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The Value of Connections in Turbulent Times: Evidence from the United States
The Value of Connections In Turbulent Times: Evidence from the United States Daron Acemoglu Simon Johnson Amir Kermani MIT and NBER MIT and NBER MIT James Kwak Todd Mitton University of Connecticut BYU First Version: May 2009 This Version: May 2013 Abstract The announcement of Tim Geithner as President-elect Obama’snominee for Treasury Sec- retary in November 2008 produced a cumulative abnormal return for …nancial …rms with which he had a personal connection. This return was around 15 percent from day 0 through day 10, relative to other comparable …nancial …rms. This result holds across a range of robustness checks and regardless of whether we measure connections in terms of …rms with headquar- ters in New York City, meetings he had in 2007-08, or non-pro…t board memberships he shared with …nancial services executives. There were subsequently abnormal negative returns for connected …rms when news broke that Geithner’s con…rmation might be derailed by tax issues. Roughly in line with market expectations, the Obama administration hired people from Geithner-connected …rms into top level …nancial policy positions. Geithner’s policies proved supportive of large …nancial …rms’executives, shareholders, and creditors –including for Citigroup, with which he had the strongest prior connections. But the market-perceived quantitative value of connections is broader than just for the “too big to fail” category. We argue that this value of connections re‡ects the perceived impact of relying on the advice of a small network of …nancial sector executives during a time of acute crisis and heightened policy discretion. Keywords: cultural capture, political connections, economic crises, institutions JEL Classi…cation: G01, G14, G21, G28 For helpful comments we thank seminar participants at MIT, Harvard Business School, the International Monetary Fund, the University of Alberta, BYU, and the 2012 Econometric Society meetings. -
Treasury Financing Status and the Debt Limit
POLICY MATTERS Treasury Financing Status and the Debt Limit October 10, 2013 Treasury Secretary Jack Lew has said that unless Congress increases the debt limit, Treasury will run out of borrow- ing authority on October 17. As this deadline draws closer, we have received a number of questions from clients about the potential consequences if Treasury runs out of borrowing authority. It is important to emphasize at the outset that a default on Treasury securities is an extremely unlikely outcome. We are optimistic that a political solu- tion will be reached before Treasury runs out of cash. The situation is extremely fluid: even as we write, there are new proposals being discussed that could push out the date that Treasury exhausts its borrowing authority past October 17. While we remain optimistic and are watching the back-and-forth in Washington DC very carefully, we do recognize the importance of thinking through all of the contingencies. The notes here outline our understand- ing of the options Treasury would face after running out of borrowing authority, as well as a discussion of how different parts of the financial system might be affected. It is also important to note that any analysis of what will happen after the debt limit is reached is necessarily specu- lative, because there is no good precedent for the current situation, and because decisions made by individual policymakers are impossible to fully anticipate. The following addresses three separate, but related questions: (1) What happens after October 17? (2) If the debt limit is not raised, can Treasury avoid a technical default? (3) How might the financial system respond to a technical default? 1. -
Annual Report
COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS ANNUAL REPORT July 1,1996-June 30,1997 Main Office Washington Office The Harold Pratt House 1779 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021 Washington, DC 20036 Tel. (212) 434-9400; Fax (212) 861-1789 Tel. (202) 518-3400; Fax (202) 986-2984 Website www. foreignrela tions. org e-mail publicaffairs@email. cfr. org OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS, 1997-98 Officers Directors Charlayne Hunter-Gault Peter G. Peterson Term Expiring 1998 Frank Savage* Chairman of the Board Peggy Dulany Laura D'Andrea Tyson Maurice R. Greenberg Robert F Erburu Leslie H. Gelb Vice Chairman Karen Elliott House ex officio Leslie H. Gelb