more impossible because of the collective memories of the memories collective of the because impossible more even was split ‘velvet’ A more * * * 97 vis-à-vis the other the by party áĊ sa, CEU eTD Collection field of dissident politics towards the ‘war at the top’? In his own words: presidential campaign lateryear. that What motivated Wa the in opponents of his Jewishness the against Polishness his pitting those and trust his misused to infringe. They were brutish and nasty, as weredictatorial in the sense of hisinfringing democratic procedures, for there were no democratic wordsprocedures about the ‘eggheads’ from Warsaw that hitherto members, whodeemed this radical steps ‘dictatorial’. Wa 1990,February co-opted a numerous group of the supporters of ‘acceleration’ to the outrage of the political new-born the for support ofpolitical infrastructure an parties.into committees local the transforming Zdzis Kaczy opposing was who Committee, Citizens ofthe secretary the Wujec, attacking the government, was still the official trade-union newspaper.He then dismissed Henryk the editor-in-chief. Meanwhile the Wyborcza number of radical measures, which accelerated the clash. He withdrew the permission for elections presidential called and change for inripe was time the which that announced PC) Centrum, (Porozumienie Wa discontents around program ofthe ‘acceleration’. newly The founded Central Alliance party taking this ambitions into account. into ambitions this taking vehicle of support ofwhatever steps Mazowiecki’s government takes personal ambitions, it is also true that reducing the role of the trade union and its chairman to the position he defended many betweentimes 1980and While of1989. part the reason laidin Wa 175 inevitable.After all, Mazowiecki andGeremek,Michnik andKuro make heard.themselves otherhand, Onthe the alliance between Wa The Spring Will Be Ours In may 1990,Jaros to appear under the Solidarity logo and tried to dismiss Adam Michnik from the post of post the from Michnik Adam dismiss to tried and logo Solidarity the under appear to á áĊ aw Najder, chairman of the Citizens’ Committee appointed by Wa sa would be their candidate. Advised by Kaczy , p. 515. á aw Kaczy Solidarity Weekly Ĕ ski managed gather to mostnumerous the group of the 98 , edited by Jaros áĊ sa to the tip balance offorceswithin the áĊ sa’s decisionshowever,were not 175 Ĕ , was exactly the opposite of were were ‘his’ advisers whose á aw Kaczy áĊ Ĕ sa and sa and notwasthe right ski, Lech Wa Ĕ ski and fiercely Ĕ ski’s plan of plan ski’s áĊ sa took a Gazeta áĊ áĊ sa in sa’s CEU eTD Collection 179 the workers against exclusion the social inscribed in neoliberalthe economic restructuring, onemust that the figure of ‘irrationalism of the masses’ conceals the failure of the intellectuals to empower ‘turn to the right’ of Polish labour was an effect of the ‘treason of the intellectuals’. While it is true hardships. While I regardcommunists, the ‘laic left’,ethic otherswhich the nothing – had todowith the of source the Ost’s argument as fairlycomingof the‘market populists’ who grief redirected their towardssurrogate objects –the accurate, it is anignored notif stigmatized social ofdisadvantaged, suffering the straightening path the for the overstatement to say who1980, hand thought workers the ‘not that to burnthe committees, buttoestablish their own’, in 1989 the describes how intellectual the same advisers to the Independent Self-Governing Union in Trade 178 177 whether structurally inevitable offeature capitalist societies and that political liberalism does notdepend on well-beingthe for antagonisms of social of articulation space the of importance the about argument ofMouffe’s liberal democracy, as well as with David Ost’s theory that economic anger is a 176 through participation – itcould get accepted’. outcomes and iswhy this broad social in participation government,the was necessary so – that economic expect not You could whole.‘ a as of transition process the hampered have could popularanger motivated economic by hardship discontent and with the politics of whichconsensus, Solidarity elites –was to prevent the ‘warat the bottom’, that is,the non-democratic articulation of In Wa youall candois support, is neither good the forgovernment nor safe for societythe fight. The present arrangement, the support forthe government, the convictionIf thatthere it is is peaceas good on the as it gets,top, thereand is war at the bottom. This is why, ladies and gentlemen, I encourage you to solutions ready has problem. neither, every me of as, none For program. every and everybody including for war A struggle. The war in the main strata is needed to bring the booty to the society, so that the society does not have to democracy is a peaceful war of all against all of allagainst war apeaceful is democracy am forpermanent political anxiety, forpermanent discharging of public tensions. For me, parliamentary I am for democracy which gives individuals a chance forspontaneous activity within the limits of the law. I David Ost, David “Prezydentem nie chce zosta chce nie “Prezydentem o Lecha” “Awantura “Pokojowa wojna wszystkich ze wszystkimi”, áĊ but sa’s intention the ‘war the at top’ –articulation of political differencesbetween the post- how Kl Ċ ska Solidarno theeconomic angeris articulated Gazeta Wyborcza Ğ ü ci. …, …b …, . ĊGĊ , 14.05.1990. musia 176 . Gazeta Wyborcza Gazeta á zosta 178 99 Wa 179 ü . Ost’s well documented and passionate account ”, áĊ Gazeta Wyborcza Gazeta sa’s intentions were consistent with Chantal with consistent were intentions sa’s , 11.05.1990. , 20.06.1990. 