Idea of Radical Media / Ideja Radikalnih Medija

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Idea of radical media / Ideja radikalnih medija Idea of radical media / Ideja radikalnih medija Idea of radical media / Ideja radikalnih medija reader / zbornik Multimedijalni institut, Zagreb, 2013. editors / urednici: Tomislav Medak & Petar Milat english proofreading / engleska lektura: Jane Warrilow, Ivana Ivković publisher / izdavač: Multimedijalni institut Preradovićeva 18 HR-10000 Zagreb tel: +385-(0)1-4856400 fax: +385-(0)1-4855729 email: [email protected] http://www.mi2.hr design: Ruta printing / tiskara: Tiskara Zelina d.d. print run / naklada: 500

Multimedijalni institut ISBN: 978-953-7372-10-1

This book is published within the project Aesthetic Education Expanded, a joint project by Multimedia Institute, Kuda.org, Berliner Gazette, Kontrapunkt and Mute. Project supported by the program Culture 2007 - 2013 of the European Union and by Balkan Incentive Fund for Culture of the European Cultural Foundation.

This publication reflects the views only of the author, and the European Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein.

The publication is supported by the Ministry of Culture of Republic of Croatia and the Office for Education, Culture and Sport of the City of Zagreb. Idea of radical media / Ideja radikalnih medija Contents

8 introduction

trajectories of critical media cultures: 16 Clemens Apprich: The Truth Games of Radical Net Cultures 42 Eric Kluitenberg: Charting Hybridised Realities: Tactical Cartographies for a Densified Present

screen and capture: 60 Jodi Dean: Communicative Capitalism: This is What Democracy Looks Like 74 Matteo Pasquinelli: The Number of the Collective Beast: The Substance of Value in the Age of the Institutions of Ranking and Rating

new media and other media: 94 Branka C´urcˇic´: What is Radical in ‘Radical Media’? A Different, Surrealists Kind of Proposal 114 Alessandro Ludovico: Printed Radicality 132 Anthony Iles: media, Secession and Recession 164 Joanne Richardson: making Films Politically

periphery, opposition, appopriation: 192 Vera Tollmann: Screenshots of China’s Internet: About Hybrid Video Tactics 218 Katarina Peovic´ Vukovic´: The dynamics of culture. What can we learn from Raymond Williams? 236 Ana Peraica: massive Spamming Sadržaj

7 uvod

putanje kritičkih medijskih kultura: 15 Clemens Apprich: Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama 41 Eric Kluitenberg: Kartiranje hibridiziranih stvarnosti: taktilne kartogra∫je za zgusnutu sadašnjost

ekran i uhvaćenost: 59 Jodi Dean: Komunikacijski kapitalizam: tako izgleda demokracija 73 Matteo Pasquinelli: Brojka kolektivne životinje: Supstanca vrijednosti u doba institucija rangiranja i rejtinga

novi mediji i drugi mediji: 93 Branka Ćurčić: Šta je radikalno u “radikalnim medijima”? Drugačiji, nadrealistički predlog 113 Alessandro Ludovico: Tiskana radikalnost 131 Anthony Iles: Mediji, secesija i recesija 163 Joanne Richardson: Raditi ∫lmove politički

periferija, opozicija, aproprijacija: 191 Vera Tollmann: Pogled u svijet kineskog interneta: o hibridnim video taktikama 217 Katarina Peović Vuković: Dinamika kulture. Što možemo naučiti od Raymonda Williamsa? 235 Ana Peraica: Massive Spamming tomislav medak Uvod

tvorili ste zbornik konferencije Ideja radikalnih medija koja je u organizaciji Multimedijalnog instituta održana 7.-8. lipnja 2013. u O Zagrebu. Konferencija je nastala u kontekstu izložbe Izgledi Arkzina i medijske akcije Instaliranje javnosti kojima smo željeli revalorizi- rati fenomen Arkzina dva desetljeća kasnije. Arkzinov izdavački i aktivistički rad anticipirao je i reΩektirao taktičke medijske prakse koje su se početkom 1990-ih kristalizirale u susretu političkog trenutka - obilježenog postsocijalističkom tranzicijom, jugoslavenskim ratovima i alterglobalisitčkim otporom - s tehnološkom pojavom interneta. No, cilj konferencije i zbornika postavljen je obuhvatnije. S jedne strane, željeli smo sagledati kako su se radikalne medijske prakse na planu umjetnosti, javne komunikacije i političkog rada djelatno artikulirale i diskurzivno reartikulirale kroz posljednja dva desetljeća. A, s druge strane, preispitati sam pojam radikalnih medija iz jedne šire historijske perspektive kao i kritičke perspektive sadašnjeg društvenog trenutka. Do sredine devedesetih internet je već ušao u široku svakod- nevnu upotrebu, otvarajući perspektivu radikalno demokratizirane javne komunikacije. Komunikacijske inovacije tijekom 20. stoljeća uvijek su budile nadanja da ćemo konačno dobiti dvosmjerni medij u kojem će se svatko moći obraćati najširoj javnosti. Međutim, te su nade uobičajeno ubrzo bivale iznevjerene konkretnom primjenom koja je redovito rezultirala upravo većom komercijalnom i politič- kom kontrolom nad medijskim prostorom. Ovog puta je trebalo biti drugačije. U tehnološkom pogledu distribuirano i u društve- nom karakteru kolektivno ustrojstvo interneta nudilo je razloge za

Tomislav Medak

Introduction

You are leafing through However, the conference the reader of the Idea of and the reader have a broader l Radical Media confer- aim. On the one hand, we wanted ence, held June 7-8, 2013 in Za- to look back at the practical artic- greb and organized by the Multi- ulations and discursive re-articu- media Institute. The conference lations of radical media practices took place in the context of the in arts, mass communication and political work exhibition Prospects of Arkzin and over the last two decades. On the other, to re- the media action Installing the Pub- asses the notion of radical media from a broad- lic, both revisiting the Arkzin phe- er historical perspective and the critical per- nomenon two decades later. Arkzin spective of the current political moment. was a collective and a publication By mid 1990s the internet was making its that emerged out of the Anti-War way into everybody’s lives, beckoning with a Campaign in the early 1990s and prospect of a radically democratic form of pub- gave a theoretical and polemical lic communication. Innovations in mass com- voice to anti-nationalist positions. munication in the 20th century have always The publishing and activist prac- stirred the hopes that we would finally see a tices of Arkzin anticipated and re- two-way medium where everybody would be flected the practices of tactical able to speak to the broadest public. However, media that were crystallizing from these hopes were always curtailed by their im- a particular confluence of a politi- plementation, resulting in ever growing com- cal moment marked by the post- mercial and political domination over the me- socialist transition, post-Yugoslav dia. This time it seemed it would be different. conflicts and alter-globalist con- The technologically distributed and socially testations, and a technological collective character of the internet gave rea- moment of the rise of early Net. son to believe that finally we would stop hat- ing the media, and start becoming the media. vjeru da će ovo konačno biti trenutak kada ćemo moći prestati mr- ziti medije i prihvatiti se zadatka da postanemo mediji. U nekim aspektima to se doista i dogodilo. Internet je radikalno demokrati- zirao priliku za javni govor i pospješio mogućnosti političkog organiziranja. I dok je tako olakšavao razmjenu i koordinaciju u global- nim razmjerima, istodobno je poticao stvaranje novih oblika druš- tvenog organiziranja i angažmana u posve lokalnim razmjerima. Dapače, upravo je kritička oštrica internetskih praksi često bila u većoj mjeri vezana uz ∫zički prostor i stare medije kao tisak no što se to moglo pretpostaviti. Međutim, mnogo toga se promijenilo od devedesetih. Budući da su tehnološke promjene uzdrmale društvene i ekonomske pretpostavke starih medija, logika kojom je tehnološki razvoj podčinjen primarno zakonitostima kapitalističkog tržišta i ekspanzije nalaga- la je da i tehnološki razvoj interneta krene drugim smjerom - od obećanja mnoštva neovisnih medijskih proizvođača na imperativ praćenja i komodi∫kacije ponašanja korisnika. Kao što su nedavna otkrića Edwarda Snowdena potvrdila, tehnologija demokratizacije pokazala se tehnologijom masovnog nadzora i betoniranja našeg pristanka na masovni nadzor. Ni internetska tehnologija nije se pokazala narodnom tehni- kom, kao što tehnologije u vladajućim uvjetima to ni ne mogu postati bez kolektivnih praksi prisvajanja i podruštvljenja. Tu se ocrta- va nedaća naše trenutačne situacije: u trenutku kada je kritička analiza i radikalna praksa isto tako urgentno potrebna kao i prije dvadeset godina, mi na potencijal radikalnih medija gledamo bitno skeptičnije. Prilozi sabrani u ovom zborniku, iza kojih stoje neki od protagonista kritičke medijske prakse i diskursa proteklih dvaju desetlje- ća, pokušaj su da se rasvijetli upravo taj povijesni luk i promisli ta nedaća sadašnjeg trenutka. And so - in some ways - it did happen. The in- This technology would turn ternet democratized public speech and cata- out not to be people’s technology lyzed capacities for political assembly in radi- after all, as technologies in gov- cal ways. As it enabled exchange and coordina- erning social relations never tend tion on a global scale, it also helped new forms to be without collective practices of social organization and contestation emerge of re-purposing or socialization. on very local levels. In fact, the cutting edge of And this prefigures the predica- internet practices were more frequently relat- ment of our present situation ed to physical space and paper than one would when we regard with more sobri- have thought. ety than ever before over the last However, much has changed since the two decades the transformative 1990s. As technological changes have rattled potential of radical media - at a at the social and economic foundations of old moment when a critical articula- media, the iron logic that subordinates the tion and a radical practice seem to technological development to the laws of capi- be just as urgently called upon as talist market and expansion dictated that the they were twenty years ago. technological development of internet be re- The contributions in this oriented so as to transform the promise of a reader, written by some of the multitude of independent media protagonists of critical media producers into the promise of practice and discourse over the massively commodifiable and last twenty years, are an attempt monitored audience behavior. As to understand this historic trajec- recent Edward Snowden leaks tory and reflect the predicament have shown, the technology of de- of the present moment. mocratization proved to be the technology of mass surveillance and the guarantee of our consent to mass surveillance. trajectories of critical media cultures putanje kritičkih medijskih kultura

01 clemens apprich Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama

elimo li razumjeti radikalne medijske prakse u umjetnosti, komu- nikacijama i politici, moramo razmotriti neke od povijesnih proce- Ž sa koji su potaknuli nastanak novih oblika javnog izražavanja, od- govarajući time na nove potrebe za političkom manifestacijom koje su se javile s novim društvenim pokretima. Osobito je pojava interneta na globalnoj razini sredinom 90-ih godina prošlog stoljeća otvorila nova polja antihegemonijskog djelovanja, omogućujući time čitav niz radikalnih medijskih praksi. Istražujući igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama toga doba, želio bih istaknuti neke od povijesnih i diskurzivnih genealogija progresivnih medijskih praksi u Europi. To bi moglo biti važno za našu trenutnu situaciju, s obzirom na to da su digitalne medijske tehnologije prodrle u gotovo sve aspekte svakodnevnog života, a uslijed toga su i kritičke rear- tikulacije njihova transformacijskog potencijala postale urgentnije nego ikada prije.

Mrežne kulture kao polja znanja

Radikalne mrežne kulture nastale su nakon 1989. godine, uglavnom kao opozicija komercijalnom prisvajanju i državnoj regulaciji interneta koji je upravo krenuo prerastati u globalan medij. Kao eksperimentna polja inovativnih oblika znanja težile su zaposjesti one slobodne prostore (političke, društvene i kulturne) koji su stvo- reni uslijed tehnološke transformacije medijskog pejzaža: “Umje- sto pukog kritičkog interpretiranja i teoretiziranja, praktičari [radi-

15 clemens apprich Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama 01

Clemens Apprich

The Truth Games of Radical Net Cultures

In order to understand its transformative potential have the radical media-related become more urgent than ever l practices in art, commu- before. nication, and politics we have to trace back some of the historical developments that have unleashed Net cultures as fields of new forms of public expression, knowledge thereby responding to new needs for political manifestation as they Radical net cultures emerged after 1989, large- emerged with new social move- ly in opposition to the commercial appropria- ments. In particular, the arrival of tion and state regulation of the internet, which the internet on a global scale in was about to grow into a global medium (cf. the mid-1990s opened up new Apprich/Stalder 2012). As fields of experimen fields of counter-hegemonic agen- ting with the innovative forms of knowledge, cy, thus enabling a variety of radi- they strove to occupy those free spaces (political media practices. By investigat- cal, social, and cultural) that had been created ing the truth games of radical net through the technological changes in the me- cultures of that time, I would like dia landscape: “[R]ather than just doing criti- to highlight some of the historical cal reading and theorising, [radical media] and discursive lineages of progres- practitioners go on to develop participatory sive media practices in Europe. events that demonstrate the critique through This may be of importance for our an experiential process” (CAE 2001, p. 8). The current situation, considering that critique that emerged as a consequence was at digital media technologies have first located outside of the classical institu- penetrated almost all aspects of tions such as universities, museums, galleries, everyday life, and as a conse- party organisations, or cultural centres, and its

Clemens Apprich The Truth Games of Radical Net Cultures quence, critical re-articulations of aim was to open up new fields of knowledge.

16 kalnih medija] stvaraju participacijske događaje koji manifestiraju kritiku kroz iskustveni proces” (CAE 2001, str. 8). Tako nastala kritika isprva je bila locirana u klasičnim institucijama poput sveučili- šta, muzeja, galerija, stranačkih organizacija ili kulturnih centara i trebala je otvoriti nova polja znanja. To se, između ostaloga, dogodilo zauzimanjem odmaka od tada hegemonijske ideje o kiberpro- storu kao virtualnom paralelnom prostoru, kako su ga zamišljale znanstvena fantastika i kompjuterska kultura (usp. Bilwet 1995). “Kalifornijska ideologija” (Barbrook/Cameron 1997), o kojoj se u to vrijeme mnogo raspravljalo, dobar je primjer za to kako su cyber- utopističke naracije o “posljednjoj granici” pratile tehnološke promjene. Uska isprepletenost tadašnje hipijevske kulture u San Fran- ciscu i industrije visoke tehnologije u susjednoj Silikonskoj dolini dovela je do učinkovitog diskursa na osnovi kojega je izgrađena “Nova ekonomija” (usp. Turner 2006). Osobito je scenski časopis Wired, shvaćen kao središnji digitalni organ “virtualne klase” (Kro- ker/Weinstein 1994), bio predmet mrežne kritike, koja je pak uglavnom smatrana europskom stvari. Ona se očitovala u lokalnim medijskim centrima (kao što su bili Public Netbase u Beču, De Balie u Amsterdamu, Backspace u Londonu, Ljudmila u Ljubljani ili E-Lab u Rigi), na regionalnim festivalima medijske umjetnosti (npr. Ars Electronica u Linzu, Dutch Electronic Arts Festival u Rotterdamu, transmediale u Berlinu), u novinama (Arkzin u Zagrebu, Mute u Lon- donu), na internetskom radiju i na mailing-listama. U svojoj knjizi o praksi mrežnih kultura toga vremena Inke Arns ističe kako su prije svega “male, manjinske, buntovne prakse, marginalne pozicije, male marginalne taktike, prije nego velike strategije u središtu” (Arns 2002, str. 6) bile one koje su znale ponuditi kritičke perspektive i alternativne prijedloge za masovne medije. Pritom valja imati na umu da je s mrežnim kulturama ponovo oživljen mrežni model koji se koristio već 70-ih i 80-ih godina proš- log stoljeća za opisivanje takozvanih “grassroots pokreta”. Među- tim, mnoge od tih inicijativa ubrzo su okoštale u klasične strukture civilnoga društva, kao što je očito iz osnivačkog buma nevladinih organizacija (NGO-a) devedesetih godina. Mrežne kulture su se pak smatrale alternativom naspram takvih etabliranih institucija, iako su neki od njihovih protagonista proizašli upravo iz njih te su neri- jetko primjenjivali i slične političke strategije. Ali ta okolnost ne smije nas navesti da zanemarimo činjenicu da je mrežnim kulturama uspjelo izgraditi vlastite platforme za proizvodnju i distribuciju znanja koje su proizvodile, kao i stvoriti nove javnosti ciljanim radom na umrežavanju: “Pritom se nije radilo o tehnici kao takvoj [...], nego o njezinu umrežavanju u kulturnoj tehnologiji i društve- noj infrastrukturi, što je dovelo do kratkotrajnog procvata društve- ne imaginacije, do natjecanja utopija i distopija” (Lovink/Schultz

17 clemens apprich Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama Net cultures were doing this, among other 1980s to describe the so-called 01 Beside the mailing list nettime things, by detaching themselves from the then ‘grassroots movements.’ Many of (see below), one hegemonic idea of cyberspace as a virtual par- these initiatives, however, soon could mention here e.g. rhizome (focus- allel space, such as imagined by science-fiction got petrified in the classical struc- ing on new art prac- and computer culture (cf. Bilwet 1995). It is the tures of the civil society, as at- tices), Syndicate then highly discussed “Californian ideology” tested by the boom of non-go (exchange between Eastern and Western (Barbrook/Cameron 1997), that may serve as vernmental organisations (NGOs) Europe), Faces (em- an example of the way in which cyber-utopian in the 1990s. But net cultures saw powering and giving visibility to women stories of the “last frontier” accompanied the themselves as an alternative to in net cultures), and technological change. The close interrelation such established institutions, 7-11 (focusing on net art). between hippie culture in San Francisco and even though some of their pro- high-tech industries in the neighbouring Sili- tagonists had actually come from con Valley gave rise to a powerful discourse, them and often applied similar which served as a foundation for the “New political strategies. Nevertheless, Economy” (cf. Turner 2006). The scene maga- this circumstance should not make zine Wired, understood as the digital central us overlook the fact that net cul- body of the “virtual class” (Kroker/Weinstein tures managed to build up their 1994), became subject to a net critique, which own platforms of production and was still largely associated with distribution for the knowledge Europe. This critique originated they generated, as well as create from the local media centres (e.g. new publics through focused ef- Public Netbase in Vienna, De Balie forts invested in networking: “It in Amsterdam, Backspace in Lon- was actually not the technology don, Ljudmila in Ljubljana, or E- as such [...], but rather its net- Lab in Riga), regional festivals of working into cultural technology media art (e.g. Ars Electronica in and social infrastructure, that Linz, Dutch Electronic Arts Festi- brought about a short flourishing val in Rotterdam, transmediale in of social imagination, a competition between Berlin), magazines (e.g. Arkzin in utopias and dystopias” (Lovink/Schultz 2010, Zagreb, Mute in London), internet p. 6). At the time when the internet had not yet radio, and mailing lists. become a mass medium, yet its future poten- In her book on the net cul- tial could already be predicted, a discourse tures of the time, Inke Arns claims was released on the possibilities and also dan- that it was above all “the small, gers of its technological evolution. minority, resistant practices, the The net-related discourse of the 1990s marginal positions, and the small took place to a considerable extent on and tactics on the edge, rather than with the help of mailing lists.01 These had emer the large strategies in the centre” ged as early as the mid-1960s and were charac- (Arns 2002, p. 6) that could offer terised primarily by three features: they were critical viewpoints and alternative cheap, interactive, and thematically focused plans to the mass media. Thereby (cf. Medosch 1997). For Armin Medosch, it is one should keep in mind that net for this reason that they can also be seen as the cultures also led to a restocking of opposite of the WWW introduced in the mid- the network model that had al- 1990s: “Blinded by the multimedia possibili-

Clemens Apprich The Truth Games of Radical Net Cultures ready been used in the 1970s and ties of the Web, most users and content pro-

18 2010, str. 6). U vrijeme dok internet još nije bio masovni medij, ali se njegov potencijal već naslućivao, rasplamsao se zahvaljujući tome diskurs o mogućnostima, ali i opasnostima njegova tehnološ- kog razvoja. Diskurs o mreži 90-ih godina odvijao se znatnim dijelom na mailing-listama i uz njihovu pomoć.01 One su nastale već sredinom 60-ih godina i odlikovale su se prvenstveno trima karakteristikama: bile su jeftine, interaktivne i tematski fokusirane (usp. Medosch 1997). Za Armina Medoscha one stoga predstavljaju protutežu WWW-u, koji je uveden sredinom 90-ih godina: “Zaslijepljena mul- timedijalnim mogućnostima Weba, većina korisnika i ponuđača sadržaja previđala je da internet nudi i druge mogućnosti, onkraj Weba, zakopane u starijim tehnološkim fazama razvoja, ali još uvijek upotrebljive i smislene, već prema polju primjene” (Medosch 1997). Osobito je Mailinglist-Management-System Majordomo, akti- viran 1992. godine i dostupan bez ograničenja, omogućavao jednostavno rukovanje: svaka poruka automatski bi bila poslana na sve pretplaćene primatelje, koji su na nju mogli i odgovoriti. Upravo su se po toj interaktivnosti mailing-liste razlikovale od pukih newslettera. Slično kao i interesne grupe, koje su prvenstveno postojale na mreži Usenet, mailing-liste su uglavnom grupirane prema speci∫čnim tematskim područjima, čime uspostavljaju “društvenu vezu” između sudionika: “Te prve umrežene zajednice mogu se u određenom smislu smatrati pretečama danas tako omiljenih druš- tvenih mreža” (Smite 2012, str. 233). Za razliku od komercijalnih usluga Weba 2.0, mailing-liste su se ipak nalazile na neovisnim i decentraliziranim poslužiteljima, pri čemu su nositelji liste naposljetku u rukama imali i ključ za kon∫guraciju dotične liste. Time su mogli mijenjati i temeljne funkcije: na primjer, hoće li unosi na listu biti odmah vidljivi (nemoderirani) ili ih najprije mora odobriti neki moderator (moderirani).

Mjesto diskursa: nettime

Jedno od mjesta na kojima uporište našao diskurs radikalnih mrež- nih kultura bila je mailing-lista nettime, koju su 1995. godine pokre-

01 Uz mailing-listu nuli Pitz Schultz i Geert Lovink: “Tu se strastveno raspravljalo za i nettime (vidi niže) ovamo protiv tehnološkog determinizma, o ‘a∫rmativnim tehno-utopija- možemo ubrojiti, na primjer, rhizome (s fokusom na novim ma’ (Diefenbach) i o ‘virtualnoj klasi’ (Kroker), dekonstruirajući umjetničkim praksama), njihove argumentacijske ∫gure” (Arns 2002, str. 36s). Središnji dio Syndicate (razmjena između Istočne i Zapadne Europe), platforme nettime je međunarodna, anglofona mailing-lista Netti- Faces (jačanje vidljivosti žena me-l, koja je 1997. imala oko 500 pretplatnika, do 2001. taj je broj u mrežnim kulturama) i 7-11 narastao na 2.000, a danas broji čak 4.259 pretplatnika (stanje 20. (s fokusom na mrežnoj umjetnosti). lipnja 2013.). Uz nju postoje i liste na nizozemskom, rumunjskom i

19 clemens apprich Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama viders overlooked the fact that the internet determinism, about the ‘affirma- 02 Lists in Spanish and Portuguese are was offering additional possibilities, beyond tive techno-utopias’ (Diefenbach) no longer active, and the Web, buried in its older phases of techno- and the ‘virtual class’ (Kroker), de- neither is the separate nettime-list for logical development, yet still practicable and constructing their figures of argu- Southern Europe meaningful, depending on the field of applica- mentation” (Arns 2002, pp. 36). (http://www.net- tion” (Medosch 1997). Thus, the mailing-list The central segment of nettime time.org). management system Majordomo, implemented has been its international, Eng- 03 The meeting in in 1992 and freely accessible, was especially lish-speaking mailing list net- Spessart was initiated by Andreas user-friendly: every e-mail was automatically time-l, which had around 500 sub- Kallfelz, who pre- forwarded to all the subscribed recipients and scribers in 1997, grew to 2000 sided over Verein 707, known for the subscribers could also post their answers. subscribers in 2001, and today active cultural me- It was through this interactivity that mailing numbers as many as 4259 (as of diation in Frankfurt am Main. As a part of lists differed from mere newsletters. Similarly June 20, 2013). Nettime also in- festivities on its to newsgroups, primarily those in Usenet, mail- cludes lists in Dutch, Romanian, tenth anniversary, ing lists were mostly grouped around certain and French, as well as its own an- Pit Schultz and Geert Lovink organized the thematic fields, thus establishing a ‘social link’ nouncement list, which all toge abovementioned between their participants: “These early net- ther comprise the “mailing lists event, with the participants includ- worked communities can to some extent be for networked cultures, politics ing — beside Kallfelz, considered as the predecessors of and tactics.”02 The beginnings of Schultz, and Lovink — Hans-Christian nettime the social networks that are so go back to a meeting in Dany, Jochen Beck- popular today” (Smite 2012, p. Spessart near Frankfurt am Main: er, Florian Schnei- der, Verena Kuni, 233). Contrary to the commercial 16-19 March 1995, the first “Me- Felicia Herrschaft, services of Web 2.0, however, dien-ZK” took place there under Stefan Beck, Barbara mailing lists were run on inde- the title “terminal theory of the Strebel, Florian Zeyfang, Ed van pendent and decentralised serv- 1990s — secret knowledge for Megen, Gereon ers, whereby the list owner even- all.”03 This ironical allusion to a Schmitz, Joachim Blank, Armin Haase, tually possessed the key to the supposedly arcane knowledge in Ute Süßbrich, Janos configuration of the particular list. the hands of a central committee Sugar, Dietmar Dath, Barbara Kirchner, This allowed him or her to alter the should not conceal the fact that Christoph Blase, fundamental functions: for exam- the organisers were very serious Wolfgang Neuhaus, Ludwig Seyfarth, ple, whether the entries were visi- in their intent of building up criti- and Mona Sarkis (cf. ble on the list at once (unmoder- cal net practices and discourses. Lovink 2004, p. 102). ated) or they first had to be ap- This could also take place owing proved and released by a modera- to the dissatisfaction about the tor (moderated). direction that “critical theory” was taking in Germany (and also in the rest of Europe), which was experienced as backward: “In the early Nettime as a place of discourse 1990s, neither the apocalyptic postmodernism nor the speculative doctrinal function seemed A place where the discourse on the to reflect the fast growing techno-configura- radical net cultures was based was tions” (Lovink 2004, p. 66). Instead of leaving the mailing list nettime, launched the field completely to techno-liberalism of in 1995 by Pit Schultz and Geert the US-American type, some people wanted to Lovink: “Here one argued passion- intervene into the majesty of “wired ideolo-

Clemens Apprich The Truth Games of Radical Net Cultures ately for and against technological gy” with the help of positions that would ap-

20 02 Više nisu aktivne liste francuskom jeziku, kao i zasebna lista za najave, i sve one zajedno na španjolskom i portugal- 02 skom jeziku, kao ni zasebna čine “mailing-listu za umrežene kulture, politike i taktike”. Njezi- nettime lista za južnoeurop- ni počeci sežu u vrijeme sastanka u Spessartu, mjestu u blizini ski prostor (http://www. nettime.org). Frankfurta na Majni, gdje je od 16. do 19. ožujka 1995. održan prvi “Medien-ZK” pod naslovom “konačna teorija 1990-ih − tajno znanje 03 Do sastanka u Spes- za sve”.03 Ironična aluzija na neko pretpostavljeno tajno znanje, sartu došlo je na poziv Andre- asa Kallfelza, koji je vodio koje se nalazi u rukama Centralnog komiteta, ne bi nas trebala za- Verein 707 u Frankfurtu na varati: organizatori su se itekako ozbiljno posvetili cilju izgradnje Majni, a bio je poznat po alternativnoj kulturnoj dje- kritičkih mrežnih praksi i diskursa. To se dogodilo, između ostalo- latnosti. Kao dio slavlja povo- ga, zbog nezadovoljstva usmjerenjem “kritičke teorije” u Njemač- dom desetgodišnjice njegovog postojanja Pit Schultz i koj (ali i u ostatku Europe), koja se doživljavala kao zaostala: “Ranih Geert Lovink organizirali su 90-ih godina činilo se da ni apokaliptična postmoderna ni spekula- navedenu manifestaciju, u kojoj su ∞ uz Kallfelza, Schult- tivna teorijska funkcija ne odražavaju tehno-kon∫guracije u brzoj za i Lovinka ∞ sudjelovali mijeni” (Lovink 2004, str. 66). Umjesto da se teren sasvim prepusti Hans-Christian Dany, Jochen tehnoliberalizmu američkog tipa, željelo se pomoću pozicija mrež- Becker, Florian Schneider, Verena Kuni, Felicia Herrsc- ne kritike intervenirati u de∫nitorni primat “Wired-ideologije”. Me- haft, Stefan Beck, Barbara đutim, “pokušaj da se razvije zajednička medijska strategija mreža Strebel, Florian Zeyfang, Ed van Megen, Gereon Schmitz, i izgrade autonomne komunikacijske strukture izvan komercijalne Joachim Blank, Armin Haase, sfere i institucija” (Lovink/Schultz 2010, str. 10) isprva je propao, Ute Süßbrich, Janos Sugar, Dietmar Dath, Barbara Kirch- što se vjerojatno dobrim dijelom može objasniti tehnofobnom ner, Christoph Blase, Wolf- atmosferom toga vremena (usp. Schultz 2012, str. 76). gang Neuhaus, Ludwig Sey- farth i Mona Sarkis (usp. Nedugo nakon toga nekoliko se sudionika manifestacije u Lovink 2004, str. 102). Spessartu ponovo susrelo na Bijenalu u Veneciji.04 Sada naglašeno međunarodno usmjerenje pomoglo je projektu nettime da stekne 04 Kao dio manifestacije “Club Berlin” Pit Schultz je u veću vidljivost, što je naposljetku pobudilo zanimanje mrežnih akti- Veneciji organizirao trodnev- vista izvan Europe. Iz e-mail korespondencije koja je uslijedila proi- nu radionicu na kojoj se nastavilo raspravljati o tema- zašao je krajem listopada 1995. nettime kao redovna mailing-lista i ma s prvog sastanka u Spes- središnje mjesto diskursa na kojem se izražavala nelagoda oko teh- sartu. Ovaj put su u rasprava- ma sudjelovali David Garcia, noliberalne kiberkulture kalifornijskoga tipa: “Od samog početka Heath Bunting, Geert Lovink, Nettime je utjelovljivao projekt ‘mrežne kritike’ kako bi se suprot- Diana McCarty, Vuk Ćosić, Paul Garrin, Gereon Schmitz, stavio nepodnošljivoj lakoći časopisa Wired” (Lovink 2004, str. Nils Röller, Suzana Milevska i 75).”05 Pritom je zanimljivo da je poluslužbena mailing-lista06 osta- Katja Reinert. Pit Schultz se vila mjesta i za one pozicije koje je većina njezinih sudionika ustvari kasnije kritički izrazio o “okupaciji” tehno-podzemlja odbacivala. Tako je jedan od najaktivnijih dopisnika u prvo vrijeme od strane etabliranog svijeta bio američki kiberaktivist John Perry Barlow, koji je već 1990. s umjetnosti na Bijenalu u Veneciji (usp. Schultz 1998). Mitchellom Kaporom osnovao Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF).07 Nekadašnji autor tekstova pjesama (između ostalih za Gre- 05 Ključna značajka platforme nettime bila je i atful Dead) obznanio je svoje tehnoliberalne pozicije na platformi praksa “kolaboracijskog nettime, a sudjelovao je i na nekoliko okupljanja u okviru konferen- ∫ltriranja teksta” (nettime): 08 Kao što je bilo uobičajeno u cija i festivala. Samo nekoliko tjedana nakon što je prisustvovao prvim godinama interneta, drugoj konferenciji Next 5 Minutes u Amsterdamu, napisao je De- mailing-lista ili interesna klaraciju o nezavisnosti kiberprostora (Barlow 1996), koja započinje grupa objavljivali su zanimlji- ve tekstove koji su već ranije sljedećim riječima: “Vlade industrijskoga svijeta, vi umorni divovi objavljeni na netu (primarni od mesa i čelika, ja dolazim iz kiberprostora, novoga doma Uma. U tekstovi) kako bi se zatim o njima raspravljalo ime budućnosti tražim od vas, koji pripadate prošlosti, da nas osta-

