Feminism and Feminist Resistance in Post-2000 China Wang, Qi
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Digital Feminism in the Arab Gulf
MIT Center for Intnl Studies | Starr Forum: Digital Feminism in the Arab Gulf MICHELLE I'm Michelle English, and on behalf of the MIT Center for International Studies, welcome you to ENGLISH: today's Starr Forum. Before we get started, I'd like to mention that this is our last planned event for the fall. However, we do have many, many events planned for the spring. So if you haven't already, please take time to sign up to get our event notices. Today's talk on digital feminism in the Arab Gulf states is co-sponsored by the MIT Women's and Gender Studies program, the MIT History department, and the MIT Press bookstore. In typical fashion, our talk will conclude with Q&A with the audience. And for those asking questions, please line up behind the microphones. We ask that you to be considerate of time and others who want to ask questions. And please also identify yourself and your affiliation before asking your question. Our featured speaker is Mona Eltahawy, an award winning columnist and international public speaker on Arab and Muslim issues and global feminism. She is based in Cairo and New York City. Her commentaries have appeared in multiple publications and she is a regular guest analyst on television and radio shows. During the Egypt Revolution in 2011, she appeared on most major media outlets, leading the feminist website Jezebel to describe her as the woman explaining Egypt to the West. In November 2011, Egyptian riot police beat her, breaking her left arm and right hand, and sexually assaulted her, and she was detained for 12 hours by the Interior Ministry and Military Intelligence. -
Young Feminist Activists in Present-Day China: a New Feminist Generation?
China Perspectives 2018/3 | 2018 Twenty Years After: Hong Kong's Changes and Challenges under China's Rule Young Feminist Activists in Present-Day China: A New Feminist Generation? Qi Wang Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/8165 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 September 2018 Number of pages: 59-68 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Qi Wang, « Young Feminist Activists in Present-Day China: A New Feminist Generation? », China Perspectives [Online], 2018/3 | 2018, Online since 01 September 2019, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/8165 © All rights reserved Articles China perspectives Young Feminist Activists in Present-Day China A New Feminist Generation? QI WANG ABSTRACT: This article studies post-2000 Chinese feminist activism from a generational perspective. It operationalises three notions of gene- ration—generation as an age cohort, generation as a historical cohort, and “political generation”—to shed light on the question of generation and generational change in post-socialist Chinese feminism. The study shows how the younger generation of women have come to the forefront of feminist protest in China and how the historical conditions they live in have shaped their feminist outlook. In parallel, it examines how a “po- litical generation” emerges when feminists of different ages are drawn together by a shared political awakening and collaborate across age. KEYWORDS: -
Women's Rights in China and Feminism on Chinese Social Media
Issue Brief June 14, 2021 Women’s Rights in China and Feminism on Chinese Social Media Frida Lindberg In recent years, women in China have to a greater extent than previously raised their voices about issues relating to women’s rights and gender equality. Social media has served as an important tool and venue for women to share their own experiences with sexual harassment, domestic violence, and gender discrimination in the labor market. Yet, while the feminist movement has been on the rise over the past ten years, feminists and women in China who speak up about gender-related issues nevertheless face threats, antagonism, and censorship online.1China has stated that it aims to empower women and protect their rights.2 However, activities and discourses that have the potential to disturb the existing social order or challenge the authorities are not tolerated by the government, as social stability is one of its top priorities.3,4 This paper addresses how women and feminists in China use social media to speak up, while at the same time having to cope with gender antagonism in Chinese society and monitoring efforts by the government. Oppression and Discrimination Against enshrined in the constitution, while initiatives that Women in China involved women in building the new communist China were introduced.8 Through posters and In ancient China, women were subordinate to first speeches, the party projected the image of female and foremost their fathers, secondly their husbands, socialist icons, so-called “iron women”, who were and lastly, as widows, their sons. At that time, depicted as labor heroes that also managed to religious and philosophical norms had been set up maintain a harmonious family. -
China's One-Child Policy: Population Control and Its Unintended
