Supplementary Submission on the Conduct of the 2007 Federal Election
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QLD Senate Results Report 2017
Statement of Results Report Event: 2016 Federal Election - Full Senate Ballot: 2016 Federal Election - Full Senate Order Elected Candidates Elected Group Name 1 George BRANDIS Liberal National Party of Queensland 2 Murray WATT Australian Labor Party 3 Pauline HANSON Pauline Hanson's One Nation 4 Matthew CANAVAN Liberal National Party of Queensland 5 Anthony CHISHOLM Australian Labor Party 6 James McGRATH Liberal National Party of Queensland 7 Claire MOORE Australian Labor Party 8 Ian MACDONALD Liberal National Party of Queensland 9 Andrew BARTLETT The Greens 10 Barry O'SULLIVAN Liberal National Party of Queensland 11 Chris KETTER Australian Labor Party 12 Fraser ANNING Pauline Hanson's One Nation Senate 06 Nov 2017 11:50:21 Page 1 of 5 Statement of Results Report Event: 2016 Federal Election - Full Senate Ballot: 2016 Federal Election - Full Senate Order Excluded Candidates Excluded Group Name 1 Single Exclusion Craig GUNNIS Palmer United Party 2 Single Exclusion Ian EUGARDE 3 Single Exclusion Ludy Charles SWEERIS-SIGRIST Christian Democratic Party (Fred Nile Group) 4 Single Exclusion Terry JORGENSEN 5 Single Exclusion Reece FLOWERS VOTEFLUX.ORG | Upgrade Democracy! 6 Single Exclusion Gary James PEAD 7 Single Exclusion Stephen HARDING Citizens Electoral Council 8 Single Exclusion Erin COOKE Socialist Equality Party 9 Single Exclusion Neroli MOONEY Rise Up Australia Party 10 Single Exclusion David BUNDY 11 Single Exclusion John GIBSON 12 Single Exclusion Chelle DOBSON Australian Liberty Alliance 13 Single Exclusion Annette LOURIGAN Glenn -
Request for Amendment Donor to Political Party Disclosure
Request for Amendment Donor to Political Party Disclosure Return – Individuals FINANCIAL YEAR 2008-2009 Completing the Return: • This request for an amended return should be used by by individuals who made a gift or donation to a registered political party (or a State branch), or to another person or organisation with the intention of benefiting a registered political party, to amend a 2008-2009 Donor to Political Party Return – Individuals, lodged with the AEC. • Further information is available at www.aec.gov.au. • This return will be available for public inspection from Monday 1 February 2010 at www.aec.gov.au. • Any supporting documentation included with this return may be treated as part of a public disclosure and displayed on the AEC website. • The information on this return is collected under the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918. NOTE: this form is for the use of individuals only. Please use the form Request for Amendment - Donor to Political Party Disclosure Return – Organisations if you are completing a return for an organisation. Details of person who made the donation Name 2008-2009 Return details Is this the first amendment Yes No How many other Request for to the return? Amendment have been made? Details of person completing this return Name Capacity or position Postal address Suburb/town State Postcode Telephone number ( ) Fax number ( ) Email address Request and Certification I request the Electoral Commission amend the Donor to Political Party Return – Individuals as detailed in this form. I certify that the information contained in this request and its attachments is true and complete. I understand that giving false or misleading information is a serious offence. -
The Social Construction of Climate Change: Deconstructing the Climate Change Debate in Australia
The Social Construction of Climate Change: Deconstructing the Climate Change Debate in Australia Author Hytten, Karen F Published 2013 Thesis Type Thesis (PhD Doctorate) School Griffith School of Environemnt DOI https://doi.org/10.25904/1912/1670 Copyright Statement The author owns the copyright in this thesis, unless stated otherwise. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366505 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au The Social Construction of Climate Change Deconstructing the Climate Change Debate in Australia _________________________________________________________________________ Karen F. Hytten B Env Mgt (Hons) 31 May 2013 Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Griffith School of Environment, Griffith University, Brisbane. i ii Abstract _________________________________________________________________________ Since the 1980s there has been a growing recognition of the significant risks associated with climate change. By 2007, the scientific evidence that anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions were causing global warming was irrefutable. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change released its Fourth Assessment Report which describes in great detail the biophysical and social impacts of climate change, some of which are already being experienced. Many argue that Australia is particularly vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. It is also widely acknowledged that as one of the highest per-capita emitters in the world, Australia has a particular responsibility to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions. However, despite this, Australia’s response to climate change has been largely inadequate, giving rise to a need for research into factors shaping this response. Research has identified the important role that discourses play in shaping perceptions of climate change and responses to the issue. -