21 clemens apprich Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama proach it critically. However, the “attempt at he wrote the Declaration of the In- 04 As a part of “Club Berlin”, Pit dependence of Cyberspace developing a common media strategy of net- (Barlow Schultz organized a works and building up autonomous communi- 1996), which begins with the fol- three-day workshop in Venice, in which cation structures beyond the commercial lowing words: “Governments of the issues from the sphere and the institutions” (Lovink/Schultz the Industrial World, you weary first meeting in 2010, p. 10) at first failed, which was largely giants of flesh and steel, I come Spessart were further discussed. This due to the technophobe climate of the time from Cyberspace, the new home time, the discussion (cf. Schultz 2012, p. 76). of Mind. On behalf of the future, I participants included, among others: Shortly afterwards, some of the protago- ask you of the past to leave us David Garcia, Heath nists of Spessart met again at the Venice Bien- alone. You are not welcome Bunting, Geert Lovink, Diana Mc- 04 nial. The now emphasised international ori- among us. You have no sovereign- Carty, Vuk Ćosić, entation helped the nettime-project achieve ty where we gather” (ibid.). The Paul Garrin, Gereon Schmitz, Nils Röller, more visibility, which eventually also attracted manifesto, which was written in Suzana Milevska, the attention of network activists outside Eu- reaction to the censorship efforts and Katja Reinert. rope. The e-mail correspondence resulted in following the US-American Tele- Later on, Pit Schultz expressed his criti- 09 the launching of nettime as a regular mailing com Reform Act, was in complete cism against the list late in October 1995, and it became the correspondence with the techno- “occupation” of techno-underground central place of discourse to express dissatis- liberal narrative of the “digital by the established faction with the techno-liberal revolution” and its (positive) ef- art world at the Venice Biennial (cf. cyber-culture of the Californian fects on the personal, demo cratic, Schultz 1998). type: “From the very beginning, and economic development of an 05 A defining fea- Nettime embodied the project of individual. ture of nettime was ‘network critique’ that was to On nettime, this sparked off the practice of counter the unbearable lightness a fierce debate about the ongoing “collaborative text- filtering” (nettime): of Wired Magazine” (Lovink 2004, dominance of the American dis- As it was common in p. 75).05 It is, however, amazing course. Barlow’s use of an inclu- the early years of the internet, interesting, 06 that the half-official mailing list sive “we”, which encompassed often pre-existing allowed also for those positions the entire “network community” entries were posted in the mailing list or which the majority of its subscrib- as opposed to the representatives the newsgroup (as ers actually rejected. For example, of the allegedly “old world,” met primary texts) in order to discuss one of the most active contribu- with bitter criticism: “Barlow’s them (secondary tors in the beginning was the We was not inclusive, and reeked texts). This “com- American cyber-activist John Perry of the techno elite’s belief in their ment function” made it possible to Barlow, who had as early as 1990 own right to power” (McCarty arrange the dis- founded the Electronic Frontier 1997). Nevertheless, one should course with the help of discussion Foundation (EFF) with Mitchell Ka- underline here that nettime was threads, as it is por.07 The former author of lyrics not simply a “European answer to known today from the internet forums. (e.g. for The Greatful Dead) pub- Wired” (McKenzie Wark), espe- licly proclaimed his techno-liberal cially as it relied on transatlantic 06 What is meant is the original way in positions on nettime and also exchange from the very outset. It which nettime func- participated in various meetings was rather a conscious detach- tioned: on the one which took place at conferences ment from the affirmative posi- hand, the list was unmoderated, which 08 or festivals. Only some weeks af- tion expressed by the representa- means that the ter visiting the second Next 5 Mi tives of the “Californian ideolo- posted content was not controlled; on

Clemens Apprich The Truth Games of Radical Net Cultures nutes conference in Amsterdam, gy.” Eventually, in order to pacify the other hand, new

22 (sekundarni tekstovi). Ova vite na miru. Niste dobrodošli među nama. Vi ne vladate svijetom u “komentirajuća funkcija” omogućuje uređivanje dis- kojem se mi okupljamo” (isto). Taj je manifest, napisan kao odgo- kursa prema nitima rasprave vor na pokušaje cenzure u okviru američkog zakona Telecom Reform (takozvanim threads), kao što 09 je poznato i iz internetskih Act, u potpunosti odgovarao tehnoliberalnom narativu o “digital- foruma. noj revoluciji” i njezinu (pozitivnom) učinku na osobni, demokratski i ekonomski razvoj pojedinca. 06 Tu se misli na izvorni način na koji je nettime funk- Na platformi nettime nato se rasplamsala žestoka debata o još cionirao: s jedne strane, lista uvijek dominantnom američkom diskursu. Barlowova uporaba inje bila nemoderirana, odnosno objavljeni sadržaji nisu kluzivnog Mi, koje je obuhvaćalo cjelokupnu “mrežnu zajednicu” i se kontrolirali; s druge stra- istodobno je tu zajednicu suprotstavilo predstavnicima navodno ne, nove prijave su se provje- ravale, tako da nije svatko “staroga svijeta”, naišla je na ogorčenu kritiku: “Barlowovo Ja nije dobio pristup. inkluzivno i smrdi na uvjerenost tehno-elite u njezino pravo na

07 Electronic Frontier vlast” (McCarty 1997). Ipak, u tom kontekstu valja napomenuti da Foundation (EFF) je još uvi- nettime nije bio jednostavno “europski odgovor na Wired” (McKen- jek postojeća američka nevla- zie Wark), osobito zato što je od samoga početka počivao na transa- dina organizacija, koja se od svoga osnutka 1990. bavi tlantskoj razmjeni. Prije se može reći da se radilo o svjesnom odba- građanskim pravima u kiber- civanju a∫rmativne pozicije kakvu su iskazivali predstavnici “kali- prostoru. fornijske ideologije”. Kako bi se smirila bura u zajednici mailing- 08 Ova okupljanja u liste, naposljetku je čak jedan suradnik časopisa Wired pozvan na “stvarnom životu” događala 10 su se redovito, prije svega u prvu “nezavisnu” nettime-konferenciju: simpozij “The Beauty and početnoj fazi platforme netti- the East” održan je od 21. do 23. svibnja 1997. u Ljubljani i okupio me: nakon Spessarta i Veneci- je (vidi gore) zajednica se je 120 od tadašnjih 500 pretplatnika. Manifestaciju je organizirao sastala i na drugoj konferen- Ljubljana Digital Media Lab (skraćeno Ljudmila), inicijativa koja je ciji MetaForum u Budimpešti osnovana 1994. godine u svrhu potpore medijskoj umjetnosti i (listopad 1995.), na drugoj 11 konferenciji Next 5 Minutes u mrežnoj kulturi. Na skupu je ubrzo postalo jasno da nettime nije Amsterdamu i Rotterdamu više obična mailing-lista, nego se razvio u neku vrstu (društvenog) (siječanj 1996.), na petoj Cyberconf u Madridu (lipanj pokreta: “Ono što je započelo kao obična mailing-lista postalo je 1996.), na trećoj konferenciji nešto više od toga, nešto nalik na pokret ili klasičan slučaj europske MetaForum u Budimpešti (listopad 1996.) i u okviru avangarde” (McCarty 1997). Međutim, kao takva avangarda nettime manifestacije “Hybrid Wor- je imao problema s pronalaženjem rješenja za pitanja koja je po- kspace” na izložbi documen- ta X u Kasselu (lipanj-rujan stavljala mrežna kritika, a koja bi mogla dovesti do konsenzusa. Sa 1997.). sve većim uspjehom pokreta mrežne kritike rasla su i očekivanja, osobito budući da je primjena “taktičkih medija” kao skupa praksi 09 Telecommunications Act iz 1996. bio je prva temelj- na razmeđi teorije, umjetnosti,kulture, aktivizma i medija postu- na razrada američkog zakona pno dolazila do svojih granica. Ova dezorijentiranost postala je oči- o telekomunikacijama nakon 1934. godine. Taj savezni tom u Ljubljani: pitanja o mrežnoj umjetnosti i medijskom aktiviz- zakon potpisao je Bill Clinton mu, kao i o speci∫čnoj ulozi kulturnih središta koja su nekada bila i u njemu se po prvi put spominje internet kao dio javnog dio Istočnog bloka (kao što su Riga, Tirana, Novi Sad, Beograd ili medijskog sektora. Međutim, sama Ljubljana), sve te teme izazivale su strastvene debate, a da se s njime su bili povezani i pokušaji regulacije internet- nije došlo ni do kakvog konkretnog rezultata (usp. Lovink 2004, str. ske komunikacije, što je 85s.). izazvalo kritičke prigovore iz redova pokreta za zaštitu građanskih prava. Među njima je bio i onaj Johna Perryja Barlowa, koji je svoju “Deklaraciju o nezavisnosti”

23 clemens apprich Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama the spirits in the mailing-list community, even (with Peter Lamborn Wilson, Kon- subscriptions were checked and not Wired a ’s employee was invited to the first ‘in- rad Becker, Marleen Stikker, Pit everyone had access dependent’ nettime conference:10 “The Beauty Schultz, Geert Lovink, Diana Mc- to the list. and the East” took place from 21-23 May 1997 Carty, Dorian Burr, Steve Kurtz, 07 Electronic Fron- in Ljubljana and brought together 120 of the and others) drove to Piran, a small tier Foundation (EFF) ca. 500 subscribers of the time. The event was town on the Slovenian Adriatic. is a still existing NGO in the US, hosted by Ljubljana Digital Media Lab (briefly The excursion was still under a which has been Ljudmila), an initiative launched in 1994 to strong impact of the rather fruit- dealing since its foundation in 1990 11 promote media art and network culture. At less conference in Ljubljana and with civil rights in the meeting, it soon became clear that nettime eventually produced a manifesto connection with cyberspace. was no longer a simple mailing list, but had that was presented on May 29 in grown into a sort of (social) movement: “What the framework of Public Netbase, 08 These meetings in ‘real life’ were began as a simple mailing list has become a Vienna-based media initiative:12 taking place regu- something more, something called a move- At the very beginning it calls for larly, above all in the ment or a classical case of the European Avant- an “Information War,” which may early phase of nettime: after Spessart garde” (McCarty 1997). As such an avant- on the one hand be understood as and Venice (see garde, however, nettime had problems with an ironic allusion to the former above), the nettime community met, for offering consensual solutions to the issues that aimlessness of nettime as a mere example, at the were openly raised by the net cri- community of discourse (contrary second MetaForum conference in Buda- tique. With the increasing success to the US-American Maker Cul- pest (October 1995), of the net-critical movement, ex- ture), but has on the other hand the second Next 5 Minutes conference pectations were raised as well, es- also been critically reflected upon in Amsterdam/ pecially as the application of ‘tac- as a sign of the increasing militari- Rotterdam (January tical media’ as an ensemble of zation of language in the course of 1996), the fifth Cyberconf in Madrid practices at the edge of theory, the so-called ‘media wars’ (in par- (June 1996), the art, politics, culture, activism, and ticular, the second war in Iraq and third MetaForum conference in Buda- media gradually reached its limits. the Yugoslav wars). Beside the un- pest (October 1996), This lack of orientation came to easiness about this new “serious and in the framework of “Hybrid light in Ljubljana: questions relat- situation,” the manifesto is large- Workspace“ at docu- ed to net art and media activism, ly a critique of the commercialisa- menta X in Kassel (June-September as well as the special role of cul- tion and institutionalisation of 1997). tural centres that used to be a part the internet, which had gradually of the Eastern Bloc (e.g. Riga, Ti- set in by 1997. Thereby one can 09 The Telecom Act of 1996 was the first rana, Novi Sad, Belgrade, or observe an interesting contradic- fundamental treat- Ljubljana itself), all these topics tion in its argument: on the one ment of telecommunication rights in the sparked off fierce debates with- hand, the state is denounced as USA after 1934. The out leading to a proper result (cf. the regulatory instance, but on federal law was signed by Bill Clin- Lovink 2004, pp. 85). the other it is implicitly evoked — ton and was the first even to help repair the damage to mention the internet as part of caused by capitalism. Insofar the the public media The Manifesto of Piran answer of John Perry Barlow, who sector. However, it se declaration of independence was followed by an attempt at regulat- As the majority of conference par- was once again attacked in the ing online communi- ticipants had already left Ljub manifesto, came immediately, as cation, which pro- voked critical voices

Clemens Apprich The Truth Games of Radical Net Cultures ljana, a small nettime delegation could only be expected: “Repara- from the civil rights

24 (vidi gore) predstavio u okviru Piranski manifest Svjetskog ekonomskog foruma u Davosu. Kada je većina sudionika konferencije napustila Ljubljanu, malena 10 To znači da se nije radilo samo o popratnoj nettime-delegacija (između ostalih Peter Lamborn Wilson, Konrad manifestaciji u sklopu drugih Becker, Marleen Stikker, Pit Schultz, Geert Lovink, Diana McCarty, konferencija ili festivala, Dorian Burr i Steve Kurtz) zaputila se u Piran. Iz tog izleta, koji je još nego je skup organiziran isključivo od nettimea i za uvijek bio pod snažnim dojmom neuspješne konferencije u Lju- nettime. Do danas je to ostala bljani, nastao je naposljetku manifest, koji je 29. svibnja predstav- jedina manifestacija tog tipa. ljen u prostorima bečke medijske inicijative Public Netbase.12 U 11 Platforma Ljudmila njemu se odmah na početku poziva na “informacijski rat”, što s osnovana je kako bi se umjet- nicima i kulturnim radnici- jedne strane valja shvatiti kao ironičnu aluziju na dotadašnju bes- ma olakšao pristup novim ciljnost platforme nettime kao puke diskurzivne zajednice (za razli- medijskim tehnologijama. Prije svega je u prvim godina- ku od američke kulture činjenja), dok s druge strane također kritič- ma postojanja nudila i pri- ki promišlja sve veću militarizaciju jezika tijekom takozvanih “me- stup internetu po povoljnim dijskih ratova” (drugi rat u Iraku i ratovi na području bivše Jugosla- cijenama. Kao i mnoge druge slične medijske inicijative vije). Nakon negodovanja zbog te nove “ozbiljnosti situacije” u ma- nekadašnjeg Istočnog bloka, nifestu se prije svega radi o kritici postupne komercijalizacije i in- Ljudmila je bila ∫nancirana od Instituta Otvoreno društvo stitucionalizacije interneta nakon 1997. godine. Pritom se primje- Georgea Sorosa, o čemu se ćuje zanimljivo proturječje u argumentaciji: s jedne strane, država također sporilo i raspravljalo na nettime-konferenciji u se odbacuje kao instanca regulacije interneta, dok se s druge impli- Ljubljani (usp. Baumgärtel citno zaziva − i to ondje gdje se radi o nadoknadi štete koju je iza- 1997). Kao digitalni medijski laboratorij Ljudmila postoji i zvao pankapitalizam. Razumljivo je da nije izostao ni odgovor Joh- dalje, angažirajući se prven- na Perryja Barlowa, čija se Deklaracija o nezavisnosti ponovo napada stveno na razvoju i širenju u manifestu: “Nadoknada kome i za što? Osobno mi se čini da je otvorene kulture i besplatnog softvera. pankapitalizam prirodno stanje stvari, osim ako postoje vlade koje su dovoljno autoritarne da nametnu planiranu ekonomiju. A to je, 12 Piranski Nettime-manifest sastavio je “Bečki ad- kako se čini, posvuda doživjelo neuspjeh. Koja je vaša alternativa?” hoc komitet” (između ostalih (Barlow 1997). Iako u ovoj izjavi jasno dolazi do izražaja (neo-)libe- Konrad Becker, Pit Schultz, Geert Lovink, Critical Art ralna ideja o navodnoj “prirodnosti” kapitalističkog privrednog su- Ensemble, Diana McCarty, stava, Barlow je pogodio bolnu točku u debati ranih mrežnih kultu- Marko Peljhan i Peter Lam- born Wilson) i sadrži sljedeći ra, a to je pitanje o ulozi države u postfordističkim, ali i postsocijali- tekst: stičkim društvima. “Prošli tjedan Nettimeri Upravo u zemljama nekadašnjeg Istočnog bloka, gdje je kapi- su uživali u prostorno- vremenskom kontinuu- talistička “strategija šoka” (Klein 2007) 90-ih godina bila u punom mu na slovenskoj obali u jeku, već su zarana uništene državne strukture, budući da su doživ- gradiću Piranu, gdje su dogovorene sljedeće ljavane kao okovi koji sprečavaju slobodan razvoj privatnog podu- točke: zetništva. Uvođenje slobodnog tržišta u tim su državama stoga — Nettime objavljuje informacijski rat. mnogi shvatili kao direktan napad na društvo. U tom smislu neoli- — Prokazujemo panka- beralna transformacija tih država uopće se nije ticala postsocijaliz- pitalizam i zahtijevamo odštetu. Kiberpo- ma, nego prije daleko šire shvaćenog “post-socijetalizma” (Nowot- stor je mjesto gdje se ny 2008). Tim pojmom bečki je ∫lozof Stefan Nowotny opisao sta- događa vaš bankrot. nje u kojemu “demokratske revolucije” u Istočnoj Europi (dakle u — Nettime pokreće križarski rat protiv Srednjoj i Južnoj Europi) nisu samo uzrokovale slom “realsocijaliz- podatkovnog barbar- ma”, nego je s njima možda nestalo i društvo kao takvo.13 I u tom stva u virtualnoj svetoj zemlji. aspektu, dakle u nestanku svakog oblika društvene solidarnosti,

25 clemens apprich Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama tions from whom and for what? It seems to me attention with regard to the emer- movement. John Perry Barlow was that pan-capitalism is the natural state of gence of new forms of govern- one of those, and he things unless you have sufficiently authoritari- ance: “NGOs are the future op- presented his Decla- ration of Independ- an governments to impose planned economies. pressive post-governments of the ence (see above) at The latter seem to have failed universally. world” (Vienna ad-hoc committee the World Economic What’s your alternative?” (Barlow 1997). Even 1997). Because of this lack of state Forum in Davos. if this statement clearly expresses the (neo-) structures, even the scenes of me- 10 This means that liberal idea of the alleged ‘naturalness’ of the dia art and net cultures of Eastern it was not a mere subsidiary event in capitalist economic system, Barlow hit another Europe were depending on these the framework of score in the debate on the early net cultures: NGOs, primarily on the Open Soci- another conference or festival, but was namely, the issue of the role of the state, not ety Institute (OSI) financed by organised as a meet- only in post-Fordist, but also in post-socialist George Soros, which was at that ing of and for nettime. It has been the societies. time enjoying the “monopoly po- only event of this It was primarily in the former real-social- sition” in the region: “Due to ei- format ever since. ist countries, where the “shock strategy” of ther insufficient or completely 11 Ljudmila was capitalism (Klein 2007) was in full impact dur- lacking alternative support — from founded in order to ing the 1990s, that the early state structures, the public or private sectors — facilitate access to the new media seen as shackles impeding the free develop- George Soros’ foundations in technologies for ment of private enterprise, were eastern Europe have become in artists and cultural workers. Especially demolished. Introduction of the many places the only source of fi- in its early years, it free market in these countries was nancing for independent projects” served also as an independent inter- therefore seen by many as a direct (Arns/Broeckmann 1997, p. 19). net provider, capa- attack on the society. Insofar the Thus even the independent artis- ble of offering cheap neoliberal transformation of these tic and cultural production was access to the internet. As many other, countries was not so much about eventually privatised, a situation similar media initia- post-socialism, but rather about that Boris Buden has interpreted tives in the former communist coun- the certainly more broadly under- as a form of control over the “uto- tries, Ljudmila was stood “Post-Societalism” (Nowot pian dimension of the society” initially financed by George Soros’ Open ny 2008). Viennese philosopher (Buden 2007). According to him, Society Institute, Stefan Nowotny has used this term the neoliberal hegemony does not which was also discussed in a con- to describe the state in which the consist only in ruling over the stra- troversial manner at “democratic revolutions“ of East- tegic sectors with the aim of se- the nettime confer- ern Europe (including Central and curing the profit, but also in the ence in Ljubljana (cf. Baumgärtel 1997). Southern Europe) brought not only ability to prevail over cultural and As a digital media the “real socialism” to its fall, but social criticism. lab, Ljudmila still exists, and is in- perhaps also demolished the soci- The question how to deal volved primarily in eties as such.13 And at this point, with that new form of governance, the development and distribution of that is, in the absence of any form or which role the state should play Open Culture and of social solidarity, the Eastern Eu- in the arrangement of infrastruc- Free Software. ropean situation merged with the tures, introduced a schism in the 12 The Piran Net- programme of “Californian ideolo- nettime community: on the one time Manifesto was gy” into a source of neoliberal side, there was the social demo- put together by the “Vienna ad-hoc promises of freedom. It was to this cratic position, which endorsed a committee“ (Konrad ideological combination that the “return to the state” and consid- Becker, Pit Schultz, Geert Lovink, Criti-

Clemens Apprich The Truth Games of Radical Net Cultures Piran Manifesto was directing its ered the anti-statism on nettime cal Art Ensemble,

26 — Uzdižemo remapira- istočno-europska situacija povezala se s programom “kalifornijske nje bivšeg Istoka/ bivšeg Zapada i po- ideologije” kao izvorom neoliberalnih obećanja slobode. I upravo vratak geogra∫ji. se na tu ideološku vezu misli u Piranskom manifestu kada se govori — Poštujemo povratak “alt.kulture” i pagan- o nastanku novih oblika vladavine: “NGO-ovi su buduće tlačiteljske skea softverske struk- post-vlade svijeta” (Vienna ad-hoc committee 1997). U Istočnoj Eu- ture (“To je normal- ropi su, uslijed nedostatka državnih struktura, i medijska umjetno!”). — Deprivatizirajte kor- nost i mrežna kulturna scena bile ovisne o nevladinim organizacija- poracijski sadržaje, ma (NGO-ovi), prvenstveno o Institutu Otvoreno društvo (OSI), koji srušite virtualna ograđivanja dobara i je ∫nancirao George Soros i koji je u to vrijeme uživao “poziciju mo- zauzmite dvorce nopola” u regiji: “Zahvaljujući nedostatnoj ili sasvim odsutnoj al- sadržaja! — Usprotivite se institu- ternativnoj potpori ∞ bilo iz javnog, bilo iz privatnog sektora ∞ orga- cionalizaciji mrežnih nizacije Georgea Sorosa u Istočnoj Europi na mnogim su mjestima procesa. — Odbijamo postale jedinim izvorom za ∫nanciranje nezavisnih projekata” pronogra∫ju na mreži (Arns/Broeckmann 1997, str. 19). Tako su se naposljetku privatizira- osim ako je dobro le i nezavisna umjetnička i kulturna produkcija, situacija koju je napravljena. — Još uvijek, i dan da- Boris Buden shvatio kao uspostavu kontrole nad “utopijskom di- nas, odbijamo sheme menzijom društva” (Buden 2007). Prema njegovu mišljenju, neoli- koje bi nas trebale držati zaokupljenima beralna hegemonija ne sastoji se samo u vladavini nad strateškim i libertarijanske sektorima kako bi se osigurao pro∫t, nego i u sposobnosti ovladava- deklaracije o nezavisnosti. nja kulturnom i društvenom kritikom. — NGO-ovi su buduće Pitanje kako postupiti s tim novim oblikom vladavine, odno- tlačiteljske post-vlade svijeta sno kakvu bi ulogu trebala igrati država u osiguravanju infrastruk- — Podržavamo eksperi- tura, podijelilo je nettime-zajednicu: s jedne strane nalazila se soci- mentalne tehnologije jaldemokratska pozicija, koja je zahtijevala “povratak državi” i u prijenosa podataka. — Sudjelujte u Nettime- antietatizmu na mailing-listi nettime vidjela naprosto još jednu vari- ovom mirovinskom jantu tehno-liberalizma, a s druge strane bila je tu ludistička pozici- planu - zahtijevamo da nema rada nakon ja, koja je u mreži prepoznala osnovu za novu ekonomiju darivanja 40. te je kritizirala fetišizam države i rada, za koji je optuživala suprot- — Kritika slike je obra- na uobrazilje. nu stranu. Obje te pozicije vidljive su u raspravi koja se razvila kao — Nettime mogao bi reakcija na Piranski manifest: ondje je, između ostaloga, stajalo da biti Dreamtime (Vri- jeme sna). treba odbaciti sve mjere za stvaranje novih radnih mjesta te da nit- Pitanja možete uputiti ko stariji od 40 godina ne bi trebao raditi (vidi gore). Te zahtjeve sudionicima Nettimeove oštro je napao Richard Barbrook, koji je zastupao socijaldemokrat- konferencije za medije, Public Netbase, Museum- sku poziciju: “Odbacujući državne inicijative za zapošljavanje, ma- squartier, Beč, 29.5.1997., nifest ustvari podržava društvenu bijedu koju neoliberalizam na- 19:00” (Bečki ad-hoc komitet 1997). meće našim sugrađanima. Njegovi potpisnici krivi su upravo za onaj oblik društvenog autizma kakav pokazuju kalifornijski ideolo- 13 To je sažeto izrazila nekadašnja britanska premi- zi” (Barbrook 1997a). Na to je korisnik El Iblis Shah objavio isječak jerka Margaret Thatcher u iz ludističkog manifesta The Abolition of Work američkog anarhista svojoj čuvenoj izreci: “There is no such thing as society” Boba Blacka, u kojemu se prije svega govori o ukidanju beskori- (Thatcher 1987). Ne postoji snog, odnosno kvantitativnog nadničarskog rada, dok bi se korisni, više društvo, nego samo još kvalitativni rad trebao transformirati u “zaigranu i kreativnu” dje- pojedinci, koji se po potrebi povezuju u obitelji kao naj- latnost (usp. Black 1996). To je pak John Perry Barlow shvatio kao manje i zasebne jedinice potvrdu svojih kiber-liberalnih ideja, koje su na platformi nettime društva. Boris Buden je u vezi toga primijetio: “To da uvijek nailazile na neodobravanje: “Stvar je u tome, kao što sam već

27 clemens apprich Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama merely as yet another variety of techno-liber- thus confirmed, namely that Diana McCarty, Marko Peljhan, Peter alism; on the other side, there was the Luddite “both leftist and rightist anti- Lamborn Wilson, position, which saw the internet as the basis of statism” eventually obstructed and others) and contained the fol- a new gift economy and criticised the state and any reasonable policy that lowing text: work fetishism of the opposite side. One can would be based on the creation “Last week Net- clearly identify the two positions, as well as of infrastructures (Barbrook timers frolicked in the real space/ their interaction, in the discussion that devel- 1997b). time continuum on oped in the wake of the Piran Manifesto: among the Slovenian coast in the town other things, it could be heard that one of Piran where the should reject the measures aimed at creat- The question of moderation following bullets were established: ing jobs and that nobody older than forty — Nettime de- should work (see above). These demands The controversies that evolved clares Informa- were sharply criticised by Richard Barbrook, tion War. around the Piran manifesto not — We denounce who endorsed the social democratic posi- only brought to light the different pan-capitalism tion: “By rejecting state employment initia- positions within nettime, but also and demand reparations. tives, the manifesto is in effect supporting thwarted the hopes that the un- Cyberspace is the social deprivation being imposed on our structured movement would gain where your bankruptcy fellow citizens by neo-liberalism. Its signa- a proper direction. Geert Lovink takes place. tories are guilty of exactly the has thus concluded in retrospec- — Nettime launch- es crusade same sort of social autism dis- tive that “the mixed reactions to against data played by the Californian ideo- the Piran Manifesto within the barbarism in the logues” (Barbrook 1997a). This nettime virtual holy land. mailing list showed that — We celebrate statement was followed by a was neither a group nor a move- the re-mapping post written by user El Iblis Shah, ment. It would never outgrow its of the Ex-East/ Ex-West and the an excerpt from the Luddite character of a mailing-list commu- return to geog- manifesto The Abolition of Work nity, despite all the efforts invest- raphy. — We respect the by the American anarchist Bob ed in developing it into something return to “alt. Black, which mostly speaks of else” (Lovink 2004, p. 88). And cultures” and pagan software the abolition of useless work — that mailing-list community had structures (“It‘s that is quantitative wage labour yet to endure further tests. Espe- normal!”). — Deprivatize — while the useful, qualitative cially the conflicts around the net- corporate con- work is to be transformed into a art project name.space, initiated tent, liberate “game-like and craft-like” occu- by Paul Garrin,14 which in Septem- the virtual en- closures and pation (cf. Black 1996). This ber 1997 led to the decision that storm the con- again, was understood by John the list should be moderated, so tent castles! — Refuse the Perry Barlow as a confirmation that the incoming messages could institutionaliza- of his cyber-liberal ideas, which be checked before being forward- tion of net net- processes. were repeatedly rejected on ed to the list. Pit Schultz explained — We reject por- time: “The point, as I said before, the measure in the following way: nography on the is to eliminate the weird Indus- net unless well “The phenomenon is [...] that a made. trial Era distinction between group of people, in a repetitive, — We are still, work and the rest of your life. communicative environment, be- until this day, rejecting make- Done right, it’s all a form of play” gin to filter a field of possible work schemes (Barlow 1997b). Richard Bar- ‘communication acts’ in a certain and libertarian declarations of

Clemens Apprich The Truth Games of Radical Net Cultures brook considered his critique way, quasi machinic. [...] The pro- independence.