Joshua Lederberg President Vincent A. Mai Honorary Officers Michael P Peters Garrick Utley and Directors Emeriti Senior Vice President Term Expiring 1999 Douglas Dillon and Chief Operating Officer Carla A. Hills Caryl R Haskins Alton Frye Robert D. Hormats Grayson Kirk Senior Vice President William J. McDonough Charles McC. Mathias, Jr. Paula J. Dobriansky Theodore C. Sorensen James A. Perkins Vice President, Washington Program George Soros David Rockefeller Gary C. Hufbauer Paul A. Volcker Honorary Chairman Vice President, Director of Studies Robert A. Scalapino Term Expiring 2000 David Kellogg Cyrus R. Vance Jessica R Einhorn Vice President, Communications Glenn E. Watts and Corporate Affairs Louis V Gerstner, Jr. Abraham F. Lowenthal Hanna Holborn Gray Vice President and Maurice R. Greenberg Deputy National Director George J. Mitchell Janice L. Murray Warren B. Rudman Vice President and Treasurer Term Expiring 2001 Karen M. Sughrue Lee Cullum Vice President, Programs Mario L. Baeza and Media Projects Thomas R. -
I:\28947 Ind Law Rev 47-1\47Masthead.Wpd
CITIGROUP: A CASE STUDY IN MANAGERIAL AND REGULATORY FAILURES ARTHUR E. WILMARTH, JR.* “I don’t think [Citigroup is] too big to manage or govern at all . [W]hen you look at the results of what happened, you have to say it was a great success.” Sanford “Sandy” Weill, chairman of Citigroup, 1998-20061 “Our job is to set a tone at the top to incent people to do the right thing and to set up safety nets to catch people who make mistakes or do the wrong thing and correct those as quickly as possible. And it is working. It is working.” Charles O. “Chuck” Prince III, CEO of Citigroup, 2003-20072 “People know I was concerned about the markets. Clearly, there were things wrong. But I don’t know of anyone who foresaw a perfect storm, and that’s what we’ve had here.” Robert Rubin, chairman of Citigroup’s executive committee, 1999- 20093 “I do not think we did enough as [regulators] with the authority we had to help contain the risks that ultimately emerged in [Citigroup].” Timothy Geithner, President of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, 2003-2009; Secretary of the Treasury, 2009-20134 * Professor of Law and Executive Director of the Center for Law, Economics & Finance, George Washington University Law School. I wish to thank GW Law School and Dean Greg Maggs for a summer research grant that supported my work on this Article. I am indebted to Eric Klein, a member of GW Law’s Class of 2015, and Germaine Leahy, Head of Reference in the Jacob Burns Law Library, for their superb research assistance. -
National Economic Council Sarah Rosen Wartell
Green_1.qxd 11/7/08 4:17 PM Page 15 THE WHITE HOUSE 15 National Economic Council Sarah Rosen Wartell he National Economic Council, directed by the president’s national eco- Tnomic advisor, is the White House unit that should coordinate the devel- opment of the president’s domestic and international economic program. The NEC should embody a commitment to a fair process of inquiry and debate among the president’s top advisors, in which ideas are tested and improved by discourse. Many perspectives, from inside and outside of government, must be given voice, ensuring that the president has informed advice in a timely and ef- ficient way. Cabinet secretaries and other senior White House staff all should have an opportunity to be heard on important decisions in private and can then speak in public in unison—knowing they had a fair shot at shaping the decision. The result: a good policymaking process that provides more time for all the key policymakers to advance the needs of the country and less time wasted in bu- reaucratic jockeying. Most modern presidents had some structure for economic policy coordina- tion,1 though the specific form of the NEC first appeared under President Bill Clinton. The model used by his predecessor, President George H. W. Bush, in- cluded a small White House staff supporting an Economic Policy Committee overseen by the Treasury secretary, but Bush relied on it little. For domestic matters, Bush relied heavily upon the Office of Management and Budget Di- rector Dick Darman, although he would also turn to individual agency heads for different projects.2 On the campaign trail, presidential candidate Bill Clinton first proposed the creation of a National Economic Security Council, arguing that (unlike Presi- dent Bush) his focus in world affairs would be on the economic interests of Americans. -
Who Should Be the Next Fed Chairman?