The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860
PRESERVING THE WHITE MAN’S REPUBLIC: THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1847-1860 Joshua A. Lynn A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Harry L. Watson William L. Barney Laura F. Edwards Joseph T. Glatthaar Michael Lienesch © 2015 Joshua A. Lynn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joshua A. Lynn: Preserving the White Man’s Republic: The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860 (Under the direction of Harry L. Watson) In the late 1840s and 1850s, the American Democratic party redefined itself as “conservative.” Yet Democrats’ preexisting dedication to majoritarian democracy, liberal individualism, and white supremacy had not changed. Democrats believed that “fanatical” reformers, who opposed slavery and advanced the rights of African Americans and women, imperiled the white man’s republic they had crafted in the early 1800s. There were no more abstract notions of freedom to boundlessly unfold; there was only the existing liberty of white men to conserve. Democrats therefore recast democracy, previously a progressive means to expand rights, as a way for local majorities to police racial and gender boundaries. In the process, they reinvigorated American conservatism by placing it on a foundation of majoritarian democracy. Empowering white men to democratically govern all other Americans, Democrats contended, would preserve their prerogatives. With the policy of “popular sovereignty,” for instance, Democrats left slavery’s expansion to territorial settlers’ democratic decision-making. -
THE 'WA APPROACH' to NATIONAL PARTY SURVIVAL John Phillimore
This is the peer reviewed version of the following article: Phillimore, J. and McMahon, L. 2015. Moving Beyond 100 Years: The "WA Approach" to National Party Survival. Australian Journal of Politics and History. 61 (1): pp. 37-52], which has been published in final form at http://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12085. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Self-Archiving at http://olabout.wiley.com/WileyCDA/Section/id-820227.html#terms MOVING BEYOND 100 YEARS: THE ‘WA APPROACH’ TO NATIONAL PARTY SURVIVAL John Phillimore* Lance McMahon Submitted to and accepted by Australian Journal of Politics and History *Corresponding Author: [email protected] or 9266 2849 John Curtin Institute of Public Policy, Curtin University GPO Box U1987 Perth WA 6845 Professor John Phillimore is Executive Director of the John Curtin Institute of Public Policy, Curtin University. Lance McMahon is a Research Associate at the John Curtin Institute of Public Policy, Curtin University. June 2014 1 MOVING BEYOND 100 YEARS: THE ‘WA APPROACH’ TO NATIONAL PARTY SURVIVAL Abstract Since its formation in 1913, the Western Australian branch of the National Party has faced many challenges to its survival. Electoral reform removing rural malapportionment in 2005 prompted changes in strategic direction, including abandoning coalition with the Liberal Party and creating a discrete image, branding and policy approach. Holding the balance of power after the 2008 election, the Party adopted a post-election bargaining strategy to secure Ministries and funding for its ‘Royalties for Regions’ policy. This ‘WA approach’ is distinctive from amalgamation and coalition arrangements embraced elsewhere in Australia. -
House of Representatives By-Elections 1901–2014
RESEARCH PAPER SERIES, 2017–18 5 MARCH 2018 House of Representatives by-elections: 1901–2017 Stephen Barber Statistics and Mapping Section Executive summary This paper provides details of House of Representatives by-elections, from that held for Darling Downs on 14 September 1901 to the most recent held on 16 December 2017 for Bennelong. The following observations can be made about those by-elections: • there have been 151 by-elections, an average of 3.4 per parliament • the average number of nominations has grown over the years from 2.2 per by-election to 12.0 per by- election • in only four cases was a by-election contested by just a single candidate • an increasing tendency has been for governments to avoid contesting by-elections in their opponents’ safe seats • in only ten cases have the opposition party failed to contest a by-election • seventy-six of the by-elections followed the resignation of the member, 68 members died in office, there have been six voided elections, and one MP was expelled from the House • since 1949 resignations account for almost two-thirds of by-elections and over half the resignations have occurred in safe seats • on 35 occasions the party complexion of a seat has altered at a by-election • five of the losses have been by the opposition of the day • the average two-party preferred swing against the government of the day has been 3.8 per cent • since 1949 the largest two-party swing against a government occurred against Labor in Canberra in 1995. The largest swing to a government occurred to the Coalition in McPherson in 1981. -