28 društvo više ne postoji nije prije istaknuo, da se eliminira čudnovato razlikovanje industrijske bio znanstveno objektivan uvid u stvarnost kakva je ere između rada i ostatka čovjekova života. Ako se ispravno obavlja, doista bila, nego politički sve je to jedan oblik igre” (Barlow 1997b), na što se Richard Bar program ∞ poziv na uništenje svih oblika društvene solidar- brook smatrao potvrđenim u svojoj kritici da “i ljevičarski i desni- nosti kako bi se stvorio pro- čarski antietatizam” naposljetku onemogućuju razumnu politiku stor za individualizam, pri- koja će se bazirati na stvaranju infrastruktura (Barbrook 1997b). vatno vlasništvo, osobnu odgovornost, obiteljske vrijednosti i tako dalje; to da društvo više ne postoji tako- đer znači da se privatna sfera Pitanje moderiranja sada može neograničeno širiti na račun javne” (Buden 2009, str. 229s). Sporovi koji su nastali oko Piranskog manifesta nisu iznijeli na vidjelo samo različite pozicije unutar mailing-liste nettime, nego su i 14 Američki medijski umjetnik Paul Garrin osno- prigušili nadanja da će se tom nestrukturiranom pokretu uspjeti vao je 1996. godine poduzeće dati određeno usmjerenje. Tako je Geert Lovink bio prisiljen retros- name.space kako bi na taj pektivno ustvrditi: “Miješane reakcije na Piranski manifest na listi način odgovorio na sve veću potrebu za internetskim pokazuju da nettime nije ni grupa ni pokret. Unatoč svim nastoja- adresama. Garrin je želio njima da se razvije u nešto drugo, ona nikada neće preći granice ukinuti monopol tvrtke Network Solutions Inc. u mailing-liste” (Lovink 2004, str. 88). Upravo ta mailing-lista morala dodjeli top-level domena je ubrzo izdržati daljnje kušnje. Osobito su sukobi oko projekta (TLD) i uspostaviti “Perma- 14 nent Autonomous Network” mrežne umjetnosti name.space, koji je pokrenuo Paul Garrin, do- s besplatnim TLD sustavom veli u rujnu 1997. do odluke da će se lista moderirati, tako da će se registracije. Iako su mnogi sumnjali u tehničku stranu ulazne poruke u budućnosti najprije provjeravati, a tek onda prosli- projekta i također nije bilo jediti na listu. Pit Schultz objasnio je ovu mjeru na sljedeći način: sasvim jasno radi li se o “Fenomen je [...] taj da skupina ljudi, u repetitivnoj i komunikativ- umjetničkom eksperimentu ili o komercijalnom projektu, noj sredini, počinje ∫ltrirati polje mogućih ‘komunikacijskih čino- name.space je uspio isprovo- va’ na određeni način, gotovo strojno. [...] Proizvodnja ‘informacija’ cirati međunarodnu debatu (npr. The New York Times, The duž granice šuma znači neprestano istančavanje društvenog kon- Economist, Die Zeit) o praksi teksta, možda umjetnog, što neki nazivaju imanentnim, želim reći: dodjele internetskih adresa. Garrinove osobne komunika- s pravilima koja su očita i međuovisna na dinamičan način” cijske prakse na nettimeu (Schultz 2009, str. 48s). Takva interna kontrola proizvodnje diskur- (između ostaloga, počeo je obasipati listu “reklamnim sa regulirana je u internetskoj komunikaciji takozvanom “netike- materijalom” za name.space) tom”, koja pored tehničkih standarda (u slučaju e-maila to je nailazile na sve veće negodo- SMTP-protokol) praktički uspostavlja “društveni protokol”. Time se vanje te je u ljeto 1997. izbio prvi Ωame war (osobito izme- određuju pravila igre unutar kojih se mailing-lista konstituira kao đu Paula Garrina i Gordona “diskurzivna zejednica” tako što se određuje polje moguće komuni- Cooka). Posljedica je bila ta da se lista otada moderirala kacije (od “otvorenog/nemoderiranog” pa sve do (usp. Lovink 1998). “zatvorenog/∫ltriranog”) i ustanovljavaju relevantni rituali (kao što je, na primjer, inicijacija novih sudionika na listi). Moderator djeluje kao sudac: s jedne strane, on mora bdjeti nad poštivanjem pravila i odvajati željene od neželjenih poruka (kao što je, na primjer, spam), ali se s druge strane mora ponašati što je moguće suzdržani- je kako ne bi ometao tijek komunikacije. Ta “moć u odsutnosti” (isto, str. 47) stvara osnovu za samokontrolu diskursa, jer već sama mogućnost intervencije već regulira ponašanje sudionika na listi.

29 clemens apprich Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama duction of ‘information’ along the borderline tly moderated) forum, in which — NGOs are the future oppres- of noise means to constantly refine a social political and cultural aspects of sive post-gov- context, maybe an artificial one, what some the evolution of technology and ernments of the world. call immanent, I mean with rules which are self- internet were discussed” (Lovink — We support evident, and are interdependent in a dynamic 2004, p. 66). Eventually, the pro experimental way” (Schultz 2009, pp. 48). Such internal con- ject of net critique was joined by data transfer technology. trol over discourse production is normally reg- the “globalisation issue” (from — Participate in ulated in online communication by the so- Seattle to Genoa). This thoroughly the Nettime retirement plan, called ‘netiquette’, which beside the technical altered nettime as an “organ of zero work by age standards (in the case of e-mailing it is the criticism”. While in the early years 40. — The critique of SMTP protocol) basically supplies the “social the list was primarily defined by the image is the protocol.” This defines the rules of the game, the wish to develop an alternative defense of the imagination. within which the mailing list is constituted as a to the “Californian ideology,” the — Nettime could “discourse community” by demarcating the collapse of the dot-com bubble be Dreamtime. field of possible communication (from “open/ brought the political-economic Questions can be addressed to the unmoderated” to “closed/filtered”), and de- issues into focus. These subjects participants at the termines the corresponding rituals (such as the were now also discussed on newly Nettime press conference, Public initiation of new participants). The moderator created communication platforms, Netbase, Muse serves as a judge: on the one hand, particularly the Indymedia net- umsquartier, Vienna, 29.5.1997, he or she must take care that the work founded in the late 1990s. 19:00 hours” rules are observed and separate But even though nettime had lost (Vienna ad-hoc committee 1997). desirable posts from undesirable its unique position as the place of ones (such as spam), while on the discussion in a critical net debate, 13 The former other hand, he or she must remain as a mailing list it was steadily British Prime Minis- ter Margaret That invisible as much as possible not to growing and even today remains cher expressed it disturb the flow of communica- an important — if no longer central succinctly: “There is no such thing as soci- tion. This “power-through-ab- — node of radical net cultures. As ety” (Thatcher sence” (ibid., p. 47) creates a basis such, nettime is also subject to 1987). The society is no longer there, only for self-control in the discourse, as various interpretations, especially individuals who, the mere possibility of interven- as a result of a collaborative pro- when needed, join into families as the tion already regulates the behav- duction of knowledge. Thus, Ted smallest and isolated iour of the participants. Byfield, who has been a modera- social units. Boris It is, however, an ambivalent tor of nettime since 1998 together Buden has commented on that: relationship: Are the exclusion sys- with Felix Stalder, recently indi- “The fact that there tems a necessary corrective in es- cated an inherent contradiction is no such thing as society was not a tablishing a discourse, or is it the that was accompanying the mail- scientifically objec- power of the discourse itself that ing list from the very outset: “On tive insight into the reality as it truly produces the necessity of such ex- the one side, there was Lovink’s was, but a political clusion systems? In case of nettime, and Schultz’s originally avant- programme — a call to abolish all forms the attempt at diminishing the garde vision of an expansive, al- of social solidarity in “noise” in the list certainly result- ternative media project, and on order to make place ed in a gradual “closing of the list”: the other a rather modest, flexi- for individualism, private property, “In the ensuing consolidation pha ble, and communitarian idea, personal responsibil- se (1998-99), nettime was trans- which emerged on the actually ex- ity, family values, etc.; that there was

Clemens Apprich The Truth Games of Radical Net Cultures formed into a structured (and stric isting list” (Byfield 2012, p. 43). no such thing as

30 Pritom se ipak radi o ambivalentnom odnosu: jesu li sustavi isključivanja korektiv koji je nužan za uspostavu diskursa ili sama moć diskursa proizvodi nužnost takvih sustava isključivanja? U slu- čaju liste nettime pokušaj ograničavanja “šuma” u svakom je sluča- ju imao za posljedicu “zatvaranje liste”: “U idućoj fazi konsolidacije (1998.-99.) nettime je postao strukturiran (i čvrsto moderiran) forum na kojemu se raspravljalo o političkim i kulturnim aspektima tehnologije i razvoja interneta” (Lovink 2004, str. 66). Naposljetku je projekt mrežne kritike sustiglo “pitanje globalizacije” (od Seat- tlea do Genove) te se nettime kao “organ mrežne kritke” iz temelja promijenio: dok je u prvim godinama lista bila prvenstveno vođena željom da razvije alternativu u odnosu na “kalifornijsku ideologiju”, nakon sloma dot.com mjehura u središte debata dospjele su političko-ekonomske teme. O njima se sada raspravljalo na novona- stalim komunikacijskim platformama, osobito na mreži Indyme- dia, osnovanoj krajem 90-ih godina. Ali čak i ako je nettime izgubio svoju jedinstvenost kao mjesto diskursa kritičke mrežne debate, postojano je nastavio rasti te još i danas predstavlja važno − iako više ne i središnje − čvorište radikalnih mrežnih kultura. Kao takav, nettime je ipak predmet različitih interpretacija, osobito zato što je lista naposljetku rezultat kolaboracijske proizvodnje znanja. Tako je Ted By∫eld, koji je od 1998. godine zajedno s Felixom Stalderom jedan od moderatora liste nettime, nedavno uputio na imanentno proturječje koje je pratilo mailing-listu od samih njezinih početaka: “S jedne strane bila je tu izvorno avangardistička vizija Lovinka i Schultza o ekspanzivnom projektu alternativnih medija, a s druge prilično skromna, Ωeksibilna i komunitaristička ideja koja je nastala na samoj konkretnoj listi” (By∫eld 2012, str. 43). Umjesto da samo žaluje za “junačkim vremenima” ranih godina, on promatra nettime kao “trajan i postojan resurs”, kao primjer za “obaviještajni rad otvorenog koda” (usp. Stalder/Hirsh 2002).

Zrcalni stadij mrežnih kultura

Kao zaključak, moglo bi se reći da se radikalne mrežne kulture 90- ih godina mogu opisati na osnovi (najmanje) triju diskurzivnih polja: kao prvo, odlikovale su se vlastitom “teorijskom praksom”, koja se uglavnom odigravala izvan klasičnih (akademskih) institucija. Kao drugo, mrežne kulture su bile bitno određene razmjenom iz- među Istočne i Zapadne Europe koju su omogućili pad “Željezne zavjese” i širenje novih mrežnih tehnologija. Kao treće, diskurs europskih mrežnih kultura distancirao se od “kalifornijske ideologije”, koja je shvaćana kao hegemonijska, pri čemu su upravo prve godine bile obilježene željom da se ispriča alternativna “istina”. Te

31 clemens apprich Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama Instead of merely lamenting about the “heroic eral politics as it was propagated society meant also that the private net- times” of the early years, he prefers to see primarily in Central and South- could spread with- time as an “ongoing and lasting resource,” an Eastern European countries in the out any limits at the cost of the public” example of “Open Source Intelligence” (cf. 1990s, as well as to the ‘organic (Buden 2009, pp. Stalder/Hirsh 2002). ideology’ of the internet itself. 229). Hence, as Oliver Marchart has 14 The American stated referring to the techno- media artist Paul The mirror stage of net cultures discourse of the time: “The eco- Garrin founded the enterprise name. nomic and infrastructural basis of space in 1996 as an In conclusion, one may say that the radical net a communication medium — or answer to the growing need of internet cultures of the 1990s can be described on the hardware, as in some forms of addresses. Garrin basis of (at least) three fields of discourse: techno-determinism — cannot be wanted to break the monopoly of Net- firstly, they were characterised by an autono- described independently of spe- work Solutions Inc. mous ‘theory-practice’ that was mainly posi- cific discourses, which make out in the distribution of tioned outside of the classical (academic) insti- an ‘ideology’ or a political encod- top-level domains (TLD) and estab- tutions. Secondly, they were crucially deter- ing” (Marchart 1998, p. 12). So lished a “Permanent mined by the exchange between Eastern and there is an intersection of the Autonomous Net- work” with a freely Western Europe, made possible by the fall of “Californian ideology” and the accessible TLD the ‘iron curtain’ and the expan- discourse of (radical) net cultures, registration system. Although the techni- sion of new network technologies. as they both eventually believed cal side of the Thirdly, the discourse of European in the subversive power of the project was doubted by many, and it was net cultures saw itself opposed to new media technologies. It were also not quite clear the “Californian ideology,” which the popular subversive figures of whether it was an was experienced as hegemonic, the net scene — the hacker and the artistic experiment or rather a commer- whereby it was the early years that media guerillero — that represent- cial enterprise, were especially marked by the ed, for the setting of Wired (pri- name.space managed to spark off an inter- wish to tell an alternative ‘truth’. marily for the start-ups of the dot- national debate (e.g. Examples of this truth are, howev- com era), the embodiments of in NYT, The Econo- mist, Die Zeit) on the er, still games of power (cf. hope in a new information econo- practice of distribut- Foucault 2002, p. 671), especially my, freed from the old burdens of ing internet addresses. On nettime, as the rules of the game that must industrial production. Garrin’s personal be set are themselves subject to Thus, the fields of knowl- communication negotiation between different in- edge in net cultures were grouped practices met with increasing dissatis- terests. Nevertheless, behind around a central myth, which was, faction (for example, these articulated differences — among other things, set into the he began spamming the list with “ads” whereby one should always ask world by the adepts of Californian for name.space) and what the possibilities of articula- hippie capitalism: that the new in- in summer 1997 the first “flame war” tion are (for example, access to formation and communication broke out (particu- the media technologies) — there is technologies — above all the in- larly between Paul Garrin and Gordon often a hidden, unarticulated con- ternet with its various applica- Cook). The conse- sensus, which makes positions tions (e-mail, Usenet, WWW, etc.) quence was that the outside of the hegemonic field — were presented, so to say, as list would thence be moderated (cf. practically unimaginable. This re- the main aspect of economic, so- Lovink 1998). fers both to the abovementioned cial, and political transformations.

Clemens Apprich The Truth Games of Radical Net Cultures ‘lack of alternative’ to the neolib- Here the actual strength of net

32 igre istine su, međutim, uvijek i igre moći (usp. Foucault 2002, str. 671), osobito zato što su pravila igre koja valja odrediti također predmet pregovora između različitih interesa. U pozadini tih izreče- nih razlika − pri čemu se uvijek valja zapitati i tko uopće ima mo- gućnost izricanja (na primjer, pristup medijskim tehnologijama) − često se ipak skriva neizrečeni konsenzus, koji čini gotovo neza- mislivima pozicije izvan polja o kojemu valja pregovarati, dakle he- gemonijskog polja. To se odnosi kako na već spomenuti “nedostatak alternative” u odnosu na neoliberalnu politiku, onakvu kakva je 90-ih godina propagirana prije svega u zemljama Srednje i Jugoi- stočne Europe, tako i na “organsku ideologiju” samog interneta. Tako Oliver Marchart piše o tehno-diskursu onoga doba sljedeće: “Ekonomska i infrastrukturna osnova komunikacijskog medija − ili hardver, kao u nekim oblicima tehno-determinizma − ne može se opisati neovisno o speci∫čnim diskursima koji sačinjavaju neku ‘ideologiju’ ili politički kod” (Marchart 1998, str. 12). I tu se prekla- paju “kalifornijska ideologija” i diskurs (radikalnih) mrežnih kultura, budući da su i jedni i drugi naposljetku vjerovali u subverzivnu moć novih medijskih tehnologija. Tako su i popularni subverzivni likovi mrežne scene − haker i medijski gerilac − za krugove oko ča- sopisa Wired (prvenstveno za start-upove dot.com epohe) bili nositelji jedne nove informacijske ekonomije, oslobođene starog jarma industrijske proizvodnje. Polja znanja mrežnih kultura su se, dakle, grupirala oko sre- dišnjeg mita koji su, između ostaloga, iznjedrili i adepti kalifornijskog hipijevskog kapitalizma: naime, da će nove informacijske i komunikacijske tehnologije − prije svega internet sa svojim mnoš- tvom aplikacija (e-mail, Usenet, WWW itd.) − biti glavni čimbenik ekonomskih, društvenih i političkih promjena. Tu se pokazuje stvarna snaga mrežnog diskursa, naime njegova sposobnost da ap- sorbira kritiku koja je usmjerena protiv njega i ugradi je u vlastiti model. Jer naposljetku su se “subverzivna obećanja dana u vezi s novim tehnologijama rasprsnula, a mrežni model uspio se namet- nuti kao vladajući” (Diefenbach 2012, str. 182). To ne znači da se “kalifornijska ideologija” naprosto proširila cijelim planetom, jedan na jedan. No ona je praktički de∫nirala obzor mogućih struktura očekivanja i smisla unutar kojega se internet sada javlja kao “naj- aktualnija tendencija” društvenog, kulturnog i ekonomskog razvoja. Tako su i nedavni politički događaji (od trga Tahrir preko Puerte del Sol do parka Zuccotti i dalje) pokazali da predodžba o društve- noj promjeni još uvijek slijedi tehno-determinističku argumentaci- ju (npr. revolucija na Facebooku i Twitteru). Pritom je upravo mrež- na kritika 90-ih godina od samog početka dovodila u pitanje puko izvođenje društvenih fenomena iz tehnoloških struktura, no naposljetku je ipak ostala podložna primatu “digitalne revolucije”. Taj

33 clemens apprich Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama discourse comes to the fore, namely its ability lenged the mere derivations of 15 This goes meanwhile so far that to absorb the critique directed against it and social phenomena from techno- even the resistance to incorporate it into its own model.15 Eventu- logical structures from the outset, against certain networks — be it ally, “the subversive promises given with re- yet eventually remained bound to globally operating gard to the new technologies got broken, while the primacy of the ‘digital revolu- concerns or local the net managed to assert itself as the domi- tion.’ This ‘mirror stage’ may also clientele — are organized in the form nant model” (Diefenbach 2012, p. 182). This be the reason why the radical net of networks, as in does not mean that the “Californian ideology” cultures were all too easily over- the case of “India against Corruption” simply spread all over the planet, one to one. It run by the commercial internet (cf. Shah 2013). has however, virtually defined the horizon of service providers in the booming the possible structures of expectation and phase of the internet. Today, af- meaning, within which the internet now ap- ter the explosion of the dot-com pears as the ‘hottest tendency’ in social, cul- bubble at the turn of the millenni- tural, and economic developments — and this um and the resurrection of social continues to be the case as the most recent po- networks, it is all the more impor- litical events (from Tahrir Square to Puerta del tant to recall the experiences of Sol to Zuccotti Park and beyond) have likewise the early net cultures, lest we shown that the idea of social change still fol- should again fall for the simple lows these techno-deterministic narrative of the ‘democratic net,’ argumentations (e.g. Facebook so we could develop alternative and Twitter revolution). It was the perspectives with regard to the net critique of the 1990s that chal- given state of the media.

Translation from German: Marina Miladinov and Hana Yoosuf

Clemens Apprich The Truth Games of Radical Net Cultures Beauty and the Beast, nettime may meeting, Ljubljana, 1997

34 “zrcalni stadij” možda je i razlog tome što su radikalne mrežne kulture u prvoj fazi procvata odviše lako potisnute od komercijalnih internetskih usluga. Danas, nakon rasprsnuća dot.com-balona na prijelomu tisućljeća, društvene mreže zablistale su u novom sjaju i čini se da tek sada razvijaju svoj potencijal u potpunosti. Zato je tim važnije prizvati u sjećanje iskustva ranih mrežnih kultura, kako ne bismo ponovo nasjeli na jednostavnu naraciju o “demokratskoj mreži” nego razvijali alternativne poglede na postojeću medijsku svakodnevicu.

Prijevod s njemačkoga: Marina Miladinov

35 clemens apprich Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama Bibliography

Agentur Bilwet. “Der große Treck gen Critical Art Ensemble. Digital Resistance. Cyberspace.“ In: Kursbuch Neue Medien. Explorations in Tactical Media (2001), http:// Trends in Wirtschaft und Politik, Wissenschaft www.critical-art.net/books/digital (last und Kultur, ed. Stefan Bollmann, pp. 230- accessed: June 30, 2013). 238. Cologne: Bollmann, 1995. Diefenbach, Katja. “Interview mit Katja Apprich, Clemens/Stalder, Felix (Ed.). Diefenbach.” In: Vergessene Zukunft. Vergessene Zukunft. Radikale Netzkulturen in Radikale Netzkulturen in Europa, ed. Clemens Europa. Bielefeld: transcript, 2012. Apprich and Felix Stalder, pp. 177-182. Arns, Inke. Netzkulturen. Hamburg: eva, 2002. Bielefeld: transcript. Arns, Inke and Andreas Broeckmann. “No Foucault, Michel. “Die Wahrheit und die Eastern Media-Normality.” In: ZKP4, ed. Pit juristischen Formen.” In: idem, Dits et Ecrits. Schultz, Diana McCarty, Geert Lovink, and Schriften, vol. 2, pp. 669-792. Frankfurt a. Vuk Ćosić, pp. 17-21. Ljubljana: Ljubljana M.: Suhrkamp, 2002. Digital Media Lab, 1997. Klein, Naomi. Die Schock-Strategie: Der Aufstieg Barbrook, Richard and Andy Cameron. “Die des Katastrophen-Kapitalismus. Frankfurt a. kalifornische Ideologie.“ In: Netzkritik. Main: Fischer, 2007. Materialien zur Internet-Debatte, ed. Kroker, Arthur and Michael A. Weinstein. Data Nettime, pp. 15-36. Berlin: ID-Archiv, 1997. Trash: The Theory of the Virtual Class. Barbrook, Richard. “ Re: The Piran Montreal: New World Perspectives, 1994. Nettime Manifesto,” nettime (1997a), Lovink, Geert. “Interview with Paul Garrin about http://www.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/ Name.Space,” nettime (1998), http://www. nettime-l-9706/msg00003.html (last nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l-9805/ accessed: June 30, 2013). msg00058.html (last accessed: June 30, ______. “Re: Re: The Piran 2013). Nettime Manifesto,” nettime (1997b), ______. Dark Fiber. Auf den Spuren einer http://www.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/ kritischen Internetkultur. Opladen: Leske + nettime-l-9706/msg00080.html (last Budrich, 2004. accessed: June 30, 2013). Lovink, Geert and Pit Schultz. Jugendjahre der Barlow, John Perry. “A Declaration of the Netzkritik. Essays zu Web 1.0 (1995-1997). Independence of Cyberspace” (1996), Amsterdam: INC, 2010. http://w2.eff.org/Censorship/Internet_ Marchart, Oliver. Die Verkabelung Mitteleuropas. censorship_bills/barlow_0296.declaration Medienguerilla — Netzkritik — Technopolitik. (last accessed: January 31, 2010). Vienna: edition selene, 1998. ______. “Re: The Piran Nettime McCarty, Diana. Nettime: the legend and the myth Manifesto Piran,” nettime (1997a), http:// (1997), http://www.medialounge.net/ www.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l- lounge/workspace/nettime/DOCS/1/info3. 9705/msg00152.html (last accessed: June html (last accessed: June 30, 2013). 30, 2013). Medosch, Armin. “Nettime oder die Kunst der ______. “Re: Piran / Zero Diskussion,” Telepolis (1997), http://www. Work,” nettime (1997b), http://www. heise.de/tp/artikel/1/1107/1.html (last nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l-9706/ accessed: June 30, 2013). msg00011.html (last accessed June 30, Nowotny, Stefan. “Filtered Inclusion: 2013). Postsocietalism in the Neoliberal Ages.” In: Baumgärtel, Tilman. “’Beauty and the East’ Operation: City 2008. The Neoliberal — Nettime-Treffen in Ljubljana. Von Onkel Frontline: Urban Struggles in Post-socialist Soros’ aufmüpfigen Kindern,” Telepolis Societies, pp. 12-14. Zagreb: Conference (1997), http://www.heise.de/tp/ Newsletter, 2008. artikel/3/3086/1.html (last accessed: June Schultz, Pit. “Panic Content. Introduction to 30, 2013). ZKP3” (1998), http://www.nettime.org/ Black, Bob. The Abolition of Work (1996), http:// Lists-Archives/nettime-l-0105/msg00036. www.t0.or.at/bobblack/abolishw.htm (last html (last accessed: June 30, 2013). accessed: June 30, 2013). ______. “Interview mit Pit Schultz.” In: Buden, Boris. “Kommentare zu Branka Ćurčić: Vergessene Zukunft. Radikale Netzkulturen in Autonome Räume der Deregulierung und Europa, ed. Clemens Apprich and Felix Kritik: ist eine Kooperation mit neoliberalen Stalder, pp. 75-79. Bielefeld: transcript, Kunstinstitutionen möglich?” transversal 2012. (2007), http://eipcp.net/transversal/0407/ Shah, Nishant. Whose Change Is It, Anyway? buden2/de (last accessed: June 30, 2013). Towards a Future of Digital Technologies and ______. “Society Lost.” In: Phantom Citizen Action in Emerging Information Kulturstadt. Texte zur Zukunft der Societies. The Hague: Hivos Knowledge Kulturpolitik II, ed. Konrad Becker and Martin Programme, 2013. Wassermair, pp. 227-233. Wieb: Löcker, Clemens Apprich The Truth Games of Radical Net Cultures 2009.

36 Bibliogra∫ja

Agentur Bilwet. ”Der große Treck gen Critical Art Ensemble. ”Digital Resistance. Cyberspace”. U: Kursbuch Neue Medien. Explorations in Tactical Media” (2001), Trends in Wirtschaft und Politik, http://www.critical-art.net/books/digital Wissenschaft und Kultur, ur. Stefan (pristup: 30. lipnja 2013.). Bollmann, str. 230-238. Köln: Bollmann, Diefenbach, Katja. ”Interview mit Katja 1995. Diefenbach”. U: Vergessene Zukunft. Arns, Inke. Netzkulturen. Hamburg: eva, 2002. Radikale Netzkulturen in Europa, ur. Arns, Inke i Andreas Broeckmann. ”No Clemens Apprich i Felix Stalder, str. 177- Eastern Media-Normality”. U: ZKP4, ur. Pit 182. Bielefeld: transcript. Schultz, Diana McCarty, Geert Lovink, i Foucault, Michel. ”Die Wahrheit und die Vuk Ćosić, str. 17-21. Ljubljana: Ljubljana juristischen Formen”. U: isti, Dits et Ecrits. Digital Media Lab, 1997. Schriften, sv. 2, str. 669-792. Frankfurt na Barbrook, Richard i Andy Cameron. ”Die Majni: Suhrkamp, 2002. kalifornische Ideologie”. U: Netzkritik. Klein, Naomi. Die Schock-Strategie: Der Materialien zur Internet-Debatte, ur. Aufstieg des Katastrophen-Kapitalismus. Nettime, str. 15-36. Berlin: ID-Archiv, Frankfurt na Majni: Fischer, 2007. 1997. Kroker, Arthur i Michael A. Weinstein. Data Barbrook, Richard. ” Re: The Piran Trash: The Theory of the Virtual Class. Nettime Manifesto”, nettime (1997a), Montreal: New World Perspectives, 1994. http://www.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/ Lovink, Geert. ”Interview with Paul Garrin nettime-l-9706/msg00003.html (pristup: about Name.Space”, nettime (1998), http:// 30. lipnja 2013.). www.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime- Barbrook, Richard. ”Re: Re: The l-9805/msg00058.html (pristup: 30. lipnja Piran Nettime Manifesto”, nettime 2013.). (1997b), http://www.nettime.org/Lists- Lovink, Geert. Dark Fiber. Auf den Spuren einer Archives/nettime-l-9706/msg00080.html kritischen Internetkultur. Opladen: Leske (pristup: 30. lipnja 2013.). + Budrich, 2004. Barlow, John Perry. ”A Declaration of the Lovink, Geert i Pit Schultz. Jugendjahre der Independence of Cyberspace” (1996), Netzkritik. Essays zu Web 1.0 (1995-1997). http://w2.eff.org/Censorship/Internet_ Amsterdam: INC, 2010. censorship_bills/barlow_0296.declaration Marchart, Oliver. Die Verkabelung (pristup: 31. siječnja 2010.). Mitteleuropas. Medienguerilla − Netzkritik Barlow, John Perry. ”Re: The Piran − Technopolitik. Vienna: edition selene, Nettime Manifesto Piran,” nettime 1998. (1997a), http://www.nettime.org/Lists- McCarty, Diana. Nettime: the legend and the Archives/nettime-l-9705/msg00152.html myth (1997), http://www.medialounge.net/ (pristup: 30. lipnja 2013.). lounge/workspace/nettime/DOCS/1/info3. Barlow, John Perry. ”Re: Piran / html (pristup: 30. lipnja 2013.). Zero Work,” nettime (1997b), http://www. Medosch, Armin. ”Nettime oder die Kunst der nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l- Diskussion”, Telepolis (1997), http://www. 9706/msg00011.html (pristup: 30. lipnja heise.de/tp/artikel/1/1107/1.html 2013.). (pristup: 30. lipnja 2013.). Baumgärtel, Tilman. ”’Beauty and the East’ Nowotny, Stefan. ”Filtered Inclusion: − Nettime-Treffen in Ljubljana. Von Onkel Postsocietalism in the Neoliberal Ages”. Soros’ aufmüp∫gen Kindern”, Telepolis U: Operation: City 2008. The Neoliberal (1997), http://www.heise.de/tp/ Frontline: Urban Struggles in Post-socialist artikel/3/3086/1.html (pristup: 30. lipnja Societies, str. 12-14. Zagreb: Conference 2013.). Newsletter, 2008. Black, Bob. The Abolition of Work (1996), Schultz, Pit. ”Panic Content. Introduction to http://www.t0.or.at/bobblack/abolishw. ZKP3” (1998), http://www.nettime.org/ htm (pristup: 30. lipnja 2013.). Lists-Archives/nettime-l-0105/msg00036. Buden, Boris. ”Kommentare zu Branka html (pristup: 30. lipnja 2013.). Ćurčić: Autonome Räume der Schultz, Pit. ”Interview mit Pit Schultz”. U: Deregulierung und Kritik: ist eine Vergessene Zukunft. Radikale Netzkulturen Kooperation mit neoliberalen in Europa, ur. Clemens Apprich i Felix Kunstinstitutionen möglich?” transversal Stalder, str. 75-79. Bielefeld: transcript, (2007), http://eipcp.net/transversal/0407/ 2012. buden2/de (pristup: 30. lipnja 2013.). Shah, Nishant. Whose Change Is It, Anyway? Buden, Boris. ”Society Lost”. U: Phantom Towards a Future of Digital Technologies Kulturstadt. Texte zur Zukunft der and Citizen Action in Emerging Information Kulturpolitik II, ur. Konrad Becker i Martin Societies. Haag: Hivos Knowledge Wassermair, str. 227-233. Wieb: Löcker, Programme, 2013. 2009.