Volume 4, Issue No. 2. China’s One-Child Policy: Population Control and Its Unintended Consequences Kira Goeking Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, USA ÒÏ Abstract: In 1979, the Chinese government established the one-child policy, the most severe state- mandated family planning policy in the world. This policy was intended to curb rapid population growth in China by prohibiting couples from having more than one child. The policy was implemented in varying degrees across provinces and affected urban and rural areas differently. China successfully lowered their total fertility rate and population growth but experienced significant unintended consequences, mainly an imbalance in the gender composition of the country. Families desired a son for labor, inheritance, and care in their old age, leading some parents to take extreme measures to ensure the birth of a son. The skewed sex ratio has affected all sectors of Chinese society, including marriage, the labor force, and educational opportunities for women. Today, China faces the aftermath of this birth quota that was in place for 35 years. China’s one-child policy demonstrates the difficulties countries face with population growth. With the unexpected effects of the one-child policy, it is still unclear how the Chinese government should have managed their population growth to ensure economic expansion and a good quality of life for their citizens. However, it is evident that the one-child policy sparked a new feminist movement to emerge as Chinese women began to speak out against the consequences of state birth planning on women’s lives and bodies. Evolution of the One-Child Policy Throughout China’s history, families have placed more value on having sons compared to daughters since sons were expected to take on the family name, inherit family wealth, and provide care for their parents in old age. -
Daoist Connections to Contemporary Feminism in China Dessie Miller [email protected]
The University of San Francisco USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center Master's Projects and Capstones Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects Spring 5-19-2017 Celebrating the Feminine: Daoist Connections to Contemporary Feminism in China Dessie Miller [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.usfca.edu/capstone Part of the Chinese Studies Commons, and the Feminist Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Miller, Dessie, "Celebrating the Feminine: Daoist Connections to Contemporary Feminism in China" (2017). Master's Projects and Capstones. 613. https://repository.usfca.edu/capstone/613 This Project/Capstone is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects at USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Projects and Capstones by an authorized administrator of USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. !1 CELEBRATING THE FEMININE: DAOIST CONNECTIONS TO CONTEMPORARY FEMINISM IN CHINA Dessie D. Miller APS 650: MA Capstone Seminar University of San Francisco 16 May 2017 !2 Acknowledgments I wish to present my special thanks to Professor Mark T. Miller (Associate Professor of Systematic Theology and Associate Director of the St. Ignatius Institute), Professor John K. Nelson (Academic Director and Professor of East Asian religions in the Department of Theology and Religious Studies), Mark Mir (Archivist & Resource Coordinator, Ricci Institute for Chinese-Western Cultural History), Professor David Kim (Associate Professor of Philosophy and Program Director), John Ostermiller (M.A. in Asia Pacific Studies/MAPS Program Peer-Tutor), and my classmates in the MAPS Program at the University of San Francisco for helping me with my research and providing valuable advice. -
Old Concerns, Renewed Focus and Novel Problems: Feminist Communication Theory and the Global South
Annals of the International Communication Association ISSN: 2380-8985 (Print) 2380-8977 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rica20 Old concerns, renewed focus and novel problems: feminist communication theory and the Global South Ingrid Bachmann & Valentina Proust To cite this article: Ingrid Bachmann & Valentina Proust (2020) Old concerns, renewed focus and novel problems: feminist communication theory and the Global South, Annals of the International Communication Association, 44:1, 67-80, DOI: 10.1080/23808985.2019.1647445 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/23808985.2019.1647445 Published online: 25 Jul 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 641 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rica20 ANNALS OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNICATION ASSOCIATION 2020, VOL. 44, NO. 1, 67–80 https://doi.org/10.1080/23808985.2019.1647445 REVIEW ARTICLE Old concerns, renewed focus and novel problems: feminist communication theory and the Global South Ingrid Bachmann and Valentina Proust School of Communications, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, Chile ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY Feminist theorizations have made important contributions to Received 20 May 2019 communication, albeit somewhat less visible and on the sidelines. Even less visible is research conducted with a feminist lens from the Global KEYWORDS South. This article provides an overview of current ways of approaching, Feminist theory; understanding, and applying feminist theoretical perspectives at the globalization; gender; intersection of gender and communication from non-Western contexts. feminist scholarship It also identifies feminist contributions to communication scholarship and makes suggestions for future directions. -
Annotated Bibliography