177 . CEU eTD Collection Wa ambitions, itis also true that the sides were notof hischoosing. end, In the sly populism,which 180 leftist or crypto-communist was simply a ‘swine’. could claim its roots in the ‘traditions ant theethos ofSolidarity’ and whoevercharacterized it as concealing truth.the In theirview, only the ‘political philosophy’ of Mazowiecki’s government Polish democracy has become endangered’ whoever and that otherwise claimed was simply whoever wanted. they They found itmatterof a civic consciousness warn that to in ‘here hall this invite to free were they destroyed, been had democracy internal before that him remained and Citizens Committee accused Lech Wa the in hand upper the had originally who dissidents The encroachment. its against hope only would provide a solution to the problem. were notthe They populists.On the contrary, they were the perfectly certain that ‘satisfying the popularsense of justice’ byway ofanti-Communist purge faced dangerthe ofanoutburst of motivatedfrustration theeconomicby hardship were and they meeting of the Citizens Committee articulated. been have could flawing the ‘left/right’ divide from the vantage point ofwhich morea egalitarian political project in precisely consisted which dimension, sly its also had populism market the that account into take Wa political were parties weaktoo toface the e system (and left) on theirnow own, but hadthey Lech because knew it the that nation had suffered enough during four decadesof ‘leftist’ rule. The xenophobic,nationalist and anti-Semitic. The ‘left’ they said,was afraid of political pluralism particular, byway of known’ ‘well propagandistic methods of‘vilifying’ nationthe (andits right) as conspiracy to curtail political pluralism ingeneral and thepresence of theright inthe public lifein a mounted who left’ catholic of agroup and left ‘laic of the hegemony to road the opened view their in accords, Table Round The nation’. the of dignity the trampled had five forty ‘for who those “Co zosta áĊ áĊ sa came to support, was the tribute that vice rendered virtue of liberal democracy. Had he not sa, the ‘true Polish patriot’ and not some ‘European’. The accelerators alarmed that Poland that alarmed accelerators The ‘European’. some not and patriot’ Polish ‘true the sa, While itis truethat Wa The ‘war on the reached top’ its climaxon Sunday, June 24, 1990,during seven hours-long á o z Komitetu”, Gazeta Gazeta Wyborcza áĊ sa tooksidesin ‘waron the top’the along the linesof his political 180 . The ‘accelerators’ demanded the accounts to settledbe with áĊ sa that appointing a new chairman was a dictatorial measure, 25.06.1990 and 26.06.1990. 100 CEU eTD Collection strugglememory of against forgetting”. Commemoration of andevents the erasedpeople from the the linesof Milan Kundera’s celebrated dictum “the that struggle of man against power isthe act of resistance against communist power, which they depicted as a power to erase and an as forget, milieu, along countercultural Czech the within elaborated was memory’ to ‘will of version other The argues, Eyal memory, to will This past. national the falsify that lies the debunking and truth the excavating existence, national of traces the recovering integrity, territorial and moral historical, the advocates of Czechoslovakianism – andneedsto defend itself through recollection ofits it be Hungarians, it – be enemies external by assaulted continuously threat under is identity whose ‘normalcy’. restore to collective trauma whichdisturbed the normal functioning of community the hadand tobeovercome toa reference with understood was memory version, Czech the In time. through community considered as the guarantor of collective identity, amechanism that maintains self-sameness of a collective memory works and what purpose does itserve. Inthe Slovak version,memory was leading historians,Slovak theother dissidents, by Czech diverging in terms ofunderstanding ofhow of group by championed one Republic, Czechoslovak former the of margins the within operating be a correspondence between the Polish case and Gil Eyal findings about‘two wills tomemory’ tell something about the state of collective memory in Eastern and Central Europe? There seems to Does the of story the disintegration of the dissident counterculture allow a broader reading? Does it politics. responsible forfact that the the notantagonism couldhave been transformed into adversarial political lendingantagonism – by authoritysymbolic one ofto thesideswas –buthe not 181 taken sides, perhaps it would transform itself into a populism a into itself transform would it perhaps sides, taken Gil Eyal, “Identity and Trauma: Two forms of the will to memory”, who thus attempt to undermine its identity, integrity and territorial claim, indeed its very existence external tends to generate its own sense distinctiveand rhetoric of a“crisis” of memory:it typically depicts an The Slovak historians’ ‘will to memory’ was predicated upon a representation of the nation the of representation a upon predicated was memory’ to ‘will historians’ Slovak The assault oncollective memory by competing narratives composedby the enemies of the nation, * * * 101 tout court History & Memory . Wa áĊ sa set the ground for 1(16) 2004, p. 10. 