37 clemens apprich Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama Smite, Rasa. “Nachhaltige Netzwerke. Soziale Turner, Fred. From Counterculture to Organisation im Fall früher Netzkulturen.” Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Earth In: Vergessene Zukunft. Radikale Netzkulturen Network, and the Rise of Digital Utopianism. in Europa, ed. Clemens Apprich and Felix Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006. Stalder, pp. 233-238. Bielefeld: transcript, Vienna ad-hoc committee. “The Piran Nettime 2012. Manifesto,” nettime (1997), http://www. Stalder, Felix and Jesse Hirsh. “Open Source nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l-9705/ Intelligence,” First Monday (vol. 7) (2002), msg00147.html (last accessed: June 30, http://firstmonday.org/ojs/index.php/fm/ 2013). article/viewArticle/961/882 (last accessed: June 30, 2013). Thatcher, Margaret. “Interview for Woman’s Own magazine (‘no such thing as society’)” (1987), http://www.margaretthatcher.org/ document/106689. Clemens Apprich The Truth Games of Radical Net Cultures

38 Smite, Rasa. ”Nachhaltige Netzwerke. Soziale Turner, Fred. From Counterculture to Organisation im Fall früher Cyberculture: Stewart Brand, the Whole Netzkulturen”. U: Vergessene Zukunft. Earth Network, and the Rise of Digital Radikale Netzkulturen in Europa, ur. Utopianism. Chicago: University of Clemens Apprich i Felix Stalder, str. 233- Chicago Press, 2006. 238. Bielefeld: transcript, 2012. Vienna ad-hoc committee. ”The Piran Stalder, Felix i Jesse Hirsh. ”Open Source Nettime Manifesto”, nettime (1997), Intelligence”, First Monday (sv. 7) (2002), http://www.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/ http://∫rstmonday.org/ojs/index.php/fm/ nettime-l-9705/msg00147.html (pristup: article/viewArticle/961/882 (pristup: 30. 30. lipnja 2013.). lipnja 2013.). Thatcher, Margaret. ”Interview for Woman’s Own magazine (‘no such thing as society’)” (1987), http://www. margaretthatcher.org/document/106689.

39 clemens apprich Igre istine u radikalnim mrežnim kulturama

02 Eric Kluitenberg Kartiranje hibridiziranih stvarnosti: taktilne kartogra∫je za zgusnutu sadašnjost

Ovaj tekst je proširena verzija eseja koji je uvijek je nedostajao u obliku izvorne izvorno objavljen pod istim naslovom na analize, iako naznačen u tekstu: radi se o blogu Tactical Media Files (http://blog. ključnoj ulozi koju u tim prosvjedima igraju tacticalmedia∫les.net). U njemu istražujem afektivne petlje povratne veze između zgusnute uvjete u hibridnim prosvjednim utjelovljenog i medijski posredovanog (što prostorima, koji su istodobno duboko možemo zamijetiti i u prosvjedima na trgu utjelovljeni i intenzivno prožeti različitim Taksim u Turskoj). Prisutnost nesvjesne, medijskim tokovima zbog goleme početne vezivne sile, koja je intenzivno prisutnosti mobilnih i bežičnih medija u afektivna, predstavlja i pokretačku silu u javnom prostoru. Jedan od elemenata tih pozadini tih “okupljanja” i važan element u novih praksi masovnog prosvjeda ∞ osobito zacrtavanju obzora njihove političke taktika osvajanja javnih trgova i ulica ∞ još učinkovitosti.

sred istraživanja o nasljeđima “taktičkih medija” ∞ fuzije umjetnosti, politike i medija koja je već sredinom devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća prepoznata kao osobito produktivna mješavina za kulturni, U 01 društveni i politički aktivizam ∞ dogodila se 2011. godina. Istraži- vanje je izvorno započelo kao proširenje rada na Tactical Media Fi- les, internetskom dokumentacijskom resursu o taktičkim medijskim praksama širom svijeta02 koji je izrastao iz ∫zičkih arhiva čuve- nog niza festivala o taktičkim medijima po imenu Next 5 Minutes (1993.-2003.) na Međunarodnom institutu za društvenu povijest u 01 Usp. David Garcia & Amsterdamu. Nakon što smo ponovo učinili dostupnim dobar dio Geert Lovink, “The ABC of Tactical Media” (svibanj povijesti taktičkih medija na internetu, naše je pitanje kao uredni- 1997.), dostupno na: http:// ka tog resursa bilo sljedeće: koje bi moglo biti aktualno značenje www.tacticalmedia∫les.net/ article.jsp?objectnumber ovog termina, kao i s njime povezanih promišljanja i praksi? =37996 Prije 2011. godine to je bilo itekako goruće pitanje. Serija festivala Next 5 Minutes završena je s izdanjem 2003., nakon godine koja 02 http://www. tacticalmedia∫les.net je započela 11. rujnom 2001. i okupila lokalne aktiviste na sastanci-

41 Eric Kluitenberg Kartiranje hibridiziranih stvarnosti 02

Eric Kluitenberg

Charting Hybridised Realities: Tactical Cartographies for a Densified Present

This text is an expanded version In the midst of an enqu 01 See: David of the essay originally published iry into the legacies of Garcia & Geert under the same title at the Tacti- Lovink, The ABC of cal Media Files blog (http:// l Tactical Media — the fu- Tactical Media, May blog.tacticalmediafiles.net). The sion of art, politics, and media 1997, a.o.: http:// text explores the densified www.tacticalmedia- conditions of hybrid protest which had been recognised in the files.net/article.jsp? spaces that are simultaneously middle 1990s as a particularly pro- objectnumber= deeply embodied and intensely 37996 permeated by a variety of media ductive mix for cultural, social and flows because of the massive political activism01, the year 2011 02 http://www. presence of mobile and wireless unfolded. The enquiry had started tacticalmediafiles. media in public space. One net element of the new practices of as an extension of the work on the popular protest - in particular the Tactical Media Files, an on-line do tactics of occupation of public squares and streets - was still cumentation resource for tactical media prac missing in the original analysis, tices worldwide02, which grew out of the physi- even though it was hinted at in the text: the crucial role that cal archives of the infamous Next 5 Minutes affective feedback loops be- festival series on tactical media (1993 — 2003) tween the embodied and the mediated play in these protests housed at the International Institute of Social (as can be witnessed once again History in Amsterdam. After making much of in the Taksim Square protests in tactical media’s history accessible again on- Turkey). The presence of the non-conscious, the incipient line, our question as editors of the resource connective force of affective had been what the current significance of the intensity is both a driving force behind these ‘assemblies’ as well term and the thinking and practices around it as an important delimitation of might be? the horizon of their political efficaciousness. Prior to 2011 this was something emphatically under question. The Next 5 Minutes festival series had been ended with the 2003 edition, following a year that had started on

Eric Kluitenberg Charting Hybridised Realities September 11, 2001, convening local activists

42 ma koji su održani na šest kontinenata pod nazivom Tactical Media Labs.03 Dva su pitanja bila u fokusu četvrtog i posljednjeg izdanja festivala Next 5 Minutes: kako se polje medijskog aktivizma diver si∫ciralo otkako je prvi put nazvano “taktičkim medijima” sredinom 90-ih godina? I koje bi moglo biti političko značenje i učinkovitost simboličkih intervencija taktičkih medija usred semiotičke iskvarenosti medijskog pejzaža nakon terorističkih napada 11. rujna? Taj “slom simbola” iz očitih je razloga bio u samom središtu pozornosti tijelom četvrtog i posljednjeg izdanja festivala. Poznato je da je Naomi Klein u brzoj reakciji na užasne događaje 11. rujna ustvrdila kako je aktivistička poluga simboličke intervencije konta- minirana i onesposobljena nakon nadmoćne simboličke snage te- rorističkih napada i njihove medijacije u stvarnom vremenu na globalnoj razini.04 Napadi su iza sebe ostavili “potpuno izmijenjen se- miotički pejzaž” (Klein), u kojemu je uobičajene taktike kulturološ- ke subverzije (cultural jamming) “pomela” simbolička snaga terori- stičkih zvjerstava. Stoga “mi” (pri čemu se Klein poziva na imagi- narnu zajednicu društvenih aktivista) sada moramo preći sa simbola na bit. Ono što je Klein previdjela u toj reakciji, izrečenoj u stanju “šoka i zastrašenosti” bilo je, međutim, to da je semiotički pejzaž, iako uistinu znatno izmijenjen (i iskvaren) uslijed napada 11. rujna, ipak ostao semiotički pejzaž ∞ simboli su još uvijek jedina poluga i ulaz u širu javnu domenu, medijski posredovanu u stvarnom vremenu. Stoga se pitanje o diversi∫kaciji terena i praksi medijskog aktivizma (ili aktivizama), iako se to možda tada činilo malo vjerojat- nim, naposljetku pokazalo daleko važnijim. Doprinos sloma simbola uslijed 11. rujna i rasprave o semiotičkoj iskvarenosti bio je “naprosto” u dodatnom sloju kompleksnosti. U društvu prožetom medijskim tokovima, društveni aktivizam nužno je morao postati medijskim aktivizmom i stoga djelovati u znatno složenijem i anta- goniziranijem okolišu. Međutim, diversi∫kacija medijskog i infor- macijskog pejzaža također je podrazumijevala potrebu za radikal- nom diversi∫kacijom aktivističkih strategija kako bi se mogle uhvatiti u koštac sa sve hibridiziranijim okolnostima. Navest ćemo samo nekoliko novih problema. Praćenje povre- da ljudskih prava širom svijeta te osiguranje njihove javne vidljivo- 03 Dokumentacija o događajima koje organizira sti i debate ostala je primarna zadaća mnogih praktičara na podru Tactical Media Labs dostu- čju taktičkih medija, kao što je to bila od najranijih dana aktivizma pna je na: http://www.n5m4. org s video kamerom. No sada su na scenu stupili novi problemi vezani uz privatnost u umreženim medijskim okruženjima, povezani s re- 04 Naomi Klein, “Signs of the Times”, The Nation (5. žimima nadzora nad informacijama koji jamče sigurnost i tajnovi- listopada 2001.) Dostupno u tost. Kritičke medijske umjetnosti proširile su se u raznim smjero- arhivi: http://www. vima, osvajajući nove terene od znanosti o životu i bio-inženjeringa tacticalmedia∫les.net/article. jsp?objectnumber=46632 preko “aktivističke robotike” (contestational robotics) pa sve do in-

43 Eric Kluitenberg Kartiranje hibridiziranih stvarnosti gatherings named as Tactical Media Labs of far greater importance. What 03 Documentation of the Tactical Media 03 across six continents. Two questions were at the 9/11 crash of symbols and the Labs events can be the heart of the fourth and last edition of the semiotic corruption debate con- found at: http:// www.n5m4.org Next 5 Minutes: How has the field of media ac- tributed here was ‘merely’ an tivism diversified since it was first named ‘tac- added layer of complexity. In a so- 04 Naomi Klein, tical media’ in the middle 1990s? And what ciety permeated by media flows, “Signs of the Times”, in The Na- could be political significance and efficacy of social activism necessarily had to tion, October 5, tactical media’s symbolic interventions in the become media activism, and thus 2001. Archived at: http://www.tacti- midst of the semiotic corruption of the media had to operate in a significantly calmediafiles.net/ landscape after the 9/11 terrorist attacks? more complex and contested en- article.jsp? objectnumber= 46632 This ‘crash of symbols’ for obvious rea- vironment. The diversification of sons took centre stage during this fourth and the media and information land- last edition of the festival. Naomi Klein had fa- scape, however, also implied that mously claimed in her speedy response to the a radical diversification of activist horrific events of 9/11 that the activist lever of strategies was needed to address symbolic intervention had been contaminated these increasingly hybridised con- and rendered useless in the face of the over- ditions. powering symbolic power of the terrorist at- To name but a few of the tacks and their real-time mediation emerging concerns: witnessing of on a global scale.04 The attacks left human rights abuses around the behind an “utterly transformed world, and creating public visibil- semiotic landscape” (Klein) in ity and debate around them re- which the accustomed tactics of mained a pivotal concern for many culture jammers had been ‘blown tactical media practitioners, as it away’ by the symbolic power of had been right from the early days the terrorist atrocities. Instead of camcorder activism. But now ‘we’ (Klein appealing to an imagi- new concerns over privacy in net- nary community of social activists) worked media environments, coupled with se- should move from symbols to sub- curity and secrecy regimes of information con- stance. What Klein overlooked in trol entered the scene. Critical media arts this response in ‘shock and awe’, spread in different directions, claiming new however, was that while the semi- terrains as diverse as life sciences and bio-en- otic landscape had indeed been gineering, as well as ‘contestational robotics’, dramatically transformed (and cor- interventions into the space of computer rupted) in the wake of the 9/11 at- games, and even on-line role playing environ- tacks, it still remained a semiotic ments. Meanwhile the free software move- landscape — symbols were still the ment made its strides into developing more only lever and entry point into the autonomous toolsets and infrastructures for a wider real-time mediated public variety of social and cultural needs — adding a domain. more strategic dimension to what had hitherto Therefore, as unlikely as it been mostly an interventionist practice. In a may have seemed at the time, the parallel movement on-line discussion groups, question about the diversification mailing lists, and activity on various social me- of the terrain and the practices of dia platforms started to coalesce slowly into

Eric Kluitenberg Charting Hybridised Realities media activism(s) was ultimately what media theorist Geert Lovink has de-

44 tervencija u prostor kompjuterskih igara ili internetskih okruženja za igru uloga. U međuvremenu je pokret za besplatan softver uzna- predovao u smjeru razvoja autonomnijih alatki i infrastruktura za niz društvenih i kulturnih potreba ∞ dodajući izrazitije stratešku dimenziju onome što je do tada bila uglavnom intervencionistička praksa. U paralelnom procesu su se internetske grupe za diskusiju, mailing liste i djelovanje na čitavom nizu društvenih medijskih platformi počeli stapati u nešto što je medijski teoretičar Geert Lo- vink nazvao “organiziranim mrežama”.05 Naposljetku, tu je i nagli razvoj tehnologija za bežični prijenos, pametnih telefona i drugih bežičnih mrežnih klijenata, koji su doveli do paradoksalne premoći medijski posredovane i utjelovljene prostorne logike, što se najbolje očituje u višeslojnom konceptu “hibridnog prostora”.06 Naše je pitanje stoga bilo sasvim opravdano: kako bi termin “taktički mediji” mogao pokriti takav diversi∫cirani, heterogeni i hibridizirani skup praksi na smislen način? Postalo je jasno da će biti potrebne so∫sticiranije kartogra∫je kako bi se uopće započeo kartirati taj intenzivno hibridizirani pejzaž.

Digitalna konverzija javnog prostora

Ako su događaji 2011. godine nešto pokazali, onda je to činjenica

05 Geert Lovink i Ned da je zlokobna tvrdnja Critical Art Ensemblea da su “ulice mrtvi Rossiter, “Dawn of the Orga- kapital”07 opovrgnuta i poništena zadivljujućim povratkom uličnih nised Networks”, Fibreculture Journal 5 (2005.), prosvjeda, kakvi god bili njihovo dugoročno političko značenje i http://∫ve.fibreculturejour- nuspojave. Ti prosvjedi na ulicama i trgovima, od prosvjeda protiv nal.org/fcj-029-dawn-of-the- budžetskih mjera štednje u južnoj Europi preko raznih ustanaka u organised-networks/ arapskim zemljama sjeverne Afrike i Bliskog istoka, do prosvjeda 06 Usp. moj članak “The Occupy u SAD-u i sjevernoj Europi, nipošto se ne odvijaju u ∫zičkim Network of Waves”, kao i tematski broj o hibridnom prostorima zato što odbacuju semiotičku iskvarenost medijskog prostoru otovorenoga časopi- prostora. Naprotiv, ulice i trgovi poslužili su kao platforma za digi- sa Journal for Art and the Public Domain (Amsterdam, talno i umreženo umnožavanje prosvjeda kroz mnoštvo distribucij- 2006.), skih kanala, ulančavajući čitav spektar alternativnih i matičnih, http://www. tacticalmedia∫les.net/article. radiotelevizijskih i mrežnih medija. jsp?objectnumber=48405 Ono što je ostalo vjerno izvornom značenju termina “taktički (čitavi broj dostupan je preko mediji” oslanjalo se na uvid Michela de Certeaua da “taktike sla- poveznice u članku). bih” djeluju u prostoru strateške moći tako što pribjegavaju veoma 07 Critical Art Ensem- hitrim izmještanjima i privremenim intervencijama,08 stvarajući ble, Digital Resistance (New York: Autonomedia, 2001.), time trajan nomadski pokret i dajući glas onima koji ga nemaju http://www.critical-art.net/ putem “svih medija koji su potrebni” (Critical Art Ensemble). Me- books/digital/ đutim, radikalna disperzija bežičnih i mobilnih medijskih tehnolo- 08 Michel de Certeau, gija značila je da su se medijski posredovani i utjelovljeni javni pro- The Practice of Everyday Life (University of California stori počeli sve više stapati, stvarajući novu, hibridiziranu logiku za Press, 1984.). društveni aktivizam. Kako smo vidjeli u frapantnom nizu osvajanja

45 Eric Kluitenberg Kartiranje hibridiziranih stvarnosti scribed as ‘organised networks’.05 Or finally adcast and networked media out- 05 Geert Lovink and Ned Rossiter, the rapid development of wireless transmis- lets. “Dawn of the Organ- sion technologies, smart phones and other What remained true to the ised Networks”, in; Fibreculture Journal, wireless network clients, which introduced a origin of the term ‘tactical media’ Issue 5, 2005. paradoxical superimposition of mediated and was to build on Michel de Cer- http://five.fibrecul- embodied spatial logics, best be captured in teau’s insight that the ‘tactics of turejournal.org/ fcj-029-dawn-of- 06 the multilayered concept of Hybrid Space. the weak’ operate on the terrain the-organised- Our question was therefore entirely jus- of strategic power through highly networks/ tified, to ask how the term ‘tactical media’ agile displacements and tempo- 06 See my article could possibly bring together such a diversi- rary interventions,08 creating a “The Network of Waves”, and the fied, heterogeneous, and hybridised set of continuous nomadic movement, theme issue Hybrid practices in a meaningful way? It had become giving voice to the voiceless by Space of Open — Journal for Art and clear that more sophisticated cartographies means of ‘any media necessary’ the Public Domain, would be necessary to begin charting this in- (Critical Art Ensemble). However, Amsterdam, 2006; tensely hybridised landscape. the radical dispersal of wireless http://www.tacticalmediafiles.net/ and mobile media technologies article.jsp? object- meant that mediated and embod- number= 48405 (the complete issue A digital conversion of public space ied public spaces increasingly is linked as pdf file started to coincide, creating a to the article).

If the events in 2011 have made new hybridised logic for social 07 Critical Art one thing clear it is that the omi- contestation. As witnessed in the Ensemble, Digital Resistance, Autono- nous claim of Critical Art Ensemble remarkable series of public square media, New York, that “the streets are dead capi occupations in 2011, through the 2001. tal”07 has been declared null and digital conversion of public space http://www.critical- art.net/books/ void by an astounding resurgence the streets have become networks digital/ of street protests, whatever their and the squares the medium for 08 michel de Cer- longer term political significance collective expression in a transna- teau, The Practice of and fallout might be. These pro- tionally interconnected but still Everyday Life, Uni- versity of California tests staged in the streets and highly discontinuous media net- Press, 1984. squares, ranging from anti-auster- work. ity protests in Southern Europe to the various uprisings in Arab countries in North Africa and the Mid- Horizontal networks / lateral connections dle East, to the Occupy protests in the US and Northern Europe, have One of the remarkable characteristics of the by no means been staged in physi- various protests is not simply the adoption of cal spaces out of a rejection of the similar tactics (most notably occupations of semiotic corruption of the media public city squares), but the conscious inter- space. Much rather the streets and linking of events as they unfold. Italian activ- squares have acted as a platform ists of the Unicommons movement physically for the digital and networked mul- linked up with revolting students in Tunisia, tiplication of protest across a plet Egyptian bloggers and occupiers of Tahrir hora of distribution channels, cut- Square linked up with the ‘take the square’ acting right across the spectrum of tivists in Spain, who in turn expressed solidari-

Eric Kluitenberg Charting Hybridised Realities alternative and mainstream, bro ty and even co-initiated transnational actions

46 javnih trgova 2011. godine, digitalnom konverzijom javnog prostora ulice su postale mrežama, a trgovi medijem kolektivnog izražava- nja u transnacionalno povezanoj, ali još uvijek izrazito nekontinui- ranoj medijskoj mreži.

Horizontalne mreže / lateralne veze

Jedna od upadljivih karakteristika tih raznih prosvjeda nije samo usvajanje sličnih taktika (prvenstveno osvajanja javnih gradskih trgova), nego svjesno povezivanje događaja tijekom njihova odvija- nja. Talijanski aktivisti pokreta Unicommons ∫zički su se povezali s prosvjedujućim studentima u Tunisu, egipatski blogeri i osvajači trga Tahrir povezali su se s aktivistima pokreta “zauzimanja trgova” u Španjolskoj, a oni su se pak solidarizirali i čak zajednički preuzeli inicijativu s aktivistima pokreta #occupy u SAD-u i drugdje. To je prvi put da se nova organizacijska logika transnacionalnih horizon- talnih mreža, koja je teorijski prikazana u ključnom djelu sociologi- nje Saskije Sassen Territory, Authority, Rights, ali i drugdje, tako jasno očitovala u aktivističkim praksama kroz čitav niz radikalno dis- perziranih geografskih sklopova. Horizontalne mreže zaobilaze tradicionalne, vertikalno inte- grirane hijerarhije lokalnog / nacionalnog / međunarodnog kako bi stvorile speci∫čne prostorno-vremenske, transnacionalne poveznice zajedničkih interesa, ali i afektivnih veza. Uglavnom su te veze i poveznice još uvijek izvaninstitucionalne i velikim dijelom neformalne, a zbog svoje radikalno disperzne konstitucije i “afektivnog” ustroja izrazito su nestabilne. Političke institucije još nisu ni počele sastavljati adekvatan odgovor na te novonastale političke konstelacije (osim tradicionalnih represivnih instrumenata strateške moći kao što su deportacije, uhićenja i zabrane). S obzirom na strukturalne nejednakosti koje daju zamah raznim prosvjednim strujama, dugoročnija učinkovitost takvih mjera izrazito je neizvjesna. Čini se da su institucionalne poveznice trenutno uglavnom ograničene na anti-institucionalnu borbu prosvjednika i na represivne geste stra- teških vlasti. Istinski izazovna propozicija koju nude te nove, trans nacionalne poveznice je, međutim, način na koji zaobilaze ugnijež- đene hijerarhije vertikalno integriranih struktura moći te stvaraju horizontalnu kon∫guraciju društvene organizacije. One povezuju zapanjujući spektar lokalnih skupina, mjesta, mreža, zemljopisnih odrednica i kulturnih konteksta i senzibiliteta, po prvi put ozbiljno shvaćajući umreženi prostor kao novu “pograničnu zonu” (Sassen) gdje će se izgraditi nove konstelacije lateralne, transnacionalne politike.

47 Eric Kluitenberg Kartiranje hibridiziranih stvarnosti with #occupy activists in the United States and and sensitivities, taking seriously elsewhere. It is the first time that the new or- for the first time the networked ganisational logic of transnational horizontal space as a new ‘frontier zone’ networks that has been theorised for instance (Sassen) where the new constella- in the seminal work Territory, Authority, Rights tions of lateral transnational poli- by sociologist Saskia Sassen, has become so tics are going to be constructed. evidently visible in activists practices across a set of radically dispersed geographic assem- blages. Charting the layered densities Horizontal networks bypass traditional of hybrid space vertically integrated hierarchies of the local / national / international to create specific spa- Hybrid Space is discontinuous. tio-temporal transnational linkages around It’s density is always variable, common interests, but also around affective from place to place, from moment ties. By and large these ties and linkages are to moment. Presence of carrier still extra-institutional, largely informal, and signals can be interrupted or re- because of their radically dispersed make up stored at any moment. Coverage and their ‘affective’ constitution highly unsta- is never guaranteed. The econom- ble. Political institutions have not ics of the wireless network space even begun assembling an ade- is a matter of continuous contes- quate response to these new tation, and transmitters are al- emergent political constellations ways accompanied by their own (other than traditional repressive forms of electromagnetic pollu- instruments of strategic power, tion (electrosmog). Charting and i.e. evictions, arrests, prohibiti navigating this discontinuous and ons). Given the structural inequali- unstable space, certainly for so- ties that fuel the different strands cial and political activists, is there- of protest the longer term effec- fore always a challenge. Some tiveness of these measures re- prominent elements in this car- mains highly uncertain. The insti- tography are emerging more cle tutional linkages at the moment arly, however: seem mostly limited to anti-insti- — connectivity: presence or absence of the tutional contestation on the part signal carrier wave is becoming an in- of protestors and repressive ges- creasingly important factor in staging tures of strategic authority. The and mediating protest. Exclusive reli- truly challenging proposition ance on state and corporate controlled these new transnational linkages infrastructures thus becomes increas- suggest, however, is their move- ingly perilous. ment to bypass the nested hierar- — censorship: censorship these days comes chies of vertically integrated pow- in many guises. Besides the continued er structures in a horizontal con- forms of overt repression (arrests, configuration of social organisation. fiscations, closures) of media outlets, They link up a bewildering array of new forms are the excessive application local groups, sites, networks, ge- of intellectual property rights regimes to

Eric Kluitenberg Charting Hybridised Realities ographies, and cultural contexts weed out unwarranted voices from the

48 Kartiranje slojevitih gustoća hibridnog prostora

Hibridni prostor je nekontinuiran. Njegova gustoća neprestano se mijenja, od mjesta do mjesta i od trenutka do trenutka. Prisutnost nosača signala može se prekinuti ili ponovo uspostaviti u bilo kojem trenutku. Pokrivenost nikada nije zajamčena. Ekonomija be- žičnog mrežnog prostora redovito je sporna, a transmiteri su uvijek popraćeni speci∫čnim oblicima elektromagnetskog zagađenja (elektro-smoga). Kartiranje i navigiranje tog nekontinuiranog i ne- stabilnog prostora, barem za društvene aktiviste, stoga ostaje trajni izazov. Ipak, u toj kartogra∫ji mogu se sve jasnije prepoznati odre- đeni elementi kao što su: — konektivnost: prisutnost ili odsutnost vala nosača signala postaje sve važnijim čimbenikom u organizaciji i medijskom posredovanju prosvjeda. Isključivo oslanjanje na infrastrukture pod nadzorom države i korporacija stoga postaje sve opa- snijim. — cenzura: danas se cenzura javlja u raznim obličjima. Osim kontinuiranih formi otvorene represije (uhićenja, kon∫skacije, zatvaranja) medija, novi oblici uključuju ekstre- mne primjene prava na intelektualno vlasništvo kako bi se neovlašteni glasovi iskorijenili iz medijskog pejzaža, kao i vrlo učinkovite oblike dezinformiranja i poplave informacija, ne- što što je itekako dovelo u pitanje političku učinkovitost projekta kao što je WikiLeaks. — blokada: veliki informacijski vatrozidovi i blokade informacija očiti su oblici cenzure, koji su naveliko korišteni tijekom arapskih prosvjeda i uobičajena su praksa u Kini, a sada se šire Europskom unijom (pod krinkom antipiratskih zakona). Ta praksa potiče na još istančanije razumijevanje i primjenu tehnika zaobilaženja internetske cenzure, što bi trebalo postati uobičajena praksa za suvremene aktiviste.09 — ekonomija pozornosti: pozornost je veoma tražena roba u informacijskom društvu. Ali pozornost je i nestalna. (Medijski) aktivisti trebaju postati majstori u privlačenju i preusmjerava- nju javne pozornosti, pri čemu je nužno zadržati agilnost i mobilnost. — upravljanje javnom imaginacijom: strateški operateri nastoje upravljati javnim mnijenjem. Aktivisti se ne mogu osloniti na tu strategiju. Oni nemaju sredstava za zadržavanje i održava- nje javnog mnijenja u prilog svojim privremenim ciljevima. Umjesto toga, aktivisti bi se trebali usredotočiti na “upravlja- 09 Koristan priručnik nje javnom imaginacijom” ∞ neprestano podsjećajući na to da nalazi se na stranici: http:// www.Ωossmanuals.net/bypa- je drugačiji svijet moguć. ssing-censorship/

49 Eric Kluitenberg Kartiranje hibridiziranih stvarnosti media landscape, but also highly effec- Beyond semiotic corruption 09 A useful manual can be found here: tive forms of dis-information and infor- http://www.floss- mation overflow, something that has While both Manuel Castells and manuals.net/bypass- ing-censorship/ called the political efficacy of a project Paulo Gerbaudo in their recent like WikiLeaks emphatically into ques- and important books on the ‘mo 10 manuel Castells, Networks of Outrage tion. vement(s) of the squares’10 empha and Hope (2013) / — circumvention: Great Information Fire sise the importance of emotions Paulo Gerbaudo, Walls and information blockages are ob- in the constitution of these mas- Tweets and the Streets (2012). vious forms of censorship, widely used sive popular assemblies, they both during the Arab protests and common fail to address the other dimen- 11 Brian Massumi, Parables for the practice in China, now also spreading sion that informs these protests Virtual: Movement, throughout the EU (under the guise of and is in my view crucial to their Affect, Sensation, Duke University anti-piracy laws). These necessitate an understanding. This ‘other’ di- Press, Durham, NC, ever more sophisticated understanding mension is the presence of the 2002. In particular: and deployment of internet censorship non-conscious in the protests and “The Autonomy of Affect”, pp. 23 - 45. circumvention techniques, an understan the affective linkages and feed- ding that should become common prac- back loops between the embod- tice for contemporary activists.09 ied and the mediated in these — attention economies: attention is a densely hybridised protest spac- sought after commodity in the informa- es. Already while writing the net- tional society. It is also fleeting. (Media-) work notebook on the legacies of Activists need to become masters at seiz- tactical media I noticed this pres- ing and displacing public attention. Agil- ence of something beyond con- ity and mobility are indispensable here. sciousness in the excitement of — public imagination management: strate- the protests, a certain gaze into gic operators try to manage public opin- infinity, an ecstasy that made me ion. Activists cannot rely on this strate- think if the word ’jouissance’, un- gy. They do not have the means to keep derstood as an orgasmic moment, a ‘coming in and maintain public opinion in favour of public’, but at the time I could not yet quite their temporary goals. Instead activists put a finger on it. should focus on ‘public imagination man- I think this ‘beyond’ that I noticed, again agement’ — the continuous remembrance and again in the pictures, the video’s, the com- that another world is possible. ments of protestors, the witnessing by activ- — affective linkages: not the content but ists and participants, or even the affected au- the moment of connection establishes dience not present in the protests themselves, the affective link - the vibration of the can best be understood in terms of affective phone, the flow of incoming messages intensity, as a non-conscious and never to be and feeds, the flash of an image passing conscious intensity impinging on the body, de- by, the resonance of the human mike. scribed by philosopher Brian Massumi, first The affective link does not reside in the and foremost in his famous essay “The Autono- message conveyed through this linkage, my of Affect” (2002).11 Affect and emotion but much rather must be understood to both belong to the wider realm of ‘feelings’, be coextensive with it. but emotions are the capture and conscious qualification of affective intensity and thereby

Eric Kluitenberg Charting Hybridised Realities also their radical closure.

50 — afektivne veze: afektivne veze ne uspostavljaju se kroz sadržaj, nego kroz trenutak povezivanja ∞ vibraciju na mobitelu, pri- ljev poruka i vijesti, bljesak neke slike u prolazu, odjekivanje “ljudskog mikrofona”. Afektivna veza ne počiva u poruci koja se prenosi tom vezom, nego je treba shvatiti kao nešto što traje dokle traje veza.