A SYMPOSIUM OF VIEWS THE MAGAZINE OF INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY 888 16th Street, N.W. Suite 740 Washington, D.C. 20006 Phone: 202-861-0791 Fax: 202-861-0790 www.international-economy.com [email protected] Who Should Over the next several years, commentators will speculate Be the on the identity of the next Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors once Alan Greenspan’s Next Fed tenure ends in 2006. Instead of speculation centered on who is likely to be next, per- haps the initial question should relate to who should Chairman? assume the post many describe today as “central banker to the world”? 44 THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMY FALL 2004 TIE ASKED DOZENS OF EXPERTS Among those mentioned as possible replacements:* Bob Rubin Martin Feldstein Larry Summers Ben Bernanke William McDonough Joseph Stiglitz Lawrence B. Lindsey Robert McTeer Janet Yellen Glen Hubbard David Malpass Robert Barro Ian Macfarlane Bill Gross *Note: Selections made prior to November 2 U.S. presidential election. FALL 2004 THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMY 45 BARNEY FRANK Member, U.S. House of Representatives, and senior GEORGE SOROS Democrat on the Financial Chairman, Soros Fund Services Committee Management f John Kerry is elected President, I will urge strongly Bob Rubin is by far the most qualified. the appointment of Nobel Prize winner Joseph Stiglitz Ito chair the Fed. That position has become the single most influential office affecting national economic pol- icy, and Stiglitz’s commitment to and understanding of the importance of combining economic growth with a concern for economic fairness are sorely needed. Given the increasing role that globalization plays, his interna- tional experience is also a great asset. -
Annual Report Fy2010.Pdf
Mission Statement FinCEN’s mission is to enhance U.S. national security, deter and detect criminal activity, and safeguard financial systems from abuse by promoting transparency in the U.S. and international financial systems. Financial Crimes Enforcement Network 2 Message from the Director ust over 20 years ago, on April 25, 1990, then- Treasury Secretary Nicholas F. Brady established J the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN). The new organization would combat money laundering, track illicit financing and serve as a nexus for information gathering and sharing among Federal, State, and local law enforcement agencies. At the time, it was a challenging and novel concept, with innovative approaches both to leveraging information technology and “following the money.” Since then, the FinCEN story has been one of achievement and success. FinCEN has evolved over the last two decades to include new responsibilities to help combat terrorist financing, fraud, and other increasingly sophisticated financial crimes. In 1994, FinCEN assumed its role as a financial institution regulator charged with administering the Bank Secrecy Act of 1970 (BSA). It then revolutionized the international tracking of transnational criminals through data sharing by joining with the financial intelligence units (FIUs) from 15 other nations to found the Egmont Group. In 2001, FinCEN became a bureau within the Department of the Treasury and was assigned the task of regulating many more thousands of different financial institutions. This small bureau, of roughly 325 professionals, has the challenging but important task of writing and coordinating the enforcement of anti-money laundering (AML) rules for over 100,000 banks, credit unions, money services businesses (MSBs), insurance companies, securities brokers, casinos, mutual funds, precious metal dealers, and other financial institutions that face the risk of being used by criminals to support enterprises ranging from drug cartels, mortgage fraud rings, terrorist finance networks, immigrant smuggling, and much more. -
Knowledge Horizons
Knowledge Horizons: Learning from Four Decades of Funding Field Research in Latin America Knowledge Horizons: Learning from Four Decades of Funding Field Research in Latin America Bridget Barry, William Dant, María José Aldana Copyright © 2019 Tinker Foundation. All rights reserved. No part of this report may be incorporated into any information retrieval system, electronic or mechanical, without the written permission of the Tinker Foundation. This report was funded by the Tinker Foundation. The opinions, findings and conclusions stated herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Tinker Foundation. Designed by Allison Kline. Suggested citation: Barry, B., Dant, W., and Aldana, M. (2019). Knowledge Horizons: Learning from Four Decades of Funding Field Research in Latin America. New York, NY: Tinker Foundation. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction . 4 FRG Program Overview and Evolution . 6 Outcomes and Impact of the FRG Program on Alumni . 8 Outcomes and Impact of the FRG Program on Centers for Latin American Studies . 16 Relevance of the FRG Program Today . 20 Conclusion and Recommendations . 22 ABOUT THE TINKER FOUNDATION The Tinker Foundation was established in 1959, with the belief that the well-being of the peoples of the Americas (North, Central and South) depended upon their mutual trust, friendship and cooperation. Tinker’s mission at present is to promote the development of an equitable, sustainable and productive society in Latin America, with an emphasis on improving policy. Tinker invests in programmatic work in the areas of democratic governance, education and sustainable resource management through annual grant-making totaling approximately $4 million. Tinker supports the field of Latin American studies by providing funds to U.S. -
Citigroup: a Case Study in Managerial and Regulatory Failures