181 . CEU eTD Collection 183 182 to historians of the claim the and identity national of preservation of function the with memory Communism. In the Slovak case isthere aperformative connection between endowing collective different ways in whichFinally Czech Eyal andsuggests Slovak that intellectual the difference perceivedbetween the twotheir ‘wills social to memory’ role correspondentafter the fall to ofthe became the fundament of nationalism. In the Czech case, memory to will the unsurprisingly, case, Slovak the In consequential. more far become they power, fall in 1989 and ofbreakupthe Czechoslovakia in and groups while 1993 both heldalsopolitical linked the complicity in the expulsion with the complicity in subjugation to Communism. between the regime and the nation, apact upon which communism rested’, overcome the trauma that show oftrials the 1950s. Writing about the expulsion was supposed to ‘break the amnesia pact climate encouragedfor Communism’, looting, undermined respect forprivate andled property to historians topointout that the unacknowledged complicity of Czech citizens prepared ‘themoral in the ofaftermath theIIWorld War which–inhisopinion –demonstrates thewillof dissidentthe Eyal gives theexample of the givenattention in indifference as a ‘sort of amnesia pact between the regime and its subjects’ and public in they to their heroicefforts, a properly reacted interpretingFreudian fashion, thepublic that isnot all the story, for themoment that thedissidents face generalthe indifference of the wider dissidents asagesture of what Vaclav called “living within the truth”. Importantly, Eyalcomments, official version of history in public gatherings and Eyal, p. 23. Eyal, p. 20. called upon to cure society—healing through truth—and to protect it from repetition, from the return of return the from repetition, from it totalitarianism protect in to any guise truth—and through society—healing cure to upon called effects, the subjects itleft behind still tainted by their moral complicity. Memory confessionand were society needed to be built and anew, more, no was the main obstacle regime Communist wasthe no longerNow that communistfears. and power hopes but its weightier unconsciouseven with memory invested not only thehas memory campaign of the dissidents not subsided afterthe fall of Communism but they thereby undoing the moral corruption of communism corruption moral the undoing thereby of effecting internalan transformationthe in hearts and minds of ordinary communist citizens, and They beganto champion memory not simply as a tool of resistance against the regime, but also as a means According toEyal,both‘wills memory’developed underto Communism persisted after its 183 . 102 samizdat 182 samizdat . to expulsion ofthe theSudeten Germans publicationswas considered by the CEU eTD Collection counterculture would be betteroff ifoffered an opportunity of a ‘velvet divorce’. Alas, what Bertold might conclude that –given incompatiblythe of their ‘wills memory’ to – Polish dissident pastoral standpoint brings the ghostsof thepastback live.to Perhaps risking overstatement,and one model amounts to legitimatea expression ofnational community’s moral ofsense justice, from the credentials, to confirmedbe in the lightof his past. residual Conversely,what in embeddednessthe moral his and author its on suspicion sheds which narrative vicious of instance an becomes daemonsof the amatterpast, ofcivicvirtue in model,the pastoral in the ‘embeddedness’ model argument is a differenceit And memory’. of ‘community same the within operated memory’ to wills ‘two the case Polish the that makes a difference, since – what goes somewhat understated in Eyal’s social of intellectual spokespersonship according whichto ita matter of civic responsibility to point to the pp. 150-192. 184 moral ‘captivity’. related – build their dissidentidentity along the linesof truthversus complicity, orfreedom versus Polish powerless, not unlike their Czech counterparts –to whom,notably, theywere personally disconnected – during the four long decadesof ‘occupation’ – from national existence.Also, the morally pureaccordance with militanttheir own anti-Communism they asspokespersonssaw their role of the communityexterior’of national the was identity represented along anti-Communistethnic rather than lines. In rising their own with role regards tonot the unlike Slovak historians, eventhough the ‘constitutive against theCzech/Slovak case. The right-wing dissidents understood both ofthe purpose collective memory and Communist enemy counteract. to called they are effects perceived unconscious