Onkraj semiotičke iskvarenosti

Iako i Manuel Castells i Paulo Gerbaudo u svojim nedavno objavlje- nim i važnim knjigama o “pokretu/pokretima trgova”10 ističu važ- nost emocija u uspostavi tih masovnih popularnih sklopova, ni jedan ni drugi ne obraćaju pozornost na drugu dimenziju koja odre- đuje takve prosvjede, a prema mojem je mišljenju ključna za njihovo razumijevanje. Ta “druga” dimenzija je prisutnost nesvjesnoga u prosvjedima i afektivnim vezama, kao i petlja povratne veze između utjelovljenoga i medijski posredovanoga u tim gusto hibridiziranim prosvjednim prostorima. Još dok sam pisao mrežne zabilješke o nasljeđu taktičkih medija zamijetio sam tu prisutnost nečega onkraj svijesti u uzbuđenju na prosvjedima, određeni pogled u besko- načnost, ekstazu koja me podsjetila na riječ jouissance shvaćenu kao orgazmički trenutak, “svršavanje u javnosti”, ali u to vrijeme nisam je sasvim uspijevao de∫nirati. Mislim da se to “onkraj” koje bih uvijek iznova zamijetio na fotogra∫jama, na videu, u komentarima prosvjednika, u svjedoče- nju aktivista i sudionika, pa čak i afektivno zahvaćene javnosti koja nije bila prisutna na samim prosvjedima, najbolje može shvatiti kao afektivni intenzitet, nesvjestni intenzitet koji se nikada neće moći osvijestiti, ali koji ima utjecaja na tijelo: ono što je opisao ∫lozof Brian Massumi, prvenstveno u svom čuvenom eseju “The Auto- nomy of Affect” (2002.).11 I afekt i emocija pripadaju širem području “osjećaja”, ali emocije su sažetak i svjesna kvali∫kacija afektivnog intenziteta i stoga ga također radikalno zaokružuju. Afekt je neposredno utjelovljen, to su impulsi koji djeluju na to tijelo, koje ih registrira, ali uvijek izvan svijesti, i prije i onkraj nje. Dvije karakteristike koje Massumi prikazuje ovdje su osobito 10 Manuel Castells, Networks of Outrage and Hope relevantne: (1) brzina afekta i (2) semantička otvorenost afekta. (2013.) / Paulo Gerbaudo, 1 Brzina: Impulsi koje tijelo registrira mogu se mjeriti, na pri- Tweets and the Streets (2012.). mjer u promjenama galvanskog otpora kože (uobičajena teh- 11 Brian Massumi, nika u mjerenju reakcija ispitnih subjekata na reklamne kam- Parables for the Virtual: Move- ment, Affect, Sensation (Dur- panje) unutar 0,2 do 0,3 sekunde, iz čega se može izvući pro- ham, NC: Duke University sjek od 0,25 sekundi. Međutim, za oblikovanje svjesne reakci- Press, 2002.), osobito poglavlje “The Autonomy of Affect”, je na impulse koji utječu na tijelo potrebno je barem pola se- str. 23-45. kunde. Massumi to naziva “nedostajućom polovicom sekun-

51 Eric Kluitenberg Kartiranje hibridiziranih stvarnosti Affect is directly embodied, impulses Affect flows not just from the im- acting on and registered by the body but eter- ages or through the sounds, but nally outside of consciousness, both before also via the close proximity of and beyond. Two characteristics that Massumi bodies, the haptic, the smells, the describes are of particular relevance here: (1) exchange of bodily fluids - affect the speed of affect, and (2) the semantic open- is radically synaesthetic. The ex- ness of affect. treme densities of intensely hy- 1 Speed: The impulses registered by the bridised spaces create a layered body can be measured, for instance in multiplicity of affective feedback changes in galvanic skin resistance (a loops between the embodied and common technique for measuring re- the mediated, which helps to ex- sponses of test subjects to advertise- plain their sudden and often un- ment campaigns), within 0.2 to 0.3 sec- expected eruption into public. onds, which can be averaged at 0.25 sec- The semantic openness of onds. The formation of a conscious re- affect, however, also delimits the sponse to impulses impinging on the horizon of the politics of affect. body, however, takes at least 0.5 sec- Because affect connects the het- onds. Massumi calls this ‘the missing half erogeneous and incongruous so second’. This implies that affect oper- ‘insistently’ and ‘vaguely’ it can ates at twice the speed of conscious- only bring about a temporary link ness. and temporary forms of associa- 2 Semantic openness: Affect is not semi- tion. This severely inhibits the po- otically ordered - it connects the hetero- litical efficacy of the formations geneous in all kinds of unexpected and that emerge out of these affective unpredictable ways: “it vaguely but linkages. This may explain why insistently connects what is normally in- these affective formations are so dexed as separate”, Massumi asserts. ineffective in engaging the strate- This semantic openness of affect played gic formations of political and a crucial role in overcoming a vast array economic power. of ideological, material, cultural, and political differences in the ‘movement(s) of the squares’, especially in the early stag- A perverse subjectivity es of mobilisation. Because affect is not semiotically ordered it can also not be The immersion in extended networks of affect semiotically corrupted. that now permeate both embodied and mediated spaces introduces a new and inescapable corruption of subjectivity. Critical theory already taught us that we cannot trust subjectivity. However, the excessive self-mediation of protestors on the public squares has shown that a deep desire for subjective articulation drives the manifestation in public. The dynamic is underscored further by upload statistics of video platforms such as youtube that continue

Eric Kluitenberg Charting Hybridised Realities to outpace the possibility for the global popu-

52 de”. To podrazumijeva da afekt djeluje dvostruko brže od svijesti. 2 Semantička otvorenost: afekt nije semiotički uređen ∞ on povezuje heterogene elemente na najrazličitije neočekivane i nepredvidive načine: “on nejasno, ali ustrajno povezuje ono što se obično svrstava u različite kategorije”, kako tvrdi Ma- ssumi. Ta semantička otvorenost afekta odigrala je ključnu ulogu u prevladavanju širokog spektra ideoloških, materijalnih, kulturoloških i političkih razlika u “pokretima trgova”, osobito u ranim fazama mobilizacije. Budući da afekt nije se- miotički uređen, ne može se niti semiotički iskvariti.

Afekt ne dolazi samo od slika ili kroz zvukove, nego i putem ∫zičke bliskosti tijela, haptičkog doživljaja, mirisa i razmjene tjelesnih tekućina ∞ afekt je radikalno sinestetička kategorija. Ekstremna gustoća intenzivno hibridiziranih prostora stvara uslojeno mnoštvo afektivnih petlji povratne veze između utjelovljenog i medijski posredovanog, što pomaže objasniti iznenadnu i često neočekivanu erupciju afekta u javnosti. Međutim, semantička otvorenost afekta također određuje obzor politike afekta. Budući da afekt povezuje heterogeno i nespojivo na tako “ustrajan” i “nejasan” način, on može stvoriti samo privre- menu poveznicu i privremene oblike udruživanja. To ozbiljno ometa političku učinkovitost formacija koje nastaju iz tih afektivnih veza, što može objasniti zašto su one tako neučinkovite u borbi protiv strateških formacija političke i ekonomske moći.

Izopačena subjektivnost

Uranjanje u proširene mreže afekta koje danas prožimaju i utjelovljene i medijski posredovane prostore vodi u novu i neizbježnu iskvarenost subjektivnosti. Već nas je kritička teorija naučila da ne možemo vjerovati subjektivnosti. Međutim, pretjerano samoposre- dovanje prosvjednika na javnim trgovima pokazuje da duboka želja za subjektivnom artikulacijom tjera na manifestaciju u javnosti. Tu dinamiku dodatno potiče statistika video platformi kao što je You- Tube, iz koje je vidljivo da količina materijala trajno nadmašuje mogućnost globalne populacije da sve to doista vidi i doživi. Umjesto da odbacimo tu subjektivnost, valja je prigrliti. To zahtijeva zauzimanje novog stajališta “onkraj dobra i zla”, onkraj kritike i pokoravanja. Koncepcija “izopačene subjektivnosti” može premostiti naizgled nepremostivi jaz između dobrovoljnog pokoravanja raznim oblicima korporacijske, državne i društvene prisile s jedne strane te vitalno važne društvene i političke kritike i anga-

53 Eric Kluitenberg Kartiranje hibridiziranih stvarnosti lation to actually see and witness these mate coercion, and vital social and po- rials. litical critique and contestation. Rather than dismissing this subjectivity it It’s maxim here: Relish your own should be embraced. This requires a new atti- commodification, embrace your tude ‘beyond good and evil’, beyond critique perverse subjectivity, in order to and submission. The conception of a ‘perverse escape the perversion of subjecti subjectivity’ is able to straddle the seemingly vity. impossible divide between willing submission to various forms of corporate, state and social Amsterdam, June, 2013. Eric Kluitenberg Charting Hybridised Realities

54 žmana s druge. Moto je ovdje sljedeći: Uživaj u vlastitoj komodi∫kaciji i prigrli svoju izopačenu subjektivnost kako bi izbjegao izopačenje subjektivnosti.

Amsterdam, lipanj 2013.

Prijevod s engleskoga: Marina Miladinov

55 Eric Kluitenberg Kartiranje hibridiziranih stvarnosti screen and capture ekran i uhvaćenost

03 Jodi Dean Komunikacijski kapitalizam: tako izgleda demokracija

ijekom posljednjih triju godina ∞ ustvari, tijekom čitavog razdoblja konsolidacije neoliberalnog kapitalizma ∞ participacijski mediji T nude brzu, laku, univerzalnu demokraciju: može se uključiti svatko tko posjeduje mobitel ili ima pristup internetu. Svatko ima glas ∞ a internet nam omogućuje da ga se čuje. U tom kontekstu demokracija postaje marketinški slogan ∞ sredstvo produžetka za AT&T, T- mobile i Microsoft. Kada je povezana s novim medijima, demokracija znači laku politiku koju svatko može shvatiti (jer nije sporna ni antagonistička) i koja je osobito privlačna ponuđačima mobitela, prijenosnih računala, softvera i platformi za društvene medije. Im- perativ da se spojimo i sudjelujemo istovjetan je s imperativom da kupimo, kao i da se stavimo na raspolaganje trgovcima koji će iskoristiti naše podatke za pridobivanje kupaca i prodaju. Tu konvergenciju višestruko povezanih medija, neolibera lizma i demokracije nazivam komunikacijskim kapitalizmom. Komu- nikacijski kapitalizam je materijalna ideološka formacija. U komunikacijskom kapitalizmu vrijednosti koje se ističu kao središnje u demokraciji poprimaju praktični, materijalni oblik u umreženim komunikacijskim tehnologijama. Ideali pristupa, glasa, uključeno- sti, rasprave i sudjelovanja praktično se realiziraju putem globalnih telekomunikacija. Promjene u informacijskim i komunikacijskim mrežama, povezane s digitalizacijom, personalizacijom, lokalizaci- jom i brzinom (računalnih procesora i konektivnosti), kao i kapaci- tetom memorije/pohrane, utječu na kapitalizam i demokraciju, ubrzavajući i potencirajući svaki od njih dok se zajedno konsolidi- raju u novu jedinstvenu formaciju.

59 Jodi Dean Komunikacijski kapitalizam 01

Jodi Dean

Communicative Capitalism: This is What Democracy Looks Like

Over the last thirty years I designate this convergence or so — in fact, through- of multiply interlinked media, ne- l out the period of neolib- oliberalism, and democracy com- eral capitalism’s consolidation — municative capitalism. Communica- participatory media has offered tive capitalism is a material ideo- quick, easy, universal democracy: logical formation. In communica- anyone with a mobile phone or active capitalism, the values herald- cess to the internet can make her ed as central to democracy take voice heard. Everyone has a voice practical, material form in net- — and the internet lets us all ex- worked communications technologies. Ideals press them. In this setting, democ- of access, voice, inclusion, discussion, and par- racy is a marketing slogan — the ticipation are practically realized through glo- means of extension for AT&T and bal telecommunication. Changes in information T-mobile and Microsoft. When and communication networks associated with linked to new media, democracy digitalization, personalization, localization, tags a politics lite that anyone can speed (of computer processors as well as con- get behind (it’s not controversial nectivity), and memory/storage capacity im- or antagonistic) and that is espe- pact capitalism and democracy, accelerating cially attractive to purveyors of and amplifying elements of each as they con- mobile phones, notebook comput- solidate the two into a new formation. ers, software, and social media Our setting is one of the convergence of platforms. The injunction to get communication and capitalism in a formation connected and participate is an in- that incites voice, engagement, and participa- junction to buy, as well to make tion only to capture them in the affective net- oneself available to marketers to works of mass personalized media. These net- one’s data available for capture works have a weird, contradictory effect. On

Jodi Dean Communicative Capitalism and sale. the one hand, social media networks (and com-

60 Naš kontekst je konvergencija komunikacije i kapitalizma u formaciju koja potiče izražavanje, angažman i sudjelovanje isključi- vo kako bi ih uhvatila u afektivne mreže personaliziranih masovnih medija. Te mreže imaju čudan, proturječan učinak. S jedne strane, mreže društvenih medija (kao i komunikacijski kapitalizam opće- nito) proizvode zajedničku, kolektivnu informacijsku i komunika- cijsku mrežu kojom kruže afekti i ideje. S druge strane, te mreže pretpostavljaju i intenziviraju takav individualizam da se naširoko popularizirane ideje i problemi više ne shvaćaju toliko u okviru sa- mosvjesnog kolektiva, nego prije kao virusi, mase, trendovi, mo- menti i rojevi. Kanalizirana kroz mobilne mreže i optičke kablove na ekrane i stranice za pristup, pohranu, pozivanje podataka i pre- brojavanje, današnja je komunikacija uhvaćena u kapitalističke zatvorene krugove koje proizvodi i potencira. Ta zarobljenost u kapitalističkim zatvorenim krugovima predu- vjet je za mogućnost transformacije komunikacijske proizvodnje. Budući da je suvremeni kapitalizam komunikacijski, demokratska retorika pristupa, transparentnosti, izražavanja, rasprave, reΩeksije i sudjelovanja jača stisak kapitalizma nad umreženim društvima. Tako problemi koje ta demokracijska retorika prepoznaje i rješenja koja nudi kanaliziraju političku energiju u aktivnosti koje potenciraju uvjete nejednakosti koje ona navodno dovodi u pitanje. Remeti- lački događaji i intenzivne debate su prilike za ekonomiju ∞ poticate- lji rejtinga, prigoda za stručne komentatore da se izjasne, za mišlje- nja da se iznesu i stave u opticaj ∞ baš kao i za politička nastojanja. Ostvarenje demokracije u komunikacijskom kapitalizmu troši njezinu uporabnu vrijednost. Kada je komunikacija primarna komponenta proizvodnje i cirkulacije kapitala, ona gubi svoju sposo bnost djelovanja kao primarno sredstvo vladavine naroda. Demo- kracija je pogodan milje za neizbježne participacijske medije i stoga je nesposobna izraziti želju i potrebu naroda za ekonomskim osnovama kao što su hrana, krov nad glavom, obrazovanje, rad i zdravlje (da ne spominjemo ekonomsku jednakost, ekološku održi- vost i okončanje eksploatacije). Danas neizbježni refren kako je internet dobar za demokraciju štiti agresivnu preraspodjelu bogatstva u neoliberalnom kapitalizmu. Dvije značajke komunikacijskog kapitalizma ∞ promjena u formi naših iskaza od poruka prema doprinosu i reΩeksivna zamka zatvorenih krugova poriva ∞ pomoći će nam da objasniti kako je to moguće. Nakon što sam utvrdila te značajke, preći ću na oblike eksploatacije i eksproprijacije koji su speci∫čni za komunikacijski kapitalizam. Dok je industrijski kapitalizam eksploatirao radnu snagu (radnička privreda), komunikacijski kapitalizam eksploatira komunikaciju. Ponovo želim istaknuti da komunikacijski kapitalizam materijalizira demokratske ideale kako bi ojačao i podržao

61 Jodi Dean Komunikacijski kapitalizam municative capitalism more generally) produce people’s desire and need for eco- a common, a collective information and com- nomic basics like food, shelter, munication mesh through which affects and education, work, and health (not ideas circulate. On the other, these networks to mention economic equality, presuppose and intensify individualism such ecological sustainability, and the that widely shared ideas and concerns are con- end of exploitation). ceived less in terms of a self-conscious collec- The now inescapable refrain tive than they are as viruses, mobs, trends, mo- that the internet is good for de- ments, and swarms. Channeled through cellu- mocracy protects neoliberal capi- lar networks and fiber optic cables, onto talism’s aggressive redistribution screens and into sites for access, storage, re- of wealth. Two features of com- trieval, and counting, communication today is municative capitalism — the chan captured in the capitalist circuits it produces ge in the form of our utterances and amplifies. from messages to contributions This entrapment in capitalist circuits is the and the reflexive trap of the cir- condition of possibility for communication’s cuits of drive — help account for transformation of production. Because contem- how this is the case. After setting porary capitalism is communicative, democratic out these features, I discuss the rhetorics of access, transparency, forms of exploitation and expro- voice, discussion, reflection, and priation specific to communica- participation strengthen the hold tive capitalism. Whereas industri- of capitalism in networked socie- al capitalism exploited labor (the ties. Thus, the problems this dem- industry of workers), communica- ocratic rhetoric identifies and the tive capitalism exploits communi- solutions it entails channel politi- cation. Again, I claim that commu- cal energies into activities that re- nicative capitalism materializes democratic inforce the conditions of inequality ideals so as to strengthen and support global it ostensibly contests. Disruptive capital. What we have now — discussion, inclu- events, intense debates, are eco- sion, opportunities for dissent — is democratic. nomic opportunities — ratings driv- But democracy is inadequate for an emancipa- ers, chances for pundits to opine tory egalitarian politics. and opinions to be expressed and circulated — as much as they are political exercises. Streets not screens Communicative capitalism’s realization of democracy eats up Before I go into the details of communicative democracy’s use value. When capitalism, I want to address recent protests communication is a primary com- which seem an obvious counter to my claims ponent of the production and cir- regarding the trap of new media. Don’t the up- culation of capital it loses its ca- risings in Brazil, Turkey, and Egypt, not to pacity to function as a primary mention the global Occupy Movement, indi- means for the rule of the people. cate that networked social media are powerful Democracy is the ambient milieu forces for egalitarian people’s struggles and of inescapable participatory me- that democracy is a powerful political ideal? I

Jodi Dean Communicative Capitalism dia and thus unable to express the have two responses — yes and no.

62 globalni kapital. Ono što danas imamo ∞ rasprava, jednakost, mo- gućnosti neslaganja ∞ jest demokratsko. No demokracija nije do- voljna za emancipacijsku i egalitarističku politiku.

Ulice umjesto ekrana

Prije nego što uđem u pojedinosti komunikacijskog kapitalizma, željela bih komentirati nedavne prosvjede koji, kako se čini, očito opovrgavaju moje tvrdnje o zamki novih medija. Ne upućuju li ustanci u Brazilu, Turskoj i Egiptu, da i ne spominjemo globalni Occupy pokret, na to da su umreženi društveni mediji moćna snaga u egalitarističkoj borbi naroda, i da je demokracija moćan politički ideal? Na to imam dva odgovora ∞ da i ne. Da, demokracija je moćan politički ideal, osobito za one među nama koji je rado projiciraju u energiju koju drugi imaju, a mi izgleda nemamo. Ipak, trebali bismo pritom zastati, budući da se naš entuzijazam prema političkoj promjeni stapa s entuzijaz- mom prema medijima koje koristimo kako bismo sudjelovali u tim događajima, sažimajući i izmještajući ih tako da ti mediji ∞ osobito Facebook i Twitter ∞ ustvari postaju glavna priča, a ne narod koji se bori ili umire na ulicama. Sažmu li se događaji koji se odvijaju u priču o društvenim medijima, gubimo iz vida ekonomsku jednakost koja je ključna za revolucionarnu situaciju. Zarobljavamo borbu protiv neoliberalizma unutar okvira demokratskog scenarija. To nam dopušta da uvjerimo sami sebe u to da su umreženi participacijski mediji prvenstveno u našem interesu, da služe ciljevima jed- nakosti, da je revolucionarna promjena ostvariva pomoću brzog tehnološkog rješenja (za to postoji aplikacija), da umreženi mediji nisu oblik atrakcije i distrakcije i da su naše komunikacijske prakse zabave najbolje političke prakse. Dopušta nam da ustrajemo u pori- canju činjenice da je popratna pojava naše zabavljenosti medijskim mrežama najveći porast ekonomske nejednakosti u povijesti svijeta. I zato, da, demokracija je moćan politički ideal, ideal materijali- ziran u tehnologijama društvenih medija koji nam dopuštaju da prikrijemo svoju trenutnu političku nemoć i zamislimo da smo aktivni sudionici u politici. Ne, revolucije i prosvjedi nisu pokazatelji da su društveni mediji moćna snaga u borbi naroda za jednakost. Naprotiv, oni se odvijaju u turbulentnom informacijskom i komunikacijskom okolišu u kojem su informacije i komunikacija oružje i sila baš kao i okvir i okoliš. Borbe oko toga što one znače i što će biti sljedeće još uvijek traju. Što se tiče pokreta Occupy Wall Street, neki su tvrdili kako je njegov najvažniji element uporaba društvenih medija. To je pogreš- ka koja prijeti deradikalizacijom pokreta čija važnost proizlazi iz

63 Jodi Dean Komunikacijski kapitalizam Yes, democracy is a powerful political es as well as setting and environ- ideal, particularly for those of us who like to ment. The struggles over what project it onto the energies that others have they mean and what will come that we seem to lack. We should hesitate, next are ongoing. With respect to though, as our enthusiasm for political change Occupy Wall Street, some argued merges into an enthusiasm for the media we that what’s most significant about use to participate in the events, condensing the movement is the use of social and displacing the events such that the media media. This is a mistake that works — particularly Facebook and Twitter — become to deradicalize the movement the story, not the people fighting or dying on whose significance comes from its the street. When the unfolding events are con- break with “clictivism.” Rather densed into a story about social media, we lose than remaining inside in front of sight of the economic inequality crucial to the their screens, people went out- revolutionary situation. We contain a struggle side. They experienced working against neoliberalism within a democratic directly, face-to-face together script. This lets us convince ourselves that net- with strangers for a political pur- worked participatory media are primarily in pose. The movement was a collec- our interest, that they serve egalitarian ends, tive realization that circulating that revolutionary change is avail- petitions on the internet is inade- able through a quick technological quate as a political practice. fix (there’s an app for that), that Social media are not power- networked media are not a form of ful forces specifically for egalitar- capture and distraction, and that ian people’s struggles, particular- our communicative entertainment ly when they occlude antagonism. practices are the best political Anyone can use them — states, ca ones. It lets us persist in our denial pitalists, nationalists, fascists. of the fact that accompanying our Appeals to social media as essen- distraction in the media nets has tially or necessarily media that enable the peo- been the greatest increase in eco- ple to shape the world they want posit a rather nomic inequality in world history. fantastic moment of unity and security in what So, yes democracy is a powerful is actually a turbulent field. That is, they put in political ideal, one that is materi- place a language of connection and coopera- alized in social media technologies tion, as if conservatives, neoliberals, and states that let us cover over our current didn’t use social media, as if networked com- political impotence and imagine munications were somehow outside the pur- ourselves as active political par- view of dominant power. The language of unity ticipants. and security displaces our attention from ne- No, revolutions and protests farious and conservative media practice — as if are not indications that social me- only old media could be manipulated, as if all dia are powerful forces for egali- our contemporary communicative pleasures tarian people’s struggles. Rather, were innocent. they unfold in a turbulent information and communication environment where information and com-

Jodi Dean Communicative Capitalism munication are weapons and forc-

64 njegova raskida s “kliktivizmom”. Umjesto da ostanu unutra, ispred svojih ekrana, ljudi su izašli na ulice. Iskusili su što to znači djelovati direktno, licem u lice i zajedno s neznancima, radi politi čkog cilja. Pokret je bio kolektivno osvještavanje da su peticije koje kruže internetom neadekvatan oblik političke prakse. Društveni mediji nisu moćne snage upravo kada se radi o borbi naroda za jednakost, osobito kada blokiraju antagonizam. Bilo tko ih može koristiti ∞ države, kapitalisti, nacionalisti, fašisti. Pozi- vanje na društvene medije kao bitne ili nužne medije koji ljudima omogućuju da stvore svijet kakav žele uspostavlja fantazmatski moment jedinstva i sigurnosti u ono što je zapravo u previranju. Dru- gim riječima, instaliraju jezik povezanosti i suradnje ∞ kao da kon- zervativci, neoliberali i države ne koriste društvene medije, kao da je umrežena komunikacija na neki način izvan vidokruga dominantne sile. Jezik jedinstva i sigurnosti odvlači našu pozornost od opa- sne i konzervativne medijske prakse ∞ kao da su samo stari mediji ti koje je moguće manipulirati, kao da su svi naši suvremeni komunikacijski užici nedužni.

Temeljne značajke

Evo dviju ključnih značajki komunikacijskog kapitalizma. Kao prvo, u komunikacijskom kapitalizmu poruke su doprinosi. Mate- matički model komunikacije koji su razradili Shannon i Weaver zamišlja poruke kao usmjerene na izazivanje reakcije kod slušate- lja. U komunikacijskom kapitalizmu stvari stoje drugačije. Sada su poruke doprinosi sadržaju koji cirkulira, a ne akcije koje izazivaju reakcije. To je poput pomaka s prvenstva uporabne vrijednosti poruke na prvenstvo njezine razmjenske vrijednosti, odnosno njezine sposobnosti da cirkulira, da bude proslijeđena, izbrojena. Za razliku od poruke, koju treba razumjeti, doprinos samo treba dodati. Baciti svoju kartu. Pridonijeti vlastitim mišljenjem ili idejom bilo kojoj raspravi koja se već u tom trenutku odvija. Ta aditivna značaj- ka doprinosa ovisi o temeljnoj komunikacijskoj jednakopravnosti. Kao doprinos, svaka je poruka komunikacijski jednaka bilo kojoj drugoj. Nijedno mišljenje ili sud nisu vredniji od drugih (svaki od njih broji se kao jedan komentar na mome blogu ili jedan status na Facebooku ili jedan tweet). Činjenice, teorije, sudovi, mišljenja, fan- tazije, šale, laži ∞ sve to cirkulira bez ikakve razlike. I opet, kao doprinosi oni su jednaki; svi oni dodaju “nešto” tijeku komunikacije. Nije bitno što je rečeno, nego sama činjenica da je nešto rečeno ∞ argumentiralo se, postavljalo pitanja, ljudi su se pridružili… pa se onda može dalje komentirati, dodavati nizu, intenzivirajući time protok doprinosa. Što se više mišljenja izrazi i čuje, demokracija je

65 Jodi Dean Komunikacijski kapitalizam Basic features The second component of communicative capitalism I want Here are two key features of communicative to emphasize is reflexivity. The capitalism. First, in communicative capitalism contemporary setting of electron- messages are contributions. As developed by ically mediated subjectivity is one Shannon and Weaver, the mathematical model of infinite doubt, ultimate reflex- of communication conceives messages as aimed ivization. There’s always another toward eliciting a response in a hearer. Under option, link, opinion, nuance, or communicative capitalism, things are different. contingency that we haven’t tak- Now, messages are contributions to circulating en into account, some particular content, not actions that elicit responses. It’s experience of some other who like a shift from the primacy of a message’s use could be potentially damaged or value to the primacy of its exchange value, that disenfranchised, a better deal, is, to its capacity to circulate, to be forwarded, perhaps even a cure. We never counted. Unlike a message, which needs to be have a real answer or conclusion. understood, a contribution is just to be added. Everything can be contested, re- One adds one’s two cents. One contributes examined. Reflexivity, then, in- one’s opinion or idea to whatever discussion is volves a kind of looping, a turning going on. This additive feature of back in — if one doesn’t like an the contribution depends on a fun- outcome, one can criticize the damental communicative equiva- process, and then the process of lence. As a contribution, each mes- questioning the process, the lan- sage is communicatively equal to guage of the process of question- any other. No opinion or judgment ing, ad infinitum. is worth more than any other (they Psychoanalysis uses the each count as one comment on my term “drive” to designate this re blog or one update on Facebook or petition. In drive, enjoyment (jou a single tweet). Facts, theories, issance, the intense pleasure-pain that makes judgments, opinions, fantasies, jo life worth living) comes from missing one’s kes, lies — they all circulate indis- goal, from the repeated yet ever failing efforts criminately. Again, as contribu- to reach it that start to become satisfying on tions they are equal; each adds their own (like watching cat videos). In this re- “something” to the flow. What flexive environment, even the fact that my matters is not what was said but blog posts are boring, that the arguments in that something was said — points my little segment of the blogipelago have an were made, questions were raised, intensity far beyond merit, that the escapades people showed up . . and then new of celebrities feeding the mainstream media comments can be made, additions are trivial, even all these facts are known and to the stream, intensifying the cir- discussed. Most of the time, the content (pres- culation of contributions. The mo idential, disastrous, financial) of repetitive in- re opinions voiced, the more voices tensities doesn’t matter; it’s a mass of virtually heard, the more democratic — and indistinguishable yet rapidly circulating differ- it doesn’t matter what they say be- ences and modulations that insure that noth- cause each contribution is commu- ing changes.

Jodi Dean Communicative Capitalism nicatively equivalent to any other.

66 veća ∞ ali nije bitno što se kaže, jer svaki je doprinos u komunikacijskom smislu jednakopravan bilo kojem drugom. Druga komponenta komunikacijskog kapitalizma koju želim istaknuti je reΩeksivnost. Suvremeni kontekst elektronski posredovane subjektivnosti obilježen je beskonačnom sumnjom i krajnjom reΩeksivizacijom. Uvijek postoji još neka opcija, još neki link ili mi- šljenje, nijansa ili okolnost koju nismo uzeli u obzir, neko speci∫čno iskustvo nekog drugog koji bi mogao biti potencijalno oštećen ili obespravljen, bolja alternativa ili možda čak lijek. Nika- da nemamo pravi odgovor ili zaključak. Sve se može dovesti u pitanje, iznova preispitati. ReΩeksivnost, znači, podrazumijeva neku vrstu petlje, okret natrag prema unutra ∞ ako nam se ne sviđa ishod, možemo kritizirati proces, pa zatim proces preispitivanja procesa, jezik procesa preispitivanja i tako u beskonačnost. Psihoanaliza koristi termin “poriv” kako bi označila takvo ponavljanje. U porivu užitak (jouissance, intenzivni užitak-bol koji čini život vrijednim življenja) dolazi od promašivanja cilja, od opetova- nih i uvijek neuspješnih nastojanja da ga se dosegne, koja počinju pružati osebujno zadovoljstvo (poput gledanja video spotova s mač- kama). U tom reΩeksivnom kontekstu čak i činjenica da su moji prilozi na blogu dosadni, da su argumenti u mojem malom segmentu blogopelaga intenzivni preko mjere, da su eskapade estradnih zvi- jezda koje pune srednjostrujaške medije trivijalne ∞ sve te činjenice su poznate i o svima se raspravlja. Većinu vremena sadržaj (visoka politika, katastrofe, ∫nancije) tih repetitivnih intenziteta uopće nije važan ∞ to je masa doslovce nerazlučivih, ali rapidno kružećih razlika i modulacija koje jamče da se ništa neće promijeniti. Demokracija slijedi taj zatvoreni krug poriva. Mi kružimo i kružimo, promašujemo ciljeve, ali uvijek dobivamo nešto zadovolj- stva ∞ neki od nas uživat će u tome što su podijelili svoj gnjev zbog poraza; drugi će možda uživati u prežvakavanju svih faza svoga neu- spjeha, uvijek iznova raspravljajući o tome gdje su pogriješili; treći će željeti uroniti u detalje nekog procesa radi analize kao takve, ne obazirući se na ishod. Demokratski poriv, dakle, ime je za reΩeksiv nost u kojoj smo zapeli, koju ne možemo izbjeći, ali koja se istodob no ne može shvatiti kao nešto što nam daje ono što želimo, budući da nam umjesto toga daje nešto drugo, nekakav trenutni užitak. Mi prosvjedujemo. Govorimo. Žalimo se. Potpisujemo peticije i pro- sljeđujemo ih svim svojim prijateljima. U reΩeksivnom zatvorenom krugu komunikacijskog kapitalizma demokratski poriv je uhvaće- nost našeg političkog angažmana u umreženim medijima tako da se osjećamo aktivnima, angažiranima, iako naše akcije i angažmani ustvari utvrđuju kapitalizam umjesto da ga potkopavaju.