Building a Progressive Center Political Strategy and Demographic Change in America
Building a Progressive Center Political Strategy and Demographic Change in America Matt Browne, John Halpin, and Ruy Teixeira April 2011 The “Demographic Change and Progressive Political Strategy” series of papers is a joint project organized under the auspices of the Global Progress and Progressive Studies programs and the Center for American Progress. The research project was launched following the inaugural Global Progress conference held in October 2009 in Madrid, Spain. The preparatory paper for that conference, “The European Paradox,” sought to analyze why the fortunes of European progressive parties had declined following the previous autumn’s sudden financial collapse and the global economic recession that ensued. The starting premise was that progressives should, in principle, have had two strengths going for them: • Modernizing trends were shifting the demographic terrain in their political favor. • The intellectual and policy bankruptcy of conservatism, which had now proven itself devoid of creative ideas of how to shape the global economic system for the common good. Despite these latent advantages, we surmised that progressives in Europe were struggling for three pri- mary reasons. First, it was increasingly hard to differentiate themselves from conservative opponents who seemed to be wholeheartedly adopting social democratic policies and language in response to the eco- nomic crisis. Second, the nominally progressive majority within their electorate was being split between competing progressive movements. Third, their traditional working-class base was increasingly being seduced by a politics of identity rather than economic arguments. In response, we argued that if progressives could define their long-term economic agenda more clearly— and thus differentiate themselves from conservatives—as well as establish broader and more inclusive electoral coalitions, and organize more effectively among their core constituencies to convey their mes- sage, then they should be able to resolve this paradox. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Sceptical Climate Part 2: CLIMATE SCIENCE in AUSTRALIAN NEWSPAPERS
October 2013 Sceptical Climate Part 2: CLIMATE SCIENCE IN AUSTRALIAN NEWSPAPERS Professor Wendy Bacon Australian Centre for Independent Journalism Sceptical Climate Part 2: Climate Science in Australian Newspapers ISBN: 978-0-9870682-4-8 Release date: 30th October 2013 REPORT AUTHOR & DIRECTOR OF PROJECT: Professor Wendy Bacon (Australian Centre for Independent Journalism, University of Technology, Sydney) PROJECT MANAGER & RESEARCH SUPERVISOR: Arunn Jegan (Australian Centre for Independent Journalism) PROJECT & RESEARCH ADVISOR: Professor Chris Nash (Monash University) DESIGN AND WEB DEVELOPMENT Collagraph (http://collagraph.com.au) RESEARCHERS: Nicole Gooch, Katherine Cuttriss, Matthew Johnson, Rachel Sibley, Katerina Lebedev, Joel Rosenveig Holland, Federica Gasparini, Sophia Adams, Marcus Synott, Julia Wylie, Simon Phan & Emma Bacon ACIJ DIRECTOR: Associate Professor Tom Morton (Australian Centre for Independent Journalism, University of Technology, Sydney) ACIJ MANAGER: Jan McClelland (Australian Centre for Independent Journalism) THE AUSTRALIAN CENTRE FOR INDEPENDENT JOURNALISM The Sceptical Climate Report is a project by The Australian Centre for Independent Journalism, a critical voice on media politics, media policy, and the practice and theory of journalism. Follow ACIJ investigations, news and events at Investigate.org.au. This report is available for your use under a creative commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) license, unless specifically noted. Feel free to quote, republish, backup, and move it to whatever platform works for you. Cover graphic: Global Annual Mean Surface Air Temperature Change, 1880 - 2012. Source: NASA GISS 2 Table of Contents 1. Preface . 5 2. Key Findings. 10 3. Background Issues . 28 4. Findings 4.1 Research design and methodology. 41 4.2 Quantity of climate science coverage . -
2010 Annual Report Contents