Annotated Bibliography: Opposition to the Political Participation of Women and Gender Justice Advocates, Building a Feminist Research Agenda By: Eileen Ying and Hana Nasser, with Lamia Khandker (I): Intersectional analysis (C): Comparative analysis (BP): “Big picture” conceptual parsing of backlash (Q): Quantitative/statistical analysis of backlash (S/T): Strategies and tactics to combat backlash 1. (S/T) Al-Ali, Nadje. 2012. “Gendering the Arab Spring.” Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 5 (1): 26–31. In this article, Nadje Al-Ali examines the tactics used against female protesters during the Arab Spring in the Middle East. She finds that when women tried using the protest movement to garner attention for women’s rights issues, they often faced backlash from their male counterparts who accused them of detracting from the overall political goal of overthrowing dictators. Further, she finds that sexual assault was one gendered tool of opposition to women’s political participation during this time. This article is useful for its analysis of how women in the Middle East have navigated the male-dominated protest space during the Arab Spring, and how different institutional arrangements foreclose certain political avenues. In authoritarian single- party states, for example, secular regimes might use women’s rights to shore up credibility, which also heightens the risk that female anti-regime activists face backlash. 2. (I) (BP) Aoki, Keith. 1995. “The Scholarship of Reconstruction and the Politics of Backlash.” Iowa L. Rev 81: 1467. In this article, Aoki addresses the phenomenon of racial backlash politics as it pertain to legal scholarship. His case study of backlash focuses on an article by an Asian American legal scholar about why the field ought to carve out a space for more Asian American legal voices to express their particular plight and experience. -
Project Description Crystal Zhang My Project Is a Research Paper
Project Description Crystal Zhang My project is a research paper analysing direct and indirect interventions of Chinese government on internet through a feminist lense. Chinese Government has firm control on Chinese internet not only through blocking, censorship, deleting, but also through government owned newspapers and companies. I analyze how these interventions result in the general public’s misperceptions and lack of understanding on feminism in China through two case studies. The following paper is a mostly complete draft that needs further work on abstract, conclusion, precision, and apa format. The Direct and Indirect Intervention of Chinese Government on Media to Feminism Issues Crystal Zhang “There are no feminism issues in China,” a Chinese classmate claimed in a lecture of introduction to feminist studies when the professor asked on opinions on gender roles, “my mother is the decision maker in the household.” I was quite surprised to hear such a claim, even though it should not be such a surprise for me. After all, before I came to America, my understanding of feminist issues in China was restricted to desire for a male child and obsession with lineage. Before Minguo, Chinese men can have multiple wives if they fulfill the class and financial requirement which varies in different dynasties. If the main wife is unable to bear a male child before the branch ones, people will see her as lacking “morality.” Many key concepts in ancient China such as family, dynasty, and lineage are all tangled with sexist discrimination. Lineage has been a crucial part in Chinese culture, philosophy and society. -
Becoming Feminist: the Alternative Paths Toward Gender Equality of China's Post-89 Generation
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Becoming Feminist: The Alternative Paths toward Gender Equality of China's Post-89 Generation Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8f76d6x1 Author Deng, Weiling Publication Date 2018 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Becoming Feminist: The Alternative Educational Paths toward Gender Equality of China’s Post-89 Generation A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Education by Weiling Deng 2018 © Copyright by Weiling Deng 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Becoming Feminist: The Alternative Educational Paths toward Gender Equality of China’s Post-89 Generation by Weiling Deng Doctor of Philosophy in Education University of California, Los Angeles, 2018 Professor Richard Desjardins, Co-Chair Professor Andrea Sue Goldman, Co-Chair This dissertation studies the contemporary Chinese feminist movement, as it was unfolding in multiple faceted ways from 2015 to 2018, placing it within both the deeper historical context of gender struggles in China’s long twentieth century and within the context of both Chinese and global educational systems. It focuses on Chinese feminists of the post-89 generation, who were largely born between 1985 and 1995, have had no experience of participating in significant social movements and protests that marked China’s highly controversial modernization in the last century, and grew up after 1989 in a commodified and depoliticized social-educational environment. The processes in which they become feminists are interpreted in this study as alternative educational paths. Although the post-89 cohort of feminists claim to continue the unfinished liberation of Chinese women from the twentieth century, particularly by inheriting the historically constructed ii term funü, meaning women as state subjects, they have detached themselves from what may seem to be their immediate historical precedents. -
Half the Sky, but Not Yet Equal: China's Feminist Movement Author(S): ALICE HU Source: Harvard International Review, Vol