67 Jodi Dean Komunikacijski kapitalizam Democracy follows this circuit of drive. tially). The item in first place or at We circle round and around, missing our goals, the top is twice as popular as the but still getting a little satisfaction — some of item in second place, which is us might enjoy sharing our outrage over a set- twice as popular as the one in third back; others might enjoy rehashing all the and so on such that there is very steps of our failure, arguing over where we little difference among those “at went wrong; still others want to delve into the the bottom” but massive differ- particulars of a process for its own sake, with ences between top and bottom. little regard for the outcome. Democratic So lots of novels are written; few drive, then, names the reflexivity in which we are published; fewer are sold; a are stuck, which we can’t avoid, but which at very few become best-sellers. The the same time can’t be understood as giving us idea appears in popular media as what we want even as it gives us something the 80/20 rule, the winner-take- else instead, some kick of enjoyment. We pro- all or winner-take-most character test. We talk. We complain. We sign petitions of the new economy, and the and forward them to everyone and all our “long tail.” friends. In the reflexive circuit of communica- In these examples, the com- tive capitalism, democratic drive is the capture mon is the general field out of of our political engagements in which the one emerges. Exploita- networked media such that we tion consists in efforts to stimu- feel active, feel engaged, even as late the creative production of the our actions and engagements rein- field in the interest of finding, and force rather than undermine capi- then monetizing, the one. For ex- talism. ample, thousands of bloggers blog, replacing paid journalists. One or two will be raptured up so Exploitation that they can make a living. Or thousands make videos for YouTube, one or The structure of contemporary two become internet celebrities capable of communication networks enables supporting themselves. A Chinese example is new modes of exploitation. One, Qidian.com. Qidian has 1.6 million novelists — network exploitation, involves an army of young people hunched over com- stimulating the production of a puters. Ninety percent of the authors don’t large field in order to produce one make a penny. Three to five percent make de- winner. I call this network exploi- cent wages. Only one has a large salary. For tation. The idea comes from Al- every one Liu Lianzi, whose best-selling multi- bert-László Barabási’s work on volume novel became a highly rated television complex networks and powerlaws. drama, there are a million writers whose men- A complex network is character- tal labor is physical labor. Qidian dot.com ex- ized by free choice, growth, and emplifies a primary condition of labor under preferential attachment (for ex- neoliberal capitalism. Now, rather than having ample, academic citation net- a right to the proceeds of one’s labor by virtue works). Complex networks distrib- of a contract, ever more of us win or lose such ute items in the network according that remuneration is treated like a prize. In

Jodi Dean Communicative Capitalism to a powerlaw (that is, exponen- academia, art, writing, architecture, entertain-

68 Eksploatacija

Struktura suvremenih komunikacijskih mreža omogućuje nove načine eksploatacije. Jedan od njih, mrežna eksploatacija, uključuje stimula- ciju proizvodnje jednog velikog polja ne bi li se proizveo jedan jedini pobjednik. To nazivam mrežnom eksploatacijom. Ideja je došla iz rada Alberta-Lászla Barabásija o kompleksnim mrežama i zakonu potencije. Kompleksna mreža obilježena je slobodnim izborom, rastom i pre- ferencijalnom vezom (primjer su akademske mreže citiranja). Kom- pleksne mreže distribuiraju stavke u mreži prema zakonu potencije (odnosno eksponencijalno). Stavka na prvom mjestu ili na vrhu dvostruko je popularnija od stavke na drugom mjestu, koja je dvostruko popularnija od stavke na trećem i tako dalje, tako da postoji veoma malo razlike među onima “na dnu”, ali goleme razlike između vrha i dna. Tako se, na primjer, napiše mnogo romana, malo ih se objavi, još manje proda, a veoma ih malo postane bestselerima. Ta se ideja javlja u medijima u obliku pravila 80/20, nove ekonomije tipa “pobjednik odnosi sve” ili “pobjednik odnosi većinu” i “dugačkog repa”. U ovim primjerima zajedničko je općenito polje iz kojega ispliva- va jedan. Eksploatacija se sastoji u nastojanjima da se stimulira krea- tivna proizvodnja polja u interesu pronalaženja tog jednoga i njegove monetizacije. Na primjer, tisuće blogera piše blogove, zamjenjujući time plaćene novinare. Jedan ili dvojica bit će uzneseni u visine tako da će od toga moći živjeti. Ili: tisuće snimaju video za YouTube, ali jedno ili dvoje postat će internetske zvijezde koje će se od toga moći izdržava- ti. Kineski je primjer Qidian.com. Qidian ima 1,6 milijuna romanopi- saca ∞ čitavu vojsku mladih ljudi koji grbe leđa nad računalom. Deve- deset posto autora ne zaradi ni novčića. Tri do pet posto pristojno zara- đuje. Samo jedan od njih ima veliku plaću. Na svaku Liu Lianzi, čiji je roman u nastavcima postao bestseler i zatim vrhunski popularna tele- vizijska drama dolazi milijun pisaca čiji mentalni rad ostaje samo ∫zič- ki rad. Qidian.com primjer je primarnog uvjeta rada u neoliberalnom kapitalizmu. Umjesto da imamo pravo na plodove vlastitog rada po nekom ugovoru, sve više nas pobjeđuje ili gubi u toj mjeri da se nakna- da za rad tretira kao nagrada. Na polju znanosti, umjetnosti, književ- nosti, arhitekture, zabave i dizajna, a u SAD-u i na sve većem broju drugih područja (obrazovanje, tehnologija) ljudi ne samo da su sretni ako dobiju posao, nađu namještenje ili dobiju plaću, nego se sve više zada- taka i projekata odvija u obliku natječaja, što znači da oni koji obave posao ne budu plaćeni ako ne pobijede. Oni rade, ali samo za priliku da budu plaćeni. Takva eksploatacija pridonosi eksproprijaciji moguć- nosti za dohodak i plaćeni rad, budući da nas se sve više potiče da radi- mo besplatno kako bismo dobili priliku za plaćeni rad. Druga vrsta eksploatacije je eksploatacija našeg vremena, pozornosti pa čak i najplemenitijih političkih ciljeva. Treba vremena kako

69 Jodi Dean Komunikacijski kapitalizam ment, design, and, in the US, increasing num- making its dynamic our own, bers of different areas (education, technolo- which can result in a shift in focus gy), people not only feel fortunate to get work, from doing to appearing, that is to to get hired, to get paid, but ever more tasks say, a shift toward thinking in and projects are conducted as competitions, terms of getting attention in the which means that those doing the work are not 24/7 media cycle and away from paid unless they win. They work but only for a larger questions of building a po- chance at pay. Such exploitation contributes litical apparatus with duration. to the expropriation of opportunities for in- Infinite demands on our attention come and paid labor, as more of us are encour- — demands we make on each other aged to work for free in order to have a chance and which communicative capital- at paid labor. ism captures and amplifies — ex- A second kind of exploitation is the ex- propriate political energies of fo- ploitation of our time, attention, even our best cus, organization, and duration political commitments. It takes time to post vital to communism as a move- and write and time to read and respond. Our ment and organized struggle. It’s attention isn’t boundless. Our time is finite. no wonder that communicative We can’t respond to every utterance, click on capitalism is participationist: the every link, read every post. We more participation in networked media envi- have to choose even as the possi- ronments, the more traces to hoard and ener- bility of something else, some- gies to capture and divert. thing wonderful, lures us to search To conclude, communicative capitalism and linger. Demands on our atten- celebrates and relies on constant, nearly ines- tion, injunctions for us to commu- capable injunctions to participate, to express, nicate, participate, share — ever to be part of a common that is expropriated shriller and more intense — are like from us rather than shared by all of us. It en- so many speed-ups on the produc- joins us to share in an illusion, to embrace a tion line, attempts to extract from fantasy that extreme inequality is accidental us whatever bit of mindshare is rather than essential to the capitalism of glo- left. When we do respond, our bal communication networks. Democracy by contribution is an addition to an itself is incapable of combatting this. In com- already infinite communicative municative capitalism, democracy meets its field, a little demand on someone limits. The means of discussion is produced for else’s attention, a little incitement profit, increasing the exploitation of the proof an affective response, a digital ducers. It is also amplified in a web of mass dis- trace that can be stored — and on traction where more information — necessary and on and on. We pay with atten- for involvement in governance — makes it tion and the cost is focus. harder and harder to sustain attention on is- This cost is particularly high sues that matter. The media that connect us for left political movements. Com- accelerate our disconnection. petition for attention — how do So, communicative capitalism is demo- we get our message across — in a cratic — and democracy now is the political rich, tumultuous media environ- form preserving the capitalist system. ment too often and easily means

Jodi Dean Communicative Capitalism adapting to this environment and

70 bi se pisalo i objavljivalo na internetu, a treba vremena i za čitanje i odgovaranje. Naša pozornost nije neograničena. Naše vrijeme je ko- načno. Ne možemo odgovoriti na svaku izjavu, kliknuti na svaki link, pročitati svaki post. Moramo birati čak i kada nas mogućnost nečeg drugog, nečeg divnog, mami da tražimo dalje i zadržimo se. Zahtjevi za našom pozornošću, nalozi da komuniciramo, sudjelujemo, dijelimo ∞ koji postaju sve nametljiviji i intenzivniji ∞ nalik su na neprestana ubrzanja pokretne vrpce; to su pokušaji da se iscijedi iz nas svaka mrvica preostale pažnje. Kada doista odgovorimo, naš doprinos je dodatak već ionako beskonačnom komunikacijskom polju, malen zahtjev za pozornošću nekog drugog, malen poticaj na afektivnu reak- ciju, digitalni trag koji se može pohraniti ∞ i tako sve dalje i dalje i dalje. Plaćamo pozornošću, a pod cijenu usredotočenosti. Ta je cijena osobito visoka za ljevičarske političke pokrete. Natje- canje za pozornost ∞ kako prenijeti poruku ∞ u bogatom i burnom medijskom okolišu prečesto i odviše lako znači prilagodbu tom okolišu i usvajanje njegove dinamike, što može rezultirati pomakom žarišta s akcije na privid, odnosno pomakom prema razmišljanju u okvirima privlačenja pozornosti u medijskom ciklusu 24/7 i udaljavanja od ši- rih pitanja izgradnje političkog aparata koji će trajati. Beskonačni zahtjevi za našom pozornošću ∞ zahtjevi koje postavljamo jedni drugima, a komunikacijski kapitalizam ih hvata i potencira ∞ oduzimaju političkoj energiji fokusiranost, organiziranost i trajnost koje su ključne za komunizam kao pokret i organiziranu borbu. Nije čudo da je komunikacijski kapitalizam participacijski usmjeren: što je više sudjelovanja u umreženim medijskim okolišima, to je više tragova koji se mogu akumulirati i energija koje se mogu uhvatiti i skrenuti. Da zaključim: komunikacijski kapitalizam potencira i koristi neprestane, gotovo neizbježne naloge da sudjelujemo, izražavamo se, budemo dio nečeg zajedničkog što nam se oduzima umjesto da to svi dijelimo. On nas tjera da budemo dio iluzije, da prigrlimo fantazmu da je ekstremna nejednakost sekundarna, a ne ključna značajka kapitalizma globalnih komunikacijskih mreža. Demokracija je po sebi nesposobna boriti se protiv toga. U komunikacijskom kapitalizmu demokracija se suočava sa svojim ograničenjima. Sredstvo rasprave proizvodi se za pro∫t, povećavajući eksploataciju proizvođača. Tako- đer se uvećava u mreži masovne distrakcije, gdje više informacija ∞ nužnih za uključivanje u vlast ∞ čini sve težim održati pozornost na onim stvarima koje su doista važne. Mediji koji nas povezuju ubrzavaju prekid naših veza. Prema tome, komunikacijski kapitalizam jest demokratičan ∞ a današnja demokracija je politička forma koja čuva kapitalistički sustav.

Prijevod s engleskoga: Marina Miladinov

71 Jodi Dean Komunikacijski kapitalizam

04 Matteo Pasquinelli Brojka kolektivne životinje: supstanca vrijednosti u doba institucija rangiranja i rejtinga

uvremeni oblici društvene komunikacije, a referenci na sveučilištu, ekonomija prestiža ustvari i aktivizma, uronjeni su izravno u u Googleovu PageRank algoritmu, geopoli- istu onu mašinsku sferu koja je model tički utjecaj međunarodnih agencija za proizvodnje i uvećanja vrijednosti - a to je rejting i natjecateljstvo u svijetu umjetnosti S internet. U ovom članku nisam se usredoto- redom funkcioniraju prema kolektivnom, čio na formu mreže kao na sredstvo proi- mrežno zasnovanom i vrtložnom stvaranju zvodnje, razmjene, komunikacije ili organi- vrijednosti. Politička kritika tih mašinskih zacije, nego kao na sredstvo valorizacije. institucija rangiranja i rejtinga, koje kolek- Hegemonija novih institucija rangiranja i tivno tvore novu “brojku životinje”, još rejtinga pred našim je očima: ekonomija uvijek nedostaje.

Polje vrijednosti i kolektivna životinja

1. Dvoglava koncepcija vrijednosti kod Marxa. Neki autori tvrde kako kod Marxa (1867.) nalazimo dvoglavu koncepciju vrijednosti. U zanimljivoj knjizi More Heat than Light, na primjer, Mirowski (1989.) je pokazao kako je Marx crpio iz dvaju modela koji su bili zajednički znanosti njegova vremena kako bi opisao tajnu stvaranja vrijednosti. Kod Marxa će se pojaviti ∞ da tako kažemo ∞ termodina- mička mjera vrijednosti i gravitacijska mjera vrijednosti, mjera nadahnuta Carnotom i mjera nadahnuta Newtonom, metrička i topo- loška, jedna zasnovana na konjskim snagama, a druga na polju sila, jedna zasnovana na vremenu rada, a druga na društveno nužnom radu, jedna više supstancijalna, druga više relacijska. Očito nijedan od tih dvaju modela ne odgovara savršeno krvi i mesu živoga rada: o tom pitanju još i danas se raspravlja i još uvijek se u njemu koprca- mo kao u luđačkoj košulji. Kako izmjeriti ekonomsku vrijednost, osobito višak vrijednosti rada? Ne postoji jednostavan konsenzus

73 Matteo Pasquinelli Brojka kolektivne životinje 04

Matteo Pasquinelli

The number of the collective beast: The substance of value in the age of the institutions of ranking and rating

Contemporary forms of The field of value and the social communication l and in fact also activism collective beast are immersed right in the same machinic sphere that is the The bicephalous conception model of value production and 1. amplification - namely the inter- of value in Marx. Some authors ar- net. This essay does not focus on gue that in Marx (1867) we find a the network form as means of production, exchange, communi- bicephalous conception of value. cation or organisation but as a In his interesting book More Heat means of valorisation. The hegemony of the new institutions than Light, for instance, Mirowski of rating and ranking are in front (1989) shows how Marx drew from two models of our eyes: the reference economy of the university, the prestige common to the science of his time to describe economy of Google’s PageRank the arcane of the genesis of value. In Marx, algorithm, the geopolitical influence of international rating there would appear — so to speak — a thermo- agencies and the art world com- dynamic measure of value and a gravitational petition all function according to measure of value, a measure inspired by Car- a collective, network-based and vortical generation of value. A not and a measure inspired by Newton, a met- political critique of these ma- ric one and a topological one, one based on chinic institutions of rating and raking that are collectively horsepower and the other on the field of forc- generating the new “number of es, one based on working time and the other the beast” is still missing. on socially necessary labour, a more substan- tial one and a more relational one. Clearly none of the two models fits perfectly the flesh of living labour: the issue is still debated today and we are still struggling within it like in a strait- jacket. How to measure economic value and in particular labour surplus value? There is no

M atteo Pasquinelli The n umber of the c ollective b east easy consensus about the answer to this crucial

74 za odgovor na to ključno pitanje. Zanimljivo je da je inovativni rez koji je donijela Foucaultova biopolitika bio, kako tvrdi Deleuze (1986.), u uvođenju moći kao polja sila, kao apstraktnog društvenog stroja koji je smijenio stare modele moći i političke ekonomije, utemeljene na industrijskim termodinamičkim strojevima. U intervjuu s Negrijem Deleuze (1990.) je jednom primijetio kako je model stroja istodobno model društva:

Svaka vrsta društva odgovara određenom tipu stroja ∞ jednostavni, mehanički strojevi odgovaraju suverenim društvima, termodina mički strojevi disciplinarnim društvima, a kibernetički strojevi i računala društvima nadzora. No sami strojevi ništa ne objašnjavaju ∞ potrebno je analizirati kolektivne aparate kojih su strojevi tek jedna komponenta.

U odnosu na polja medijske teorije i marksizma, moje temeljno pitanje je sljedeće: koji model stroja nesvjesno primjenjujemo u svome pogledu na društvo i svome shvaćanju vrijednosti? Vratimo se na Marxovu ambivalentnost. Iako je istina da je njegov tekst ambivalentan, a svako čitanje znanstvenog podteksta ∫lozo∫je uvijek je fascinantno, perspektiva prirodnih znanosti nije ta iz koje bismo trebali početi čitati političku ekonomiju ili raspravljati o naravi tehnologije ili vrijednosti. Jedna od grešaka Mirowskog (kao i njegova druga Georgescu-Roegena, pionira škole negativnog rasta) jest ta što on vjeruje da uvijek postoji neki znanstveni model koji potajno utječe na ekonomsku teoriju. Općenito, s gledišta političke metode, Marxa ne smijemo čitati kao gramatiku koja će dogmatski opisati društvene borbe a posteriori, nego obrnuto: kao ključ pomoću kojega ćemo shvatiti kako su društvene borbe oblikovale Marxove koncepte iznutra.

2. Zapadna tradicija mjerljivosti Bitka. Problem biti vrijednosti je, dakle, u ∫lozofskom i političkom smislu, problem njezina mjerenja. Mogli bismo reći da matematika i ekonomija postoje upravo zato što uvijek postoji nešto što izmiče mjerljivosti. Politička ekonomija naprosto je pokušaj da se pripitomi suvišak, da se uhvati u koštac s viškom i zarobi ga. Kapitalizam oduvijek pokušava nadzirati bit ži- vog rada te u tu svrhu primjenjuje različite mjerne naprave u različi- tim razdobljima. Ti mjerni strojevi su strojevi Deleuzea i Guattarija koje uvijek zaboravimo navesti, a to su strojevi druge disjunktivne sin- teze bilježenja ili registracijski strojevi, koji prekidaju tijek proizvodnje želje te upisuju kodove i brojke kako bi ekstrahirali višak vrijednosti protoka. Za samog Marxa kaže se da pripada sasvim zapadnoj i ari- stotelovskoj tradiciji mjerljivosti Bitka zbog njegova nastojanja da znanstveno izračuna višak vrijednosti (Hardt i Negri 2000: 355). Me-

75 Matteo Pasquinelli Brojka kolektivne životinje question. Interestingly, the innovative rupture not be read as a grammar book to represented by the Foucauldian biopolitics dogmatically describe social stru was, according to Deleuze (1986), the intro- ggles a posteriori, but on the con- duction of power as a field of forces, as an ab- trary to understand how social stract social machine that replaced the old mod- struggles have shaped Marx’s own els of power and political economy based on concepts from within. the industrial thermodynamic machines. In an interview with Negri, Deleuze (1990) once no- 2. The Western tradition of the ticed how a model of machine is at the same measurability of the Being. The time a model of society: problem of the substance of the value is also, philosophically and Each kind of society corresponds to a par- politically, the problem of its ticular kind of machine — with simple me- measure. We could say that math- chanical machines corresponding to sover- ematics and economics exist pre- eign societies, thermodynamic machines to cisely because there is always disciplinary societies, cybernetic machines something that escapes measura- and computers to control societies. But the bility. Political economy is but the machines don’t explain anything, you have attempt to domesticate excess, to analyze the collective apparatuses of to come to terms with surplus and which the machines are just one compo- capture it. Capitalism has been nent. trying to control the substance of living labor by applying, in differ- Addressing both the fields of me- ent ages, different devices of dia theory and Marxism, my basic measurement. These measuring question is: which model of ma- machines are the machines of De- chine do we unconsciously apply leuze, of Guattari that we always to our view of society and our un- forget to cite, that is the machines derstanding of value? Let’s go of the second disjunctive synthesis of recording, back to Marx’s ambivalence. Al- or registration machines, that cut the flow of though the ambivalence of the desiring production and inscribe codes and Marxian text is true, and each numbers to extract the surplus value of flow. reading of the scientific subtext of Marx himself is said to belong to the very philosophy always fascinating, it Western and Aristotelian tradition of the is not from the perspective of hard measurability of the Being for his attempt to sciences that we should start read- scientifically calculate surplus value (Hardt and ing political economy or discuss Negri 2000: 355). However, Marx’s formulas the nature of technology or value. are not formulas of economic equilibrium, but One of the mistakes of Mirowski on the contrary formulas that, going beyond (and his companion Georgescu- Hegelian logic, show the inherent asymmetry Roegen, pioneer of the school of of capital and try to identify its internal crisis, degrowth) is to believe that there its disproportion, its dismeasure, as in the case is always a scientific model secret- of the famous formula of the law of the falling ly influencing economic theory. In rate of profit (Marx 1894). There are schools of general, from the point of view of Marxism, like Autonomist Marxism, that do

M atteo Pasquinelli The n umber of the c ollective b east the political method, Marx must not believe in Marx’s idea of an objective crisis

76 đutim, Marxove formule nisu formule ekonomske ravnoteže, nego naprotiv, formule koje, nadilazeći Hegelovu logiku, pokazuju inhe- rentnu asimetriju kapitala i nastoje identi∫cirati njegovu unutarnju krizu, njegov nesrazmjer i njegovu neumjerenost, kao što je slučaj s čuvenom formulom zakona opadajuće stope pro∫ta (Marx 1894). Postoje marksističke škole, kao što je autonomistički marksizam, koje ne vjeruju u Marxovu ideju objektivne krize kapitala i bave se njegovom subjektivnom krizom. Talijanski operaismo, na primjer, ističe autonomiju rada za razliku od autonomije kapitala. Upravo su suvišak društvenoga tijela i bezmjernost živog rada bili ono što je izbacilo iz kolosijeka industrijsku revoluciju, stvorilo globalnu povi- jesnu “traumu” Oktobarske revolucije te gurnulo evoluciju kapitalizma u smjeru postfordizma, informacijske revolucije i ∫nancijskog kapitalizma. Ono što kapital nastoji izmjeriti, nadzirati i zarobiti upravo je kolektivna moć stvaranja vrijednosti.

3. Status političke ekonomije u pet suvremenih ∫lozofskih škola. Po pitanju mjere i bezmjernosti ∞ da se malo konceptualno našalimo ∞ mogli bismo podijeliti suvremene interpretacije političke ekonomije u pet ∫lozofskih škola: puritance, promatrače sata, autonomiste, svingere i akceleracioniste. Puritanci su oni koji ne izučavaju ekonomiju, osobito ne Marxove ekonomske koncepte, iz straha da ne počine grijeh “ekonomizma” (Badiou), ili pak oni koji smatraju da je ekonomska disciplina samo reinkarnacija stare kršćanske teolo- gije, od čijeg prokletstva, kako se čini, nije moguće pobjeći (Agam- ben). U hipotetsku “desnicu” mogli bismo ubrojiti promatrače sata, drugove vjerne navodno inherentnoj racionalnosti ekonomije, koji računaju višak vrijednosti sa satom u ruci i jedino unutar zidova tvornice, a na isti način računaju i prava i plaće radnika (uglavnom su to ortodoksni marksisti). S druge strane, od 60-ih godina nadalje autonomisti smatraju da suvišak živog rada nadilazi svaku mjeru ekonomske racionalnosti, da je cijela metropola prostor proizvodnje i da subjektivnosti imaju pravo na samoodređenje iznad svakog kodi∫ciranog prava (to su operaismo i autonomistički marksizam općenito). Svingeri su oni koji, danas više nego ikada prije, podrža- vaju monetaristički obrat u marksizmu, hegemoniju protoka novca nad proizvodnjom, svođenje vrijednosti na cijenu i neprekinuti krug rada i novca (djelomično su to Harvey, kartalisti i cirkulacioni- sti, itd.). Naposljetku, na hipotetskoj “ljevici” imamo postmoderne akceleracioniste, koji predviđaju da će kapitalizam skončati u hipertro∫čnoj eksploziji (Deleuze i Guattari u nekim ulomcima, Baudrillardov katastro∫zam, Viriliova dromologija, neki autori u novijim izdanjima časopisa Collapse, pa i sam operaismo, koji se može smatrati dijelom akceleracionističke obitelji po svojoj ideji antagonističke tendencije).

77 Matteo Pasquinelli Brojka kolektivne životinje of capital and address a subjective crisis of cap- tropolis as a productive space and ital. Italian operaismo, for instance, has been the self-determination of subjec- always underlining the autonomy of labour tivities before any codified right against the autonomy of capital. It was the ex- (that is operaismo and Autonomist cess of the social body, the dismeasure of liv- Marxism in general). The swingers ing labor, that set the industrial revolution out are those who, today more than of joint, that generated the global historic ever, support a monetarist turn in ‘trauma’ of the October revolution, that Marxism, the hegemony of the pushed the evolution of capitalism towards circulation of money over produc- post-Fordism, the information revolution and tion, the reduction of value to finance capitalism. What capital attempts to price and the continuous loop be- measure, monitor and capture is precisely the tween labour and money (partially collective power of value generation. Harvey, chartalists and circuitists, etc..). In a hypothetical ‘left- 3. The status of political economy in five con- wing’, finally, we find the post- temporary schools of thought. On the question modern accelerationists which of measure and dismeasure — to make few con- forecast the end of capitalism in ceptual jokes — we could divide the contempo- its hypertrophic explosion (De- rary interpretations of political leuze and Guattari themselves in economy into five schools of few passages, Baudrillard’s cata- thought: puritans, clock-watchers, strophism, Virilio’s dromology, autonomists, swingers, accelera- some authors of the recent journal tionists. Puritans are those who do Collapse, and also operaismo itself not study economy and specifical- can be considered within the ac- ly Marxian economic concepts for celerationist family for its notion the fear to commit the sin of “eco- of antagonistic tendency). nomicism” (Badiou) or those who recognise economic disciplines as 4. Gattungswesen: Marx’s collective beast a mere reincarnation of the old emerges again. So far I tried to summarise: the Christian theology from whose questions of value, measure and excess, that damnation no escape seems pos- all together compose the problem of the col- sible (Agamben). In a hypothetical lective power and affecting also the definition ‘right-wing’ we could count the of ‘the common’. As presented in Common- clock-watchers, loyal comrades to wealth by Hardt and Negri (2009), the notion of the supposed inherent rationality ‘the common’ is originated within the crisis of of economy, which calculate sur- Marx’s measure of value and within the prob- plus-value watch in hand and only lem of the very unit of such a measure. The pro- within the factory walls and in this duction of the social factory, the metropolis as way they calculate also rights and an expanded productive space, is said to be out wages for workers (mostly ortho- of measure and Time can no longer be the unit dox Marxists). On the other hand, of measure of such a production (Hardt and since the ‘60s the autonomists rec- Negri 2009: 317). Hardt and Negri then go ognise the excess of living labor back to the Marxian idea of capital as an accu- beyond any measurement of eco- mulation of social relations and they call “the

M atteo Pasquinelli The n umber of the c ollective b east nomic rationality, the entire me- common” such a production of social relation

78 4. Gattungswesen: Marxova kolektivna životinja ponovo iskrsava. Do sada sam pokušao sažeti pitanja vrijednosti, mjere i suviška, koja zajedno sačinjavaju problem kolektivne moći i također utječu na de∫niciju “zajedničkoga”. Taj pojam, onako kako su ga Hardt i Negri predstavili u knjizi Commonwealth (2009.), proizlazi iz krize Marxova mjerenja vrijednosti i iz problema same jedinice takvog mjerenja. Proizvodnja društvene tvornice, metropole kao proširenog mjesta proizvodnje, smatra se nečime bez mjere te Vrijeme više ne može biti jedinica mjere za takvu proizvodnju (Hardt i Negri 2009: 317). Hardt i Negri se zatim vraćaju Marxovoj ideji kapitala kao akumulacije društvenih odnosa te nazivaju “zajedničkim” takvu proizvodnju društvenih odnosa koju zatim zarobljava kapital. U rukopi- sima mladog Marxa iz 1844. godine (1932.) nalazimo sličnu (no spornu) ideju: to je Gattungswesen, čovjek kao rodno biće. Rodno biće je glavna značajka čovjeka zbog njegove društvene naravi ili, ako vam je tako draže, zbog njegove dimenzije političke životinje. Kako ističe Nick Dyer-Witheford (2004.), Gattungswesen kod Marxa proistječe iz koncepta otuđenja, a kritizirali su ga kao odviše huma- nistički ili naturalistički (ipak, upravo tu Marx kaže da je “priroda čovjekovo neorgansko tijelo”). Danas bismo to mogli preformulirati i usvojiti Gattungswesen kao koncept posthumanizma, homologan s Foucaultovim poljem sila, tijelom-bez-organa Deleuzea i Guattarija (koji su također pronašli nadahnuće u tom ulomku) i idejom da mnoštvo postaje mašinsko. Mogli bismo prigrliti Gattungswesen kao koncept društvenog čudovišta, ali čudovišta koje je okrenuto budućnosti umjesto da proizlazi iz nesvjesnog načela prirode. Slično tome, ideja zajedničkoga nastoji pokazati da je kolektivna životinja u središtu suvremenog kapitalizma u formi rodnog bića, ali takvoga koje nije unaprijed dano, nego ga tek treba konstruirati. Speci∫čni aparati mjerenja, nadzora i zarobljavanja nužni su kako bi se takva životinja pripitomila. Kada smo već kod društvenog čudovišta, moramo razumjeti način na koji kapital uspijeva zarobiti takvu mrežu odnosa, takvo polje sila, odnosno način na koji danas uspijeva na- metnuti brojku kolektivnoj životinji.