2010 annual report Contents Welcome Movement building National Director letter 3 Movement building summary 18 Message from the Board 4 What people are saying 19 Vision and values 5 State by state 21 The year in highlights 6 Public engagement National Projects Online 23 Switched on Schools 7 Media 24 Climate Reality Week 8 Power Shift 9 Our People Election 11 Advocacy work 14 Partner groups 25 International 16 Staff and office volunteers 26 Volunteers by state 27 Supporters 28 » 2 Message from the National Director 2010 has been another year of intense growth and advertising kindly provided in-kind by Channel 10. impact for the AYCC as we challenged ourselves to Creative tactics like the Climate Elephant, one of do the impossible. The Age’s 2010 top ten political moments, captured national, local and regional press. The support of We delivered ambitious projects that engaged youth Graeme Wood was fundamental to this, with his across Australia. From Climate Reality Week, to investment underpinning our successful election Thousands of young people dedicated themselves Power Shift Summits, to our Federal election cam- campaign. to solving the climate crisis with the AYCC in 2010. paign, to our international advocacy, we delivered Thank you to our staff and volunteers – it has been beyond expectations. We will look back at 2010 as the time the AYCC very special to have the opportunity to work with so grew from an effective start-up to a fully-fledged many passionate, brilliant, caring people. Our movement has grown to 56,000 members – a organisation and movement. However as we’ve 12% rise from 2009. -
Using Faith to Exclude
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Loughborough University Institutional Repository 5 USING FAITH TO EXCLUDE THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN DUTCH POPULISM Stijn van Kessel 1 Religion has played a crucial role in the formation of the Dutch party system, and party competition in the first decades after World War II was, to a consid- erable degree, still determined by the religious denomination of voters. Most religious voters were loyal to one of the three dominant ‘confessional’ parties: the large Catholic People’s Party (KVP) or one of the two smaller Protestant parties (ARP and CHU).2 Until the parliamentary election of 1963, the com- bined vote share of the three dominant confessional parties was around 50 per cent. Most secular voters, on the other hand, turned either to the Labour Party (PvdA), representing the working class, or the Liberal Party (VVD), repre- senting the secular middle class. The fact that voting behaviour was rather predictable resulted from the fact that Dutch parties and the most significant religious and social groups—arguably with the exception of the secular middle class and the VVD—were closely aligned.3 One aspect of this ‘pillarisation’ of society was that the electorate voted largely along traditional cleavage lines of religion and social class. 61 SAVING THE PEOPLE The dividing lines between the social groups gradually evaporated, in part due to the secularisation of society since the 1960s. Except for the secular middle class, the social background of the electorate continued to determine voting patterns quite predictably in the following decades, but by the turn of the twenty-first century the explanatory power of belonging to a traditional pillar had faded to a large extent.4 What is more, as Dutch society became more secularised, the level of electoral support for the three dominant confes- sional parties began to decline. -
Constituents and Party in US Trade Policy
Public Choice (2009) 141: 87–101 DOI 10.1007/s11127-009-9439-6 Trading policy: Constituents and party in U.S. trade policy Nicholas Weller Received: 25 March 2008 / Accepted: 31 March 2009 / Published online: 11 April 2009 © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2009 Abstract Studies of US trade policy legislation focus on the effect of constituents on trade policy voting and give less weight to institutions such as political parties. To demonstrate that political parties affect voting, I compare the votes of politicians who share constituency characteristics but differ in political party affiliation. This approach requires less reliance on assumptions about, or empirical measures of, constituents’ trade preferences. The results demonstrate that political parties play a significant role in legislative voting on trade policy. Theories of political economy therefore should incorporate how constituency interests and partisan pressures affect legislative voting. Keywords Trade policy · Congressional voting · Political party Political scientists have long been concerned with the determinants of congressional trade policy voting in the United States. Trade policy is one of a government’s primary foreign economic policies, and it can have significant effects on both the total amount and the distri- bution of income. At various times, trade policy has also played a significant role in national political debates. The dominant explanations for U.S. trade policy focus on the role con- stituents play in determining congressional policy outcomes and minimize the influence of political parties on congressional voting. The existing research does not allow us to conclude whether parties have an independent effect on trade policy voting. In this paper I demonstrate how matching politicians based on shared constituencies can help determine whether party affects congressional voting in both the U.S.