Harvard International Review Half the Sky, But Not Yet Equal: China's Feminist Movement Author(s): ALICE HU Source: Harvard International Review, Vol. 37, No. 3 (Spring 2016), pp. 15-18 Published by: Harvard International Review Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/26445831 Accessed: 22-10-2019 01:29 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Harvard International Review is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Harvard International Review This content downloaded from 206.253.207.235 on Tue, 22 Oct 2019 01:29:33 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms GLOBAL NOTEBOOK China raised by another family to become a designated bride). Besides protecting women and girls from feudal prac Half thethe Sky,Sky, ButBut Not Not Yet Yet Equal Equal tices, the law also extended the repre China'sChina s FeministFeminist Movement sentation of women by guaranteeing women equal rights in the ownership staff writer and management of family property, ALICE HU as well as the equal right to petition for divorce. The law even went as far Indeed, Chinese feminism has its as guaranteeing women the right to has been one of the most pub own historic context different from keep their own family names — an The Chinese licized phenomena economic on the miracle that of the West, but an outdated vi act that would have been considered international stage. -
STATUS of WOMEN Findings • Women in China Face Severe Discrimination Throughout Their Careers, from Job Recruitment and Hiring to Wages and Pro- Motions
STATUS OF WOMEN Findings • Women in China face severe discrimination throughout their careers, from job recruitment and hiring to wages and pro- motions. Such disparities have increased over the current pe- riod of economic reform that began in 1978, accelerating during the 2000s with the intensification of market liberalization. Gender biases and sexual harassment in the workplace are major factors contributing to the employment gender gap, as well as national laws mandating parental leave and other enti- tlements for women and not men. These laws enforce the role of women as caregivers and have led employers to avoid hiring women without children in order to avoid the cost of these legal entitlements. • Following widely publicized grassroots campaigns high- lighting challenges faced by women in the workplace, Chinese officials initiated policies to address gender discrimination in employment, including creating a cause of action for disputes over employment discrimination and sexual harassment and a series of policies aimed primarily at punishing employers for discriminatory job recruitment practices. Nonetheless, inad- equate enforcement and discriminatory laws persist; local bu- reaus responsible for enforcement seldom take punitive action in response to complaints, and some laws themselves continue to discriminate against women by barring them from per- forming certain jobs. • Thirty percent of women have experienced some form of do- mestic violence, yet nearly three years after the passage of the PRC Anti-Domestic Violence Law in March 2016, Chinese courts had only issued a total of 3,718 protective orders by De- cember 2018. News media and expert analysis noted that cul- tural norms that do not recognize domestic violence as a crime contributed to the low number of reported incidents, with fam- ily members and police commonly discouraging victims from going forward with requesting protective orders or divorce. -
Grassroots Participation and Repression Under Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping
Grassroots Participation and Repression under Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping Diana Fu and Greg Distelhorst* ABSTRACT This study examines changes in grassroots participation and repression under the Chinese leaders Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping. Under Xi, the Party-state has launched political campaigns against a range of grassroots activists and organizations. This entails a shift in state repres- sion from fragmentation to consolidation, and it has resulted in less room for contentious participation. However, institutionalized political participation—activities by ordinary peo- ple aimed at changing government behavior through official channels—has persisted. The Hu administration presided over the development of new institutions of public participa- tion, and there is little evidence for their decay. Despite important breaks from the past un- der Xi, there are noteworthy continuities in the institutions that enable grassroots participa- tion. ince Xi Jinping took office in China, state power has become increasingly S personalized. Xi became the “core leader” (hexin lingdao 核心领导) and as- sumed the title of military commander in chief in 2016.1 Headlines have declared a sweeping transformation in politics under Xi, from the broad-reaching anti- corruption drive to a strong-arm campaign against grassroots civil society. Be it the disappearance of Hong Kong publishers of politically sensitive books or a crackdown on mainland labor activists, lawyers, feminists, and protestant churches, the state has aggressively policed boundary pushers. By most accounts, the present administration has departed from previous trajectories by closing political oppor- tunity structures for participation and backtracking on incremental liberalization. *The authors thank the editors, reviewers, Mark Beissinger, Valerie Bunce, Karrie Koesel, Sida Liu, Ma- ria Repnikova, Margaret E.