CITIGROUP: A CASE STUDY IN MANAGERIAL AND REGULATORY FAILURES ARTHUR E. WILMARTH, JR.* “I don’t think [Citigroup is] too big to manage or govern at all . [W]hen you look at the results of what happened, you have to say it was a great success.” Sanford “Sandy” Weill, chairman of Citigroup, 1998-20061 “Our job is to set a tone at the top to incent people to do the right thing and to set up safety nets to catch people who make mistakes or do the wrong thing and correct those as quickly as possible. And it is working. It is working.” Charles O. “Chuck” Prince III, CEO of Citigroup, 2003-20072 “People know I was concerned about the markets. Clearly, there were things wrong. But I don’t know of anyone who foresaw a perfect storm, and that’s what we’ve had here.” Robert Rubin, chairman of Citigroup’s executive committee, 1999- 20093 “I do not think we did enough as [regulators] with the authority we had to help contain the risks that ultimately emerged in [Citigroup].” Timothy Geithner, President of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, 2003-2009; Secretary of the Treasury, 2009-20134 * Professor of Law and Executive Director of the Center for Law, Economics & Finance, George Washington University Law School. I wish to thank GW Law School and Dean Greg Maggs for a summer research grant that supported my work on this Article. I am indebted to Eric Klein, a member of GW Law’s Class of 2015, and Germaine Leahy, Head of Reference in the Jacob Burns Law Library, for their superb research assistance. -
Justice in Times of Transition: Lessons from the Iberian Experience
Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #173 (2009) Justice in Times of Transition: Lessons from the Iberian Experience Omar G. Encarnación Professor and Chair of Political Studies Bard College Division of Social Studies Annandale-on-Hudson, New York 12504 E-mail – [email protected] Abstract A key contention of the transitional justice movement is that the more comprehensive and vigorous the effort to bring justice to a departed authoritarian regime the better the democratizing outcome will be. This essay challenges this view with empirical evidence from the Iberian Peninsula. In Portugal, a sweeping policy of purges intended to cleanse the state and society of the authoritarian past nearly derailed the transition to democracy by descending into a veritable witch-hunt. In Spain, by contrast, letting bygones be bygones, became a foundation for democratic consolidation. These counter-intuitive examples suggest that there is no pre-ordained outcome to transitional justice, and that confronting an evil past is neither a requirement nor a pre-condition for democratization. This is primarily because the principal factors driving the impulse toward justice against the old regime are political rather than ethical or moral. In Portugal, the rise of transitional justice mirrored the anarchic politics of the revolution that lunched the transition to democracy. In Spain, the absence of transitional justice reflected the pragmatism of a democratic transition anchored on compromise and consensus. It is practically an article of faith that holding a departed authoritarian regime accountable for its political crimes through any of the available political and legal means is a pre-requisite for nations attempting to consolidate democratic rule. -
Pinochet Loses Immunity LADB Staff
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiSur Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 6-18-2004 Pinochet Loses Immunity LADB Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur Recommended Citation LADB Staff. "Pinochet Loses Immunity." (2004). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur/13271 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiSur by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 52365 ISSN: 1089-1560 Pinochet Loses Immunity by LADB Staff Category/Department: Chile Published: 2004-06-18 An appeals court in Chile opened the door on May 28 to clarifying the role former dictator Augusto Pinochet (1973-1990) played in the creation of Operation Condor, a coordinated effort by South American military dictatorships to eliminate opponents in the 1970s and 1980s. In a surprise decision, the full Santiago Appeals Court voted 14-9 to lift the 88-year-old retired general's immunity from prosecution, clearing the way for him to testify in a case heard by Judge Juan Guzman involving human rights lawsuits filed in 1998. Chilean President Ricardo Lagos praised the court's decision, while the head of the Army publicly lamented it. Operation Condor prosecution dogs ex-dictator The Appeals Court decision came in response to the accusation of kidnapping brought by the relatives of 13 disappeared prisoners from the era of the repressive alliance between intelligence services of South American dictatorships of the 1970s and 1980s (see NotiSur, 2001-06-01). -
Lilia Nunez Moreno with Cover YR
THE DAVID ROCKEFELLER CENTER FOR LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES WORKING PAPER SERIES La Vivienda en Cuba desde la Perspectiva de la Movilidad Social By Lilia Núñez Moreno No. 07/08-4 The Author Lilia Nuñez Moreno is a researcher at Center for Psychological and Sociological Research (CIPS). She has worked as a sociologist on social structures and inequalities since 1978. In addition, she has worked on socio-environmental studies related to protected areas, coastal communities and the Cuban population in general. She is an advisor to the group within the Ministry of Science, Technology and the Environment’s environmental agency that studies social aspects of the environment and the group of experts for studies of Danger, Vulnerability and Risk. DAVID ROCKEFELLER CENTER FOR LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES Mission The David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies (DRCLAS) at Harvard University works to increase knowledge of the cultures, histories, environment, and contemporary affairs of Latin America; foster cooperation and understanding among the people of the Americas; and contribute to democracy, social progress, and sustainable development throughout the hemisphere. Working Papers on Latin America Harvard affiliates are encouraged to submit papers to the Working Papers on Latin America series. Copies of published working papers may be purchased at the David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies. Working papers can be found free of charge online at http://drclas.fas.harvard.edu . For information about DRCLAS publications, contact: June Carolyn Erlick, Publications Director David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies 1730 Cambridge St. Cambridge, MA 02138 Tel.: 617-495-5428 e-mail: [email protected] DAVID ROCKEFELLER CENTER FOR LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES Working Papers on Latin America Series DRCLAS introduces its latest working paper: Política social en Cuba.