Prilog topologiji polja vrijednosti: novi aparati rangiranja i rejtinga.

5. Topološki modeli polja vrijednosti. Valja uvesti nove empirijske modele vrednovanja (što je drugo ime za registracijske strojeve De- leuzea i Guattarija) kako bi se razumjele metamorfoze kapitala pod pritiskom društvenih snaga posljednjih desetljeća. Ponovo slijedeći Foucaulta, Deleuzea i Guattarija, predlažem da se polje ekonomskih sila opiše na topološki, a ne kvantitativni način kao što to još

79 Matteo Pasquinelli Brojka kolektivne životinje that is subsequently captured by capital. In the For a topology of the field of 1844 manuscripts the young Marx (1932) intro- value: the new apparatuses of duced a similar (yet controversial) idea: Gat- ranking and rating. tungswesen, the human as a species-being. The species-being is the main feature of the human 5. Topological models of the for its social nature or, if you prefer, for its di- field of value. New empirical mod- mension of political animal. As Nick Dyer‐ els of valorisation (that is another Witheford (2004) reminds, the concept of Gat- name for Deleuze and Guattari’s tungswesen emerges in Marx from the concept registration machines) must be in- of alienation and it has been criticised for be- troduced to understand the meta- ing too much humanist or naturalist (neverthe- morphoses of capital under the less it is right here that Marx states “Nature is pressure of the social forces of the man’s inorganic body”). Today we could re- last decades. Also following Fou elaborate and adopt Gattungswesen as a con- cault, Deleuze and Guattari, I pro- cept of post-humanism, homologous with pose to describe the field of eco- Foucault’s field of forces, Deleuze and Guat- nomic forces in a topological and tari’s body-without-organs (who found inspi- not in a quantitative way as ortho- ration also in this passage), and the becoming dox political economy and clock- machinic of the multitude. We watchers still do. The institutions could embrace Gattungswesen as of ranking and rating are appara- the concept of a social monster, yet tuses used to measure the field of of a monster facing the future and value, but of course also to con- not emerging from of an uncon- trol and capture the field of social scious principle of nature. Similarly relations that produce this very the idea of the common attempts value. I propose here four exam- to show the collective beast at the ples: the reference economy of centre of contemporary capitalism the university, the attention econ- under the form of a species-being, omy of the internet, the prestige economy of but as a species-being to be con- the art world and the geopolitical influence of structed, not already given. Spe- international rating agencies. They all function cific apparatuses of measure, con- as networks of valorisation, as multi-armed gi- trol and capture are necessary to ant octopuses immersed in the waters of dif- domesticate such a beast. Evoking ferent oceans. For reason of clarity I suggest to the social monster, we have to un- distinguish between ranking, that is a machinic derstand how capital is able to and objective form of measure, and rating, that capture such a net of relations, is a political and subjective form of measure, such a field of forces, how it is able but actually all these models can be considered to impose today a number to the different incarnation of the same machinic dia- collective beast. gram of the social field.

6. Distinction between ‘machinic’ ranking and ‘political’ rating. By ranking I mean a position in a certain range according to an objective proce- dure, a method, an algorithm (as it happens in

M atteo Pasquinelli The n umber of the c ollective b east the evaluation of academic journals, in the re-

80 uvijek čine ortodoksna politička ekonomija i promatrači sata. Insti- tucije rangiranja i rejtinga su aparati koji se koriste za mjerenje polja vrijednosti, ali, dakako, i za nadziranje i zarobljavanje polja društvenih odnosa koji proizvode upravo tu vrijednost. Predlažem ovdje četiri primjera: ekonomiju referenci na sveučilištu, ekonomiju pozornosti na internetu, ekonomiju prestiža u svijetu umjetnosti i geopolitički utjecaj međunarodnih agencija za rejting. Svi oni djeluju kao mreže za vrednovanje, kao goleme hobotnice s obiljem pipaka uronjene u različite oceane. Radi jasnoće predlažem razlikovanje između rangiranja kao mašinskog i objektivnog oblika mjerenja i rejtinga kao političkog i subjektivnog oblika mjerenja, ali ustvari se svi ti modeli mogu smatrati različitim inkarnacijama istog mašinskog dijagrama društvenog polja.

6. Razlika između “mašinskog” rangiranja i “političkog” rejtinga. Pod rangiranjem podrazumijevam položaj na određenoj rang-listi prema nekom objektivnom postupku, metodi ili algoritmu (kao što je slučaj s vrednovanjem znanstvenih časopisa u rezultatima Goo- gleove tražilice ili s izračunom broja sljedbenika na Facebooku i Twitteru). Pod rejtingom podrazumijevam položaj na ljestvici prema nekom sustavu subjektivne procjene, koja se zasniva na priznanju, povjerenju i potpori osoba s kojima je uspostavljena kompleksna mreža odnosa (vidi svijet umjetnosti i osobito međunarodne agencije za rejting koje nude svoje procjene investitorima u tkanju puko političkih odnosa i čudovišnih sukoba interesa). De∫niram prvi di- jagram kao mašinski jer uključuje uporabu kodi∫ciranih postupa- ka, a drugi kao politički jer uključuje drevno političko umijeće izgradnje konsenzusa, povjerenja i društvenih saveza na osnovi ne- formalnih odnosa. Ustvari su prema de∫niciji Deleuzea i Guattarija oba slučaja mašinski sistemi, budući da miješaju automatizme s društvenim odnosima. Slično Marxu (1867.), kod kojega su strojevi uvijek zauzimaju apstraktne odnose prema prethodnoj podjeli rada, neki algoritmi za rangiranje ipak se formalno ugrađuju u prethodno neformalne strukture rejtinga (usporedi način na koji druš- tveni mediji mapiraju, prevode i ubrzavaju naše stvarne društvene odnose).

7. Razlika između društvenih mreža i institucionalnih aparata. Ono što želim čim jasnije istaknuti jest cjelokupno društveno polje kolektivne životinje, odnosno prošireni, Ωuidni i raznoliki prostor metropole. Očito su globalna digitalna mreža i njezini društveni mediji najbolji primjer za ilustraciju goleme mreže za proizvodnju i registraciju vrednujućih društvenih odnosa. U manjim razmjerima, ali sa znatnim ekonomskim utjecajem, možemo navesti slučaj svijeta umjetnosti, koji je također utemeljen na mrežama koje su ne-

81 Matteo Pasquinelli Brojka kolektivne životinje sults of the Google search engine or in the cal- pact, we can introduce the case of culation of the number of followers on Face- the art world that it is also based book and Twitter). By rating I mean the posi- on networks that are informal, tion along a scale according to a system of fluid, non-hierarchical and not subjective assessments, based on recognition, necessarily institutional. This trust and support by persons with whom a mesh of social relations consti- complex network of relations has been estab- tutes also the substance of insti- lished (see the art world and especially the in- tutions that are apparently gra- ternational rating agencies, which offer their nitic: if universities and rating assessments to investors within a fabric of pure agencies show all the rigidity of political relations and monstrous conflicts of institutional hierarchies and po- interest). We define the first diagram as ma- litical power, their ontological chinic because it implies the use of codified constitution is not so different procedures, and the second diagram as politi- from that of the metropolis: they cal because it implies the ancient political art are in other words a condensation of building consensus, trust and social allianc- of social relations. es on the basis of informal relations. Actually both cases are machinic systems, according to Model 1). The reference economy of univer- the definition of Deleuze and sity: an example of institutional and machinic Guattari, as they mix automatisms mediation. It was in the German university of with social relations. Similarly to the end of the 19th century where a ranking Marx (1867), where machinery al- system for academic publications was intro- ways occupies the abstract rela- duced by tracing and calculating the number tions of a previous division of la- and the matrix of bibliographic citations. bour, some ranking algorithms More citations, the greater the ‘academic’ happen to be formally installed on importance of a given text (this model will previous informal structures of rat- also inspire Google’s PageRank algorithm). ing (see also how social media As it is well known, every university re- map, translate and accelerate our searcher today is still captured in this meas- real social relations). uring apparatus that determines her/his ca- reer and her/his gradient of competition. 7. Distinction between social This ranking system crosses and shapes uni- networks and institutional appara- versities also on a global scale: along with tuses. What I want to highlight as other indexes, it is also used to measure much as possible is the whole so- their ‘prestige’ and their ‘global value’. As cial field of the collective beast, you know, especially reading the recent An- that is the extended, fluid and glo-American chronicles, such a network of manifold space of the metropolis. valorisation has a deep impact on the social Obviously, the global digital net- status of a given university, on the tuition work and its social media are the fees and thereafter directly on student debt. best example to illustrate the gi- Student debt could be defined as the re- ant network for the production versal of the cognitive pyramid of ranking, and registration of valorising social reproducing its segmentations and econom- relations. On a smaller scale, but ic hierarchies like a mirror.

M atteo Pasquinelli The n umber of the c ollective b east with a significant economic im-

82 formalne, Ωuidne, nehijerarhijske i ne nužno institucionalne. Ta mreža društvenih odnosa također čini bit institucija koje su naizgled čvrste poput granita: ako sveučilišta i agencije za rejting pokazuju svu krutost institucionalnih hijerarhija i političke moći, njihova ontološka konstitucija nije odviše različita od one metropole: svi su oni, drugim riječima, rezultat kondenzacije društvenih odnosa.

Model 1). Ekonomija referenci na sveučilištu: primjer institucionalne i mašinske medijacije. Sustav rangiranja znanstvenih publikacija uveden je na njemačkim sveučilištima krajem 19. stoljeća, a sastojao se u praćenju i izračunu broja i matrice bibliografskih navoda. Što je njihov broj bio veći, veća je bila i “znanstvena” važnost danog teksta (taj model poslužit će i kao inspiracija za Googleov PageRank algoritam). Kao što je poznato, svaki sveučilišni znanstvenik je danas uhvaćen u taj mjerni aparat, koji određuje njegovu karijeru i poziciju u na- tjecanju. Taj sustav rangiranja prožima i oblikuje sveučilišta i na globalnoj razini: uz druge indekse, također se koristi za mjerenje njihove “prestižnosti” i “globalne vrijednosti”. Kao što se osobito vidi iz recentnih anglo-američkih kronika, takva mreža vrednovanja ima velik utjecaj na društveni status doti čnog sveučilišta, na školarinu koju se može tražiti, a time i neposredno na studentski dug. Studentski dug mogao bi se de∫nirati kao drugo lice kognitivne piramide rangiranja, bu- dući da reproducira njezinu segmentaciju i ekonomske hijerarhije kao u zrcalu.

Model 2). Ekonomija pozornosti na internetu: primjer društve- ne i mašinske medijacije. Algoritam Googleove tražilice rođen je primjenom starog njemačkog modela koji se koristi za “mjerenje” znanstvenih publikacija na svaki dokument u hi- pertekstu interneta. U osnovi Googleov PageRank algoritam automatski računa “vrijednost” svake mrežne poveznice i od- lučuje o važnosti i vidljivosti dotičnog dokumenta ovisno o broju i kakvoći poveznica koje na nj upućuju. Googleov Page- Rank algoritam može se smatrati maksimalno empirijskim dijagramom akumulacije vrijednosti u kognitivnom kapitalizmu (Pasquinelli 2009. i 2011.) i akumulatorom onih vrednuju- ćih informacija koje je već Alquati (1963.) zamijetio na djelu u Olivettijevoj kibernetskoj tvornici. Općenitije gledano, internet danas konačno pokazuje svoju cjelokupnu dimenziju “društvene proizvodnje” u ekonomiji pozornosti društvenih mreža kao što su Facebook i Twitter, gdje se osobni prestiž računa na sličan način kao kod Googleova PageRank algori- tma, na temelju “lajkova” i “pratitelja”.

83 Matteo Pasquinelli Brojka kolektivne životinje Model 2). The attention economy of the in- connected to each other: au- ternet: an example of social and machinic me- thors, curators, critics, galler- diation. The algorithm of the search engine ists, collectors, exhibitions, Google was born applying the old German magazines, museums and even- model used to ‘measure’ academic publica- tually the audience. It is enough tions to each document of the web hyper- to browse the main art journals text. Basically Google’s PageRank algorithm to see how contemporary art is automatically calculates the ‘value’ of each a careful social engineering web link and decides the importance and more concerned about the deli- visibility of a given document depending on cate hierarchy of name drop- the number and quality of links pointing to ping that aesthetic issues. it. Google’s PageRank algorithm can be tak- Compared to the impassive al- en as the most empirical diagram of the ac- gorithms of digital networks cumulation of value in cognitive capitalism and the rigid university index- (see Pasquinelli 2009, 2011) and as an accu- es, the art world, like all the mulator of that valorising information that spectacular world of commodi- already Alquati (1963) traced at work in the ties, is organised around vorti- cybernetic factory of Olivetti. More in gen- ces of valorisation that appear eral, internet today finally much more fluid and informal. shows its whole dimension of ‘social production’ in the atten- Model 4). The trust economy tion economy of social networks of rating agencies: an example of like Facebook and Twitter, institutional and political media- where in a similar way to Goog- tion. At a geopolitical level the le’s PageRank algorithm the rating agencies show mecha- personal prestige is calculated nisms very similar to those that precisely on the basis of number we have tried to explain at other scales. of ‘likes’ and ‘followers’. From the recent chronicles of the global crisis we see that the fate of public debt is in Model 3). The prestige econo- the hands of private rating agencies, the my of the art world: an example armed wing of giant financial interests, that of social and political mediation. in this way influence the destiny of entire At closer inspection, the atten- countries. We could say that the political tion economy that the internet and institutional apparatuses engineered has made visible has always by these organisations represent most been at the heart of the spec- clearly the machinic substrate of the econo- tacular economy of mass media my of debt, since the degree of speculation and especially of the art world. on debt depends on the amount of trust The work of art functions today that is numerically assigned to a given com- as a unique irreproducible signi- pany or country. Moreover it is the media fier whose value is accumulated amplification of the rating announcements and measured within a complex from this agencies (AAA, AA, A+, etc.) and social matrix. In this network of the related mass hysteria, that makes these valorisation surrounding the agencies machines of political and biopo-

M atteo Pasquinelli The n umber of the c ollective b east artwork very codified roles are litical governances. These agencies are

84 Model 3). Ekonomija prestiža u svijetu umjetnosti: primjer društvene i političke medijacije. Kada bolje pogledamo, vidjet ćemo da je ekonomija pozornosti, koju je internet učinio vid- ljivom, oduvijek u srcu spektakularne ekonomije masovnih medija i osobito svijeta umjetnosti. Svijet umjetnosti danas funkcionira kao jedinstveni i neponovljivi označitelj čija se vrijednost akumulira i mjeri unutar složene društvene matrice. U toj mreži vrednovanja koja okružuje umjetničko djelo postoje izrazito kodi∫cirane i međusobno povezane uloge: umjetnici, kustosi, kritičari, galeristi, kolekcionari, izložbe, časopisi, muzeji i naposljetku publika. Dovoljno je prelistati glavne umjetničke časopise da se vidi kako je suvremena umjetnost precizan društveni inženjering, kojemu je više stalo do ∫ne hijerarhije slavnih imena nego do estetskih pitanja. U usporedbi s neosjetljivim algoritmima digitalnih mreža i kru- tim sveučilišnim indeksima, svijet umjetnosti, kao i spektaku- larni svijet robe, organiziran je oko vrtlogâ vrednovanja koji se čine daleko Ωuidnijima i neformalnijima.

Model 4). Ekonomija povjerenja u agencijama za rejting: primjer institucionalne i političke medijacije. Na geopolitičkoj razini agencije za rejting pokazuju mehanizme koji su veoma slič- ni onima koje smo nastojali objasniti na drugim razinama. Iz recentnih kronika globalne krize vidimo da je sudbina javnog duga u rukama privatnih agencija za rejting, oružanog krila golemih ∫nancijskih interesa, koje na taj način utječu na sud- binu čitavih zemalja. Mogli bismo reći da politički i institucio- nalni aparati koje te organizacije izgrađuju veoma jasno predstavljaju mehanički supstrat ekonomije dugovanja, budući da stupanj spekuliranja dugom ovisi o količini povjerenja koje se numerički dodjeljuje određenoj tvrtki ili državi. Štoviše, upravo su medijsko potenciranje objava rejtinga iz tih agencija (AAA, AA, A+, itd.) i s njime povezana masovna histerija ti koji takve agencije pretvaraju u strojeve za političko i biopolitičko upravljanje. Agencije su očito privatni akteri, ali njihov utjecaj osjeća se širom javne sfere jezika i performativnog djelovanja: zanimljivo je pritom da kada dospiju u pravne nevolje i kada ih neke vlade tuže te agencije štite svoje odluke o rejtingu na osnovi Prvog amandmana američkog Ustava, a to je sloboda govora.

8. (Apstraktni) strojevi uvijek smjenjuju društvene strojeve. Ovi me- hanizmi za rejting i rangiranje, kao novi oblik biopolitičke kontrole i proizvodnje novih subjektivnosti i društvenog natjecanja, smje-

85 Matteo Pasquinelli Brojka kolektivne životinje clearly private actors but their influence omies of social production clearly plays across the public sphere of language exist well before the rating and and performative acts: funny enough, when ranking systems come to over- they are into legal troubles and sued by code, measure, control and cap- some governments, they protect their rat- ture them. Also the machine of ing decisions with the First Amendment of debt comes to overcode these re- United States constitution, that is as free- lations. dom of speech. 9. The factory of indebted man is 8. (Abstract) machines always replace social cognitive and machinic. These mod- machines. These rating and rank- els of ranking and rating are the ing mechanisms, as a new form of same that describe, in a reverse biopolitical control and produc- fashion, the networks of debt of tion of new subjectivities and so- financial capitalism and keep alive cial competition, replace the tra- the apparatuses of subjectifica- ditional discipline of time of the tion and competition of neoliber- Fordist industrial metropolis. I do alism. We could say that the de- not mean to introduce here an op- gree of trust measured and proposition between the temporal jected by the rating agencies run field of Fordism and the social politically specular to the sense of field of post-Fordism, both being guilt which is the basis of the branches of the same law of sur- debtor-creditor economic rela- plus value, of the same machinic tionship (see Lazzarato 2011 on evolution. The paradigm of cogni- ‘the factory of the indebted man’). tive capitalism must be compared This new apparatuses of debt did with these models of vortical ac- not replace the apparatuses of cumulation, measurement and cognitive capitalism, but it is a governance of social relations. As very cognitive and machinic capitalism to pro- the machines described by Marx in vide facilities and devices for the governance a chapter of Capital, these measur- of debt and the measure of value. It is a cogni- ing systems do not invent anything tive and machinic capitalism that allows debt new, but they occupy and map a and all the tricks of financial capitalism to be- network of pre-existing social re- come pervasive and persistent, chasing us lations and behaviours. The econ- wherever we go.

M atteo Pasquinelli The n umber of the c ollective b east

86 njuju tradicionalnu disciplinu vremena u fordističkoj industrijskoj metropoli. Nije mi namjera ovdje uvoditi opoziciju između tempo- ralnog polja fordizma i društvenog polja postfordizma, budući da su oba ogranci istog zakona viška vrijednosti, iste mašinske evoluci- je. Paradigmu kognitivnog kapitalizma valja usporediti s tim mode- lima vrtložne akumulacije, mjerenja i upravljanja društvenim odnosima. Kao strojevi koje je Marx opisao u jednom poglavlju Kapita- la, ovi sustavi mjerenja ne izmišljaju ništa novo, nego zauzimaju i mapiraju mrežu već postojećih društvenih odnosa i oblika ponaša- nja. Ekonomije društvene proizvodnje postojale su daleko prije nego što su došli sustavi rejtinga i rangiranja kako bi ih prekodirali, izmjerili, nadzirali i obuhvatili. I stroj dugovanja dolazi kako bi pre- kodirao te odnose.

9. Tvornica zaduženog čovjeka je kognitivna i mašinska. Ovi modeli rangiranja i rejtinga isti su oni koji opisuju, samo obrnuto, mreže dugovanja u ∫nancijskom kapitalizmu i održavaju na životu aparate subjekti∫kacije i kompeticije u neoliberalizmu. Mogli bismo reći da stupanj povjerenja koji mjere i projiciraju agencije za rejting u političkom smislu zrcali osjećaj krivice, koji je osnova ekonomskog odnosa dužnika i kreditora (usp. Lazzarato 2011 o “tvornici zaduže- nog čovjeka”). Ti novi aparati dugovanja nisu zamijenili aparate kognitivnog kapitalizma, no kapitalizam mora biti upravo kognitivne i mašinske naravi kako bi imao mogućnosti i sredstva za upravljanje dugom i za mjerenje vrijednosti. Upravo je kognitivni i ma- šinski kapitalizam taj koji omogućuje da dugovi i svi drugi trikovi ∫nancijskog kapitalizma postanu sveprisutni i trajni te da nam budu za petama kamo god krenuli.

Prijevod s engleskoga: Marina Miladinov

87 Matteo Pasquinelli Brojka kolektivne životinje Bibliography

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Alquati, Romano. “Composizione organica Lazzarato, Maurizio. Proizvodnja zaduženog del capitale e forza-lavoro alla Olivetti”, čovjeka: esej o neoliberalnom stanju Quaderni Rossi 3 (1963.). (Zagreb: Bijeli val, 2013.). Deleuze, Gilles. Foucault (Pariz: Minuit, Marx, Karl. Ökonomisch-philosophische 1986.). Manuskripte aus dem Jahre 1844. U: Marx- Deleuze, Gilles. “Le devenir révolutionnaire et Engels-Gesamtausgabe (MEGA1) (Berlin, les créations politiques”, intervju s 1932.). Antoniom Negrijem, Futur Antérieur 1 Marx, Karl. Das Kapital: Kritik der politischen (1990.). Objavljeno kao “Contrôle et Ökonomie. Band 1 (Hamburg: Verlag von devenir” u: Gilles Deleuze, Pourparlers Otto Meissner, 1867.). 1972-1990 (Pariz: Minuit, 1990.). Marx, Karl. Das Kapital: Kritik der politischen Deleuze, Gilles i Guattari, Félix. L’Anti-Oedipe. Ökonomie. Band 3 (Hamburg: Verlag von Capitalisme et schizophrénie. Vol. 1 (Pariz: Otto Meissner, 1894.). Minuit, 1972.). Mirowski, Philip. More Heat than Light. Dyer-Witheford, Nick. “1844/2004/2044: The Economics as Social Physics: Physics as Return of Species-Being”, Historical Nature’s Economics (Cambridge, UK: Materialism 12/4 (2004.). Cambridge University Press, 1989.). Hardt, Michael i Negri, Antonio. Imperij Pasquinelli, Matteo. “Google’s PageRank (Zagreb: Arkzin i Multimedijalni institut, Algorithm: A Diagram of Cognitive 2003.). Capitalism and the Rentier of the Hardt, Michael i Negri, Antonio. Common Intellect”. U: Konrad Becker, Commonwealth (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Felix Stalder (ur.), Deep Search (London: Press, 2009.). Transaction Publishers, 2009.). Pasquinelli, Matteo. “Capitalismo macchinico e plusvalore di rete: note sull’economia politica della macchina di Turing”. Uninomade (studeni 2011.), www. uninomade.org/capitalismo-macchinico

89 Matteo Pasquinelli Brojka kolektivne životinje new media and other media novi mediji i drugi mediji

05 Branka Ćurčić Šta je radikalno u “radikalnim medijima”? Drugačiji, nadrealistički predlog

odine 1932, beogradski nadrealisti su pisali da su njihov rad i kon- cepti, često osporavani, borbeni i da ne pristaju da napuste jedno G takvo neposredno sredstvo kao što bi bilo objavljivanje svojih eksperimenata. Ali, taj imperativ objavljivanja nije išao ruku-pod- ruku sa uobičajenim imperativom radikalne inteligencije ∞ objavljivati po bilo koju cenu, bez reΩektovanja samog proizvodnog procesa tog objavljivanja. Umesto objavljivanja kao socio-političke tema- tizacije, da li nešto što nosi naziv “radikalni mediji” umesto toga može da se misli kao socijalna materijalizacija auto-teorizacije? Praksa objavljivanja i praksa medija, generalno i svakako, pripada praksama informisanja javnosti, stoga, pripada javnoj, držav- noj sferi. Potkrepljeno rečima nadrealista: “Ljudi pišu... Činjenica je da jedni to smatraju [pisanje] kao vrhunac svega onog što ljudstvo pre- duzima, kao svoju, skoro mističnu misiju u svetu. Ljudi pišu [i objavlju- ju] za nas”; dakle, dvostruko pripadanje: javnoj sferi, i često i fetišiz- mu pisanja (kao autorski profesionalizam takođe?). Odmah potom moglo bi da se doda ∞ u pitanju je podešavanje prema dominant nom moralu, mišljenju, ideologiji, ukusu ∞ tj. u pitanju je siguran put u državnu sferu. Cena masovnog apela je konformizam prema masovnom moralu. Zasigurno, postoji nešto što bi se moglo okarakteri- sati kao kritičko u medijima, uglavnom i najviše nešto što referiše na objavljivanje kritičkog sadržaja ∞ kritičkog u smislu promocije opo- zicionog stava naspram dominantnog mišljenja/mnjenja dominantnih liberalnih medija, na primer. Ali, to lako može da sklizne u tematizaciju problema objavljivanjem kritičkog sadržaja, što i dalje pripada i ne propituje kategorije reprezentacije i deskripcije opštih socio-političkih okolnosti i kulturnih dešavanja ∞ tj. i dalje pripada i

93 Branka Ćurčić Šta je radikalno u “radikalnim medijima”? Drugačiji, nadrealistički predlog 05

Branka C´urcˇic´

What is Radical in ‘Radical Media’? A different, Surrealists kind of proposal

In 1932 the Belgrade Sur- mankind undertakes as its almost realists wrote that their mystical role in the world. People l work and concepts, of- write [and publish] for us”; which is ten disputed, are militant and that a twofold belonging: to the public they don’t accept abandoning of sphere and frequently to the fet- such immediate means like the ishism of writing (as authorial pro- publishing of their experiments. fessionalism as well?). Immedi- But this imperative to publish ately it could be added — it is an doesn’t really comply with the adaptation to the dominant mo- usual radical intelligentsia impera- rality, opinion, ideology, taste — i.e. a way into tive — to publish at any cost, with- the state sphere. The price of mass appeal is the out thinking through the very pro- conformity to mass morality. For sure, there’s duction process of publishing. In- something which could be characterized as stead of thinking of publishing as critical in media, mostly and usually referring a form of socio-political themati- to the publishing of a critical content — critical zation could something named in terms of promoting oppositional attitude ‘radical media’ be thought of as a towards the dominant opinion of dominant lib- social materialization of auto-the- eral media, for example. But, that could easily orization? slip into a thematization of the problems Publishing, and media-prac- through critical content, which still belongs to tice in general, certainly belongs and doesn’t question categories of represen- to the practice of information/in- tation and description of general socio-politi- forming of the public, therefore, it cal conditions and of cultural goings-on — i.e. belongs to the public state sphere. still belongs and doesn’t leave the state sphere. As Surrealists would say: “People As a thematization rather then a problematiza- write... It is the fact that some con- tion, it is then an uncritical critique of uncritical

Branka Ćurčić What is Radical in ‘Radical Media’? A d ifferent, Surrealists k ind of p roposal sider [writing] as a peak of what hu- critique. An objectivist realism. The politics of

94 ne pravi korak dalje od državne sfere. Kao tematizacija pre nego problematizacija, u pitanju je onda nekritička kritika nekritičke kritike. Objektivistički realizam. Politika takve prakse je tada objekti∫kovana državom i javnom sferom i pridodata odgovarajućem registru: registru e∫kasnosti, rezultata, modela ∞ plana. Tada takvoj politici, odnosno političkom u ovom slučaju, može da se pristupi samo kroz intelektualnu kompozitnu celinu, na primer, političke ekonomije, kao deskripcije generalnih socio-političkih i ekonomskih okolnosti. Ono što treba da bude u pitanju, umesto socio-političke tema- tizacije problema u vidu objavljivanja kritičkog sadržaja, je propitivanje samih uslova proizvodnje medija/izdavačkog procesa. Auto- kritika/auto-teorizacija. Odgovor na gore postavljenu diskusiju je pitanje: Šta je medij koji u sebi ne sadrži sopstvenu kritiku? Duplira- nje odgovora (uz sav rizik upadanja u registar objašnjavanja time) bi dovelo do konstatacije da je to medij podređen političkim i ideološ- kim uslovima svoje konstitucije, na način da uvek reprodukuje te uslove iznova, bez dostizanja njihovih granica koje se tada probijaju. Čak i kritički mediji/izdavaštvo kakve znamo pate od uredničkih policy-ja, što u stvari znači da pate od striktne i rigorozne podele rada ∞ rada razdvajanja. Pozicije u uredničkoj konstelaciji su čvrste i retko razmenljive, osim u slučaju propulzivnosti u okviru socijalnih merdevina u kretanju ka višim, prominentnim pozicijama i funkci- jama u državnoj sferi. Jasno je da takva podela implicira podelu na intelektualni i manuelni rad u okviru samog intelektualnog rada, uspostavljajući političku i ideološku strukturu tih proizvodnih odnosa. Posedovanje tajne znanja reprodukuje ideološke odnose i subordinira nadzorom, kontrolom, edukacijom i paternalizacijom; kao znanje koje intelektualizira (profesionalizuje takođe?) i služi razdvajanju razvlašćenjem. U okviru takve podele i razdvajanja rada, ispostavljanje zahteva, na primer, za jednakim nadnicama/platama i za njihovom jednakom distribucijom može da predstavlja mali korak napred. Ali onda opet, korak napred i ka ∞ čemu? Korak ka planu, u socijalizaciju rada. Mali korak koji je bitan ukoliko iskoračenje ne vrši konstipaciju odluke da se prekine sa podelom rada, kao poli- tičkog imperativa svih tih praksi. Subjektivni skok koji tada ne sme skliznuti u objekti∫kovani oblik politike u eksteriornosti, tj. u nekritič- ku kritiku nekritičke kritike. U proizvodnju koja traži scenu na sva kom drugom mestu osim u sopstvenoj auto-teoretizirajućoj praksi. Nakon opisivanja praksi sa kojima je susret čest i neminovan, na ovom mestu sledi jedan drugačiji primer prakse, kao drugačija vrsta predloga. Prema “radikalnim medijima”? Ne bih znala reći. U svakom slučaju, idemo u tridesete godine XX veka.

95 Branka Ćurčić Šta je radikalno u “radikalnim medijima”? Drugačiji, nadrealistički predlog

...sav naš bes reΩeksije kojom raščinjavamo, rastavljamo, prekidamo splet laži, tj. splet misli današnjice... [nasuprot potčinjavanju zahtevima i pozivima jedne epohe]... U pitanju je, međutim, ne jedno prefarbavanje, no jedno korenito menjanje, jedna dijalektizacija čitavog sistema mera. Mi se pozivamo na taj užasan pritisak na tok misli koja se misli.