whose complicity moral of trauma the against as truth’ in ‘living those of relation as an externalarticulate. Czech dissidents, in contrast, positioned themselves vis-à-vis the civil society in a pastoral force,preferential embed embeddedness in the ofcommunity nation,whosethe inner selfthey merely But cf. Gil Eyal, loci There variousare similaritiesone and substantialdifference between the Polish and the 184 of totalitarianism to be overcome. Now, the difference (that makes a difference) is that in – the – modalitiesthe two mutuallyare incompatible. Warning against the the return of Hauntology The Origins of Post-Communist Elites , in this context, may be interpreted as a variant of the pastoral model 103 (Minneapolis: University of MinesotaPress, 2003), CEU eTD Collection 185 agreements, was welcomed by Tadeusz Mazowiecki, who also proposed establishing formal establishing proposed also who Mazowiecki, Tadeusz by welcomed was agreements, the creating a political committee,on albeit the condition of acceptance of the Round Table about idea The campaign. the running afford not could which groups political those to elections the in participate to possibility gave and struggles internal into plunging from opposition democratic the supported Hall, proposing establishmentthe open of an committee’,‘political would which prevent propose its candidates. Adam presidentStrzembosz,first the of theSupreme afterCourt 1989, could everyone which in pre-elections, of form a via organizations, political non-Solidarity to given that for the sake of the future political pluralismmovement decide to on the list onits own, the ‘political map’the haschanged radically since 1981 chanceand to participate in the elections shouldpolitical parties in Mazowiecki’s government– commented whilethat Solidarity’sbe meritsentitle the leaderof RMP who did not participate in the elections but became responsible for the relations with passed, butin course the of thediscussion were there voicesseveral againstit. Alexander Hall – the all power todecide who will find himself on the Solidarity’s list to the advising body – was finally elections forthcoming the regarding Solidarity the Citizens Committee gathered discussto the proposal of Nationalthe Executive Committee of when talks, Table Round he of conclusion the after days few a happened it that say would I crossed, good prophet is also a good historian. She foresees theimpossible. A excluded. become had possibilities historical many of the some point what at assess to able is she historian is not in the position to squeeze the historical process into rigid teleological frames, still, that Friedrich vonavoid Schlegel it? Was there a wasmoment correctcounterculture when it was inevitable, stillto define or, avoidable?better to say, atFinally, thehistorian is tempted,whichthe andeven compelled to ask: was theself-destruction of dissidentthe José point historian itOrtega became inevitable? y Gasset Was there commenteda a ‘prophetway to once in reverse’. ofpoetry. realm the to belongs – another’ elect and people While the Brecht proposed to the German East Communists in the aftermath of 1953uprising – ‘to dissolve the “Wybory podfirm For what is worth, if I was to point to the moment when the threshold of the impossible had been ą ‘S’”, Tygodnik Mazowsze , 12.04.1989. 185 * * * 104 . At the end of longthe debate the proposal – giving CEU eTD Collection not have been completed. It was not completed. It had to be accelerated. could not acknowledge the that revolution withouttook place The them.revolutionary process could regime, for all the painsturned out, those who wanted to go the way’‘evolutionary effectively overthrew the Communist it took the powerless66 advisors voted for Wa to acknowledge it. The radicals, on the other hand, overthrowing ofthe system. Lech Wa evolutionary change, astrategy incompatible with the voicesradical calling for theoutright carefully selected list of Solidarity candidates will allow for proceeding with the strategy of that balance tipped totheadvantage of opponentsthe ofthe broader was participation only a that shameful manner.We can comeout of thiscampaign indiscord, broken’. However,the argument away some of the mandatesdemocratic procedures to ofmanipulation.avoid appearance any wouldit ‘While give bad be to – he was quoted to say – it will be much worse if we win them in a be somebody in reserve to save you and the country. the and you save to reserve in be somebody and than all the blame will fall onyou, our senators. You will loose,but Iwill remainclean. There must I will not run foroffice. There is apossibility that we will not be able to resolve the economic problems up? ...I beg you agree for others will make a mess out of it… necessary to bring the This manipulationsocietyis necessary so that inthe future nobody canmanipulate back us. This manipulation is to life. I have no other choice. Shall we wait for the workers to wake áĊ sa’s proposal,up Alexander 19backed and As13 abstained. Hall, it áĊ sa had the last word: 105 CEU eTD Collection Burnham Bourdieu Bourdieu University 1984. 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