Dakle, imperativ da se objavljuje, ne kao socio-politička tematizacija, već kao problematizacija samog procesa objavljivanja i auto-kritika sopstvene pozicije i prakse. U tom smislu, jedna od važnih praksi beogradskih nadrealista je objavljivanje njihovih eksperimenata u knjigama i časopisima, kao što bi to bio časopis “Nadreali- zam danas i ovde”, koji je imao tri objavljena broja u periodu od 1930. do 1932. godine. Njegova dinamika objavljivanja neredovno objavljivanog časo- pisa, stoga časopisa koji nema status formalnog časopisa i izdavač- ke prakse, ukazuje na bar dve stvari i pozicije. S jedne strane, da li bi se moglo reći da je časopis predstavljao medij ili organ (sredstvo, kako bi nadrealisti rekli) grupe? I s druge, pre nego direktno oslika- vajući materijalne uslove njihove izdavačke prakse, sadržaj i dinamika objavljivanja časopisa ukazuju na neprestano prisutnu tenziju o tome da li objavljivati svoje eksperimente ili uopšte ne. U tom smislu, nadrealisti bi često govorili da što se takve prakse tiče, da im to ne služi na čast. Ako je danas naje∫kasniji oblik našeg delanja izražavanje naše misli putem publikacija, onda treba učiniti sve što zavisi od nas da taj način delanja bude zaista e∫kasan a to znači sve- stan i pošten. A prva stvar koju imamo da izjavimo u ime tog poštenja je ta da se ovde ne radi o jednostavnom i shematičnom dovođenju u sklad nadrealizma sa današnjim tezama dialektičkog materijalizma, već o aktivnoj i živoj izgradnji svesti koja učestvuje u menjanju sveta. [Međuigra1] Iako je insistiranje na nauci, na naučnom pristu- pu, imalo posebno značenje za nadrealiste ∞ pre svega, istorijski materijalizam i neophodnost njegovog kretanja između ostalih nau- ka ∞ na ovom mestu i za njih, kategorije časti, morala, poštenja jesu političke kategorije. [kraj međuigre1] Stoga je promišljanje sopstvene izdavačke prakse koincidiralo sa i deo je njihovog umetničkog i teorijskog rada kao kontinuirane auto-kritike same te prakse. Reći da je objavljivanje organ, sredstvo donošenja pred publiku rada nadrealističke grupe (takođe u smislu samo-promocije) je nedovoljno i verovatno pogrešno, jer su negovali poseban koncept Grupe, nadrealizma kao grupe, koju su videli kao jednu od glavnih mesta ograničenja razvoja njihove prakse. Na tom novom nivou tenzije, nadrealisti se nisu bavili pitanjem organizacije, s obzirom na to da nikada nisu želeli da daju neverovatna obećanja i predloge,

97 Branka Ćurčić Šta je radikalno u “radikalnim medijima”? Drugačiji, nadrealistički predlog na primer, za pravolinijsku i direktnu promenu društva. Oni su se pre bavili klackalicom između nadrealizma kao grupe i kao pokreta, gde grupa/-isanje stoji kao znak slabosti samog pokreta. Grupa je značila monopolisanje delovanja u jednom pravcu, delovanja u ime jedne ideje, pod jednim imenom. Grupa je označavala zatvoren pokret, u nastojanju da izvrši moralnu disciplinu nad svojim članovi- ma, gde je neprestana opasnost prisutna, za nadrealizam, da bi mogao da postane permanentan put do uspeha ambicioznih intelektu- alaca-karijerista. Kao istorijska formacija, grupa je prolaznija od pokreta, i ona ima za cilj da omogući formiranje unutrašnjeg pokreta, do stepena gde on, prevazilazeći svoj okvir, postaje otvoren pokret ∞ pokret u kom svako ima pravo da učestvuje (bez obzira na intelektualne klasi∫kacije). Stoga, i kao grupa i kao pokret, nadrealizam je prolazan, gde je trajanje nadrealističkog pokreta, dakle, u obr- nutoj srazmeri sa brzinom njegovog širenja. Njegov potpuni uspeh izjednačuje se s prestankom nadrealizma ∞ njegovo konačno napu- štanje i napuštanje, kroz unutrašnji pokret, bilo kakvog oblika indi- vidualističke identi∫kacije. Kraj podele rada ∞ i u sadržaju i u formi njihovih eksperimenata. Očigledno, u toj debati, nadrealistički pojam pokreta i njegovog napuštanja nije imao nikakve veze sa direktno političkim, druš- tvenim ili bilo kojim drugim oblikom masovnog pokreta. Niti je nadrealizam imao tendenciju da zatvori i drži okamenjenim u indivi- dualističkim autorskim pozicijama one koji su radili u okviru njega. Niti je, s druge strane, pretendovao da svojim sopstvenim sredstvima koja odgovaraju jednoj sasvim drugoj upotrebi, zameni sredstva prilagođena za direktno društveno dejstvovanje. Niko od nas ni jednog trenutka nije mislio da će nadrealizam postati pokret u onom smislu u kome je to moderni pokret proleterskih masa, niti u onom smislu u kome je to slobodno zidarstvo. Štaviše, u svojoj teorijskoj, umetničkoj i izdavačkoj proizvodnji, bili su jasni što se tiče “efekata” tih praksi. Nadrealizam se nije bavio edukacijom, nije se bavio neposrednim delanjem za ostvare- njem potreba i za poboljšanje materijalnih uslova života. Bilo je jasno da njihova spisateljska praksa i izdavaštvo ne uzima direktnog učešća u direktnom rešavanju socijalnih problema, niti je uzi- manje u obzir objektivnih socio-ekonomskih okolnosti moglo pred- stavljati bilo šta drugo do ogledala bede. Pisati o tome, stoga eduko- vati i vaspitavati o uslovima te bede, ne bi značilo ništa drugo do staviti ispred bednih ljudi ogledalo njihove bede, što svakako nije celina i određenje njihove subjektivnosti. U tom smislu, nadrealisti nisu brkali samu realnost, ono što jeste, sa shvatanjem realnosti, tj. sa onim kako se to bivanje kome predstavlja ∞ nisu brkali materijalne uslove i materijalistički pristup.

99 Branka Ćurčić Šta je radikalno u “radikalnim medijima”? Drugačiji, nadrealistički predlog such practice is then objectified by the state and subordinates by supervision, and its public sphere and assigned to a certain control, education and paternali- record/register, for example, of efficiency, re- zation; as a knowledge which is sult, model — a plan. Then such a politics, or the intellectualizing (and profession- political in this case, can be approached only alizing?) and serving the separa- through the intellectual composite totality of, tion by dispossession. Within that for example, political economy, as a descrip- division and disjunction of labour tion of general socio-political conditions. to make a claim, for example, for What should be put into question, in- equal wages and their egalitarian stead of the socio-political thematization of distribution might be a small step problems acting as critical content, are the forward. But then again, step for- very conditions of production of media/pub- ward and towards — what? Step lishing process. Auto-criticism/auto-theoriza- into a plan, into socialization of tion. The answer to the above discussion is a labour. A small step which is im- question: What are the media that don’t con- portant only if it by making that tain their own critique? Retorting to that an- step doesn’t constipate the deci- swer (with the risk of dropping into the regis- sion to end with the division of later of explaining) would lead us to state that it bour as a political imperative of all is the media that are subordinated of those practices. A subjective to the political and ideological leap which then mustn’t slip into conditions of their constitution, in the objectified pole of politics in the way that they always repro- exteriority, i.e. into uncritical cri- duce those conditions anew, with- tique of uncritical critique. Into out reaching their limits and then production which seeks the scene breaking through them. Even the everywhere else except in its own critical media/publishing as we auto-theorizing practice. know them suffer from editorial After demarcating practices policies which are actually subject that we inevitably frequently encounter, here to strict and rigorous division of follows another kind of practice, another kind labour — labour of disjunction. Po- of proposal. Towards ‘radical media’? I can’t sitions in the editorial constella- really tell. But, we go back into the 1930s... tions are fixed and rarely ex- changeable, except in the cases ...all our anger of reflection with which we when someone is climbing the so- are uncovering, dissolving, terminating that cial ladder to reach higher, more reticulum of lies, i.e. reticulum of thoughts of prominent positions and functions today... [contrary to the submitting to the within the state-sphere. demands and calls of an epoch]... Clearly this implies a division This is, nevertheless, instead of mystifica- of the intellectual from the manual tion, a radical change, a dialectisation of the labour within the intellectual la- whole system of measures. bour by the work of constructiong We adduce ourselves to that horrible pres- political and ideological structures sure, of stream of thought which is then in those production relations. Pos- thought through. sessing the secret of knowledge re-

Branka Ćurčić What is Radical in ‘Radical Media’? A d ifferent, Surrealists k ind of p roposal produces the ideological relations

100 ...Oni se plaše misli: kod Marxa o paranoji ili o želji, ili o nadrealizmu, nisu ništa pročitali, prema tome, misle oni, to su problemi o kojima ne može marksistički da se govori...

[Međuigra2] Na ovom mestu ne sme se zaboraviti na nadrealistički negativan, subverzivan i destruktivan efekat na savremeno stanje konsenzualne misli. Na efekat njegovog razbijanja bez pedagogije, ekspanzijom njihove pobude za unutrašnjim pokretima, ka singularnosti misli i singularnosti politike. [kraj međuigre2] Polemike sa savremenicima kao jedno od sredstava njihove teorijske i spisateljske proizvodnje, neizostavno su uključivale sopstvenu auto-kritiku ∞ ne samo zbog promašene kritike njihovih oponenata (na koje su redovno odgovarali sredstvima koja su za njih jedino moguća i odgovarajuća samom predmetu: ∫zičkim ili intelektualnim šamarima. U tom smislu, postavili bismo pitanje: šta nije u redu s vređanjem jednog univerzitetskog profesora?), već i zato što je auto-kritika bila sredstvo koje ih je vodilo dalje u pokušaji- ma rastvaranja nadrealističke grupe u pokret (sa svojim speci∫čnim značenjem pokreta). Auto-kritika kao osnova konstantnog ulaganja iznova, kao pokušaj da se reΩektuje nastojanje ka izgradnji mesta- proizvodnje ∞ novi početak. Auto-kritika/-teorizacija bila je neop- hodna jer je postojao osećaj, kako su govorili, afektivnog tereta koji donosi svaki napredak u poznavanju stvarnosti. Afektivni teret spoznaje objektivnih okolnosti. S pravom se može postaviti pitanje da li konstantno insistiranje na kritici/auto-kritici kao auto-teorizaciji zapravo zamrzava i usporava samu proizvodnju. S pravom, kritika/auto-kritika kao au- to-teorizacija stvara distancu i prekid sa proizvodnjom bez mišlje- nja samog proizvodnog procesa, i stoga, deluje kao socijalna materijalizacija auto-teorizacije. Auto-kritika kao auto-teorizacija kao ne-proizvodnja? Bez nastojanja da se na ovom mestu oslabi nadrea- listička pozicija auto-kritičke prakse i bez njenog opravdavanja da bi se odgovorilo na zahtev publike i čitalaca (o objektivnom uvidu u celinu njihove prakse), njihova praksa i objavljivani sadržaj sadržali su: teorijsku naučnu analizu, poeziju, automatsko pisanje (uz neposredno i istovremeno propitivanje njegove podrazumevane poeti- ke), slikarstvo, fotograme, kolaže, psihoanalitičke metode, kolektivnu analizu snova, dijalektičke nadrealističke konsekvence izvučene iz psihoanalitičkog saznanja, ankete o želji sa drugim nadrealistima i ne-nadrealistima, itd. i sve to skupa jasno društveno determinisano. Štaviše, nadrealisti su predložili auto-kritiku auto-kritike, koja zapravo unosi novu dinamiku u usporavanje generalnog imperativa da se proizvodi po bilo koju cenu, odnosno, da se proizvodi bez au- to-teorizacije.

101 Branka Ćurčić Šta je radikalno u “radikalnim medijima”? Drugačiji, nadrealistički predlog So, the imperative to publish, not as a socio- had special meaning for Surreal- political thematization, but rather as a prob- ists, here and for them the catego- lematization of the publishing process itself ries of honor, morality and hones- and auto-critique of one’s own position and ty are political categories. [end of practice. In those terms, one of the important Interlude1] practices of Belgrade’s Surrealists is publish- Therefore, re-thinking their ing their experiments in books and magazines, publishing practice coincides with such is the magazine Surrealism Today and Here, and is a part of their artistic and with its only three issues appearing in the pe- theoretical work as a continuous riod 1930-1932. auto-criticism of that very prac- Its dynamics of an irregularly published tice. magazine, therefore not having a status of for- To say that publishing is an malizedmagazine and publishing practice, organ, a means of bringing to the points to at least two things. On the one side, public the work of the Surrealist could it be said that this was a medium of and group (also in terms of self-pro- an organ (a means, as Surrealists would put it) motion) is insufficient and proba- of the group? And from the other, rather then bly wrong, since they had a spe- depicting direct material conditions of their cific notion of the Grouping, of publishing, it points to the con- Surrealism as a group, which they stantly present tension of whether saw as one of the main constrain- to publish their experiments at all. ing elements of the development Hence, they themselves would of- of their practice. On that new lev- ten say of this practice that it el of tension, they didn’t deal with doesn’t serve to their honor. If today the question of organization, the most efficient form of our action since they never wanted to give un- is enunciation of our thought likely promises and propositions, through publishing (and that doesn’t for example, for linear and direct serve to our honor) then we should transformation of the society. They rather do our best that this form of action dealt with a seesaw, a swing between Surreal- be really efficient, and that means ism as a group and as a movement, where conscious and honest. And the first grouping stands for the sign of weakness of thing we have to say in the name of the very movement. The group meant monopo- that honesty is that we are not talk- lizing of acting in one direction, in the name of ing here about simple and schematic one idea, under one name. The group for them bringing into harmony of Surrealism meant a closed movement, in its attempt to with today’s thesis of dialectical ma- perform moral discipline over its members, terialism, but rather about active where the constant danger is detected, that of and lively (re-)building of conscious- Surrealism becoming a permanent way to suc- ness which takes part in the chang- cess of ambitious intellectual careerists. Rath- ing of the world. er, the group is more temporary than the move- [Interlude1] Although in- ment, and its aim would be to enable the crea- sisting on science, on a scientific tion of an inner-movement, to the extent in approach, — most of all historical which, by overcoming its boundaries, it be- materialism and necessity that it comes an open movement, the movement in

Branka Ćurčić What is Radical in ‘Radical Media’? A d ifferent, Surrealists k ind of p roposal moves between other sciences — which anyone has the right to take part in (no

102 matter their intellectual qualifications). There- in front of miserable people a mir- fore, as both group and movement, Surrealism ror of their misery, which certainly is temporary, where its duration is in inverse pro- is not the totality and determina- portion with celerity of its expansion. Its final tion of their subjectivity. In those point is the very cessation of the Surrealists terms, they’re not confusing the movement — its final abandonment and aban- very reality of what is with the donment, through an inner movement, of any comprehension of that reality, i.e. form of individualist identification. The end of with how it is presented to whom division of labor — in both content and form of — not confusing material condi- their experiments. tions and materialistic approach. Obviously, in that debate, the Surreal- ists’ notion of the movement and its dissolu- ...They are afraid of thinking: tion has nothing to do with any direct political, they didn’t read anything social or any other kind of ‘mass-movement’. about paranoia or desire, or Neither had Surrealism tended to close-down about Surrealism at Marx’s and keep petrified in individualist authorial writings, therefore, they think, positions those who worked within it, nor, on those are the problems which the other hand, pretended to replace by its couldn’t be spoken of in a ma- own means, which were used in a terialistic way... different way, the means appropriate for direct social action. [Interlude2] Here, it shouldn’t be None of us at any point thought that forgotten about Surrealists’ nega- Surrealism would become a move- tive, subversive and destructive ment in the sense of movement of effect on the contemporary state of proletarian masses, nor in the sense consensual mind, as they put it. Ef- of freemasonry. fect produced by destruction Even more, in their theoreti- without pedagogy, by expansion cal, artistic, and publishing proof their urge for the inner movements towards duction, they were mindful of the singularity of thought and singularity of poli- ‘effects’ of that practice — Surre- tics. [end of Interlude2] alism is not about education; not Polemics with contemporaries as one of about direct acting towards an ac- the means of their theoretical and writerly pro- complishment of immediate needs duction inevitably included their own auto- and improvement of material con- criticism — not only because of failed criticism ditions of living. It was clear that of their opponents (to which they regularly re- their writerly practice and publish- sponded by the only means possible and ade- ing didn’t directly take part in the quate for them: by physical and intellectual slaps direct solving of social problems, — speaking in those terms, what’s wrong in of- just as an insight into the objective fending a university professor?), but also since socio-economic condition couldn’t auto-criticism was actually a means for leading represent anything else than a mir- them further/forward in their attempts of dis- ror of misery. Writing about it, solving the Surrealistic group into a movement therefore educating about condi- (with their specific notion of the movement). tions of that misery, wouldn’t rep- The auto-critique as a basis for constant com-

Branka Ćurčić What is Radical in ‘Radical Media’? A d ifferent, Surrealists k ind of p roposal resent anything else than putting mitting/investing-anew, as an attempt to re-

104 Nadalje, takva auto-kritika auto-kritike njihove prakse uplete- na je u samu formu te prakse, istovremeno kao predmet i sredstvo te kritike. Nastojali su da propitaju da li mogu da postoje “nove forme” izražavanja koje nisu ni poezija niti proza, kao potraga za pro- cesom angažovanja koji bi mogao da se odvija bez bilo kakvog “medija” ili “forme” (bez bilo kakvog “modela“?). Najpre, ta potraga je pokrenuta sumnjom u sveobuhvatnost diskurzivne misli. Kao što je to slučaj u eksperimentu pod nazivom “Snovi na poslu; Istinski delirium u kretanju“:

Naše interesovanje za intelektualni život je tako veliko da mi pomišlja- mo na delirijum tek u prisustvu delirantnih pojmova. Ali diskurzivna misao i njen prevod, reči, nisu jedini izraz mentalne aktivnosti [...] Za delirium mi imamo dakle druga sredstva a ne samo konceptualnu misao.

U tom smislu, njihovo razumevanje poezije kao forme ekspresije/ izričaja, trebalo bi shvatiti u njenoj osnovi kao jednu kompenzaciju potiskivanja želje, to jest jedan naročit simptom ludila, tog inadekvat- nog rešenja sukoba između čovekovih želja i spoljneg sveta. Ali ovde ne bi trebalo da nas zbuni pozivanje na “svrsishodnost” poezije, koja bi mogla da ukazuje na efekte poezije van samog polja umetnosti ∞ jer često nije ni tretirana kao umetnička forma. Pre je tretirana kao speci∫čna “materijalizacija” unutrašnjeg pokreta, unutrašnjeg- “govora” onoga što drugačije nije moguće izreći, kao komunikacija, kao različito od diskurzivnosti koja je smatrana individualiziraju- ćom i dominirajućom. U njihovoj potrazi za “novom formom” izražaja/izricaja u okviru eksperimenata i promišljanja procesa objavljivanja, jedan od beogradskih nadrealista, Vane Bor, tvrdio je da su razočarani proči- tanim knjigama, generalno, i predložio je razmišljanje o knjigama koje postoje u našoj imaginaciji, ali koje kao mogućnost postoje i neza- visno od nje. Kao jedna od mogućih “materijalnosti” opisanog, mogao bi biti predlog da se ispišu sadržaji tih neverovatnih i nenapisanih knjiga ∞ i tada je ispisao i dao predlog za jedan. Potom je pozvao književne kritičare i teoretičare literature da kažu da li je taj novi način izražavanja poezija ili proza (očigledno referišući na njihovu profesionalnu vokaciju i krutu žanrovsku ori- jentaciju). Kao jedan, u jednom trenutku, od najglasnijih proponenata nadrealista za napuštanje prakse objavljivanja njihovih eksperimenata, dodao je da je zapravo poetičnost nedovršenog reakcionarna jer smatra ne-realizaciju za poetičniju od same realizacije. Verovatno bi se moglo postaviti pitanje da li ovo stoji u opoziciji sa dinamiz- mom-usporavanja proizvodnje, u smislu davanja prednosti realiza-

105 Branka Ćurčić Šta je radikalno u “radikalnim medijima”? Drugačiji, nadrealistički predlog flect on trying to (re-)build a production place form of that practice, acting si- — a new beginning. Auto-criticism/theorization multaneously as a subject matter was necessary since there was a feeling of, as and a means of critique. Surreal- they said, an affective burden which is brought ists questioned if there could be upon us by every step ahead in the understanding ‘new forms’ which are neither po- of reality. Affective burden of cognition of ob- etry nor prose, as a quest for a jective circumstances. process of engagement which Rightfully, one could ask if constant in- could proceed without any ‘medi- sisting on the criticism/auto-criticism as auto- um’ or ‘form’ (without any ‘mod- theorization is actually freezing and slowing- el’?). That search was initiated by down production. Rightfully, criticism/auto- the doubt in the comprehensive- criticism as auto-theorization makes a distance ness of the discursive thought. As and a break with the production without think- a passage from the experiment ing through the very production process, Dreams at work: A true delirium in therefore acts as a social materialization of movement states: auto-theorization. Auto-criticism as auto-theorization as non-production? Without at- Our interest in intellectual tempting to diminish Surrealists’ auto-critical life is so big that we think of practice nor attempting to justify delirium only in absence de- it by giving in to the audience and lirious concepts. But discur- readers’ demand (for an objective sive thought and its transla- insight into the totality of their tions, words, are not the only practice), their practice and pub- expression of mental activi- lished content contained: theo- ties [...] For delirium we have, retical scientific analysis, poetry, therefore, different means automatic writings (with immedi- and not only conceptual ate questioning of its implied po- thought. etics), painting, photograms, col- lages, psychoanalytic methods, In those terms, their understanding of collective analysis of dreams, dia- poetry as a form of expression/enunciation has lectic Surrealists’ consequences to be basically understood as a compensation drawn from the psychoanalytical no- for the repression of desire, i.e. as one specific tions, inquiries about desire with symptom of madness, of that inadequate solution other Surrealists and non-Surreal- of the conflict between desires and reality. But ists, etc. and all of that clearly so- we shouldn’t be confused here with this ‘pur- cially committed. Even more, Sur- posefulness’ of poetry, implying effects other realists proposed an auto-critique than artistic — since often it wasn’t treated as of auto-criticism, which actually an artistic form at all. Rather, it is treated as a brings new dynamism in slowing- specific ‘materialization’ of the inner move- down general imperative to pro- ment, of inner ‘speech’ of that which cannot be duce at any cost/without auto- enunciated differently, as communication, as theorization. something different from the discursiveness Furthermore, the auto-cri- which often could be seen as individualistic tique of auto-criticism of their and dominating.

Branka Ćurčić What is Radical in ‘Radical Media’? A d ifferent, Surrealists k ind of p roposal practice is included in the very

106 ciji po svaku cenu nasuprot ne-realizaciji. Ali zapravo ne. Predlože- ni sled: auto-kritika (auto-kritike) kao auto-teorizacija kao ne-proizvodnja, nije puka negacija same neproblematizovane proizvodnje, već je pre sled, linija koja ukazuje na njen redundantni i uzaludni karakter. Dodatno, time se ukazuje na “mesto” van date dihotomi- je, izvan dijalektike, limita ∞ probijajući ih, izvan i prema novom “mestu” proizvodnje. Ova velika tenzija između realizacije i ne-realizacije, objavljivanja i neobjavljivanja, kroz auto-kritiku/-teorizaci- ju, takođe opisuje same limite opisane prakse, samog objavljivanja/ medija, onemogućujući njeno ponavljanje kao nereΩektovane i neproblematizovane proizvodnje ikada više. [Međuigra3] Kako pozicija nadrealista nije bila vezana za pitanje organizacije, kao što je rečeno, nikada nisu hteli da daju neverovatna obećanja i predloge, stoga nisu nudili bilo kakav model, na primer, za angažovanje i model/formu izricaja, tako ni ovaj tekst ne nudi bilo kakav model za izdavačku praksu/medije/ili koncepciju časopisa, osim što pravi jasnu distancu od neproblematizovane proizvodnje kroz tematizaciju, a pre za problematizaciju-u-okviru- auto-teorizacije. [kraj međuigre3 i kraj teksta]

107 Branka Ćurčić Šta je radikalno u “radikalnim medijima”? Drugačiji, nadrealistički predlog Contents Distorted trees [of the books as existing in imagination] Part one: I Preface to a death...... 1 Three Debacles II Northern fogs...... 13 Part one: In the Suburbia III From Edinburgh to Rotterdam...... 35 I The street from the third floor...... 5 IV Big plans. New comrade...... 62 II Love on the stairs...... 32 V Secrets. One more impossibility...... 118 III misery. Restlessness...... 43 VI Travel without space...... 232 IV The first appearance of freedom...... 69 VII The song of mute sailors...... 284 V Secret attempts...... 80 VIII At the shores of the infinite river...... 361 Part two: The history of one life VI At the sea and on the mainland...... 115 Part two: VII Labor, hunger, sickness...... 163 IX Fear in front of the unknown...... 477 VIII Possibility of a better life...... 198 X The beginning of every phantasm...... 501 IX The end of a temptation...... 231 XI Two crucial battles...... 641 X Second and third love...... 267 XII The end at the edge of the abyss...... 696 XI At the crutches of glory...... 297 XIII After debacle/failure...... 730 XII Thoughts about life...... 344 XIV Without ending...... 812 Part three: The end of one history XIII Decisive steps...... 352 Winter XIV One more hope...... 390 I One noble family...... 5 XV The second appearance of freedom...... 415 II Love in the basement...... 48 XVI reckoning with...... 417 III The order is being established...... 97 XVII The last day...... 453 IV Asylum and prison...... 135 V One man hanged...... 213 VI Eggshell...... 246 VII Unimportant hike...... 330 VIII Four corpses...... 385

In their search of ‘the new form’ of enun- non-production is not a mere ne- ciation within their experiments and reflec- gation of the production that is tions on the publishing process, one of the Bel- left unquestioned, but it is rather grade’s Surrealists, Vane Bor, claimed that a sequence that points to its re- they’re disappointed by the books read in gen- dundant and futile character. Ad- eral and made a proposal to think of books as ditionally, it also points to ‘a existing in imagination, but which also could exist place’ beyond this dichotomy, be- outside of it. As one of possible ‘meterializa- yond dialectics, beyond those tions’ of that could be a proposal to write down limits by transgressing them, be- the tables of content of those unwritten books yond and towards a new ‘place’ of — and then he wrote one down, production. This great tension be- After writing that contents down he tween realization and non-realiza- asked the literary critics to give their judgment tion, publishing and non-publish- if that new form of enunciation is actually ing, through auto-criticism/-theo- prose or poetry (obviously referring to their rization, also demarcates the lim- professional vocation and stiff genre orienta- its of the described practice, of tion). publishing/media itself, suspend- As, at one moment, one of ing the repetition of a production the loudest proponents among left unquestioned all over again. Surrealists of abandoning the [Interlude3] In the same practice of publishing of their ex- way as the Surrealists position periments, he added that poetics was not about dealing with the of the unfinished is actually reac- question of organization - as said, tionary because it holds non-reali- they never wanted to give unlikely zation as more poetic than realiza- promises and proposals, and so tion. One could arguably pose the they never offered a model, for question if this actually stands in example, for engagement and opposition to the dynamic of slow- model/form for enunciation - so this text also ing down the production, in terms won’t offer a model for publishing practice/ of giving advantage to the realiza- media/or magazine. It only draws a clear dis- tion over non-realization at any tance from the unquestioned production in cost. But it doesn’t. The proposed thematization, and advocates problematiza- sequence of auto-criticism (auto- tion-within-auto-theorizing. [end of Inter- critique) as auto-theorization as lude3 and of the text] Branka Ćurčić What is Radical in ‘Radical Media’? A d ifferent, Surrealists k ind of p roposal

110

06 Alessandro Ludovico Tiskana radikalnost

tatična i nepromjenjiva tiskana stranica rijetko se u našem desetlje- ću doživljava kao jedno od glavnih oruđa političkih i radikalnih S strategija, budući da ljudi neprestano gledaju u ekran nekolicine osobnih sprava u trenucima kada ih ne privlače druge (a većina ih se ažurira u stvarnom vremenu). Međutim, postoji nekoliko kultu- roloških elemenata koji još uvijek igraju ključnu ulogu u cirkulaciji kulture. Jedan od njih je i priznavanje tradicionalnih medijskih formi, čak i ako su digitalizirane u svojoj estetici i sadržaju. Bliskost s tim formama zasniva se na metaboliziranim “sučeljima” (svi smo mi kulturološki “urođenici” kada se radi o radiju, televiziji i tisku) koja ih čine gotovo nevidljivima, osobito kada su prenesene u digi- talnu domenu te nude sadržaje na prilično neposredan način. A budući da instinktivno priznajemo te forme, mi im i “vjerujemo” te stoga vjerujemo i njihovu sadržaju.

1. Novine kao (lažan) politički imaginarij

“Laž je početak nove priče. Zato i volimo Umjetnost.” Oscar Wilde

Forma novina (još uvijek) je jedna od najprepoznatljivijih. Današnji oblik novina tek se neznatno promijenio u odnosu na 19. stoljeće (osim što su ubačene slike i boje) te su one stoga postale svakodnevnim predmetom za čitav niz generacija, uspostavivši se kao estetski standard i de∫nirani kulturološki predmet sa speci∫čnim sučeljem. Iz tog razloga umjetnici i aktivisti koriste novine kao prepoznatljiv informacijski okoliš i istodobno kao predmet iz svakodnevice: od

113 Alessandro Ludovico Tiskana radikalnost 06

Alessandro Ludovico

Printed radicality

The static and unchange- 1. Newspaper as (fake) 01 http://www. able printed page seems political imaginary nga.gov/exhibitions/warholinfo. l to be hardly considered shtm in years 2010s as a key tool for po- “A lie is the beginning of a 02 http://www. litical and radical strategies, as hu- new story. That’s why we sarahcharlesworth. man beings are constantly looking love Art.” net/series-all. php?album_ at a few personal screen-based de- Oscar Wilde id=1449341 vices when not attracted by other ones (most of them updated in real The form of the newspaper is (still) one of the time). But there are a few cultural most recognizable ones. The modern form of elements which are still playing a newspapers has only slightly changed since decisive role in the circulation of the 19th Century (except for the inclusion of culture. Among them the recogni- pictures and colors), so becoming a daily ob- tion of traditional media forms, ject for quite a few generations, and establish- even if being digitized in both aes- ing itself as an aesthetic standard and a defined thetics and content. The familiari- cultural object with its specific interface. ty with those forms is based on That’s why artists and activists have used metabolized ‘interfaces’ (we’re all newspapers as a recognizable information en- culturally “natives” when it comes vironment and a daily object at the same time: to radio, tv, and print) that makes from the Andy Warhol’s Headlines series01, to them almost invisible especially Modern History series by Sarah Charlesworth02, when translated in the digital tracking the use of the same picture on differ- realm, delivering the content in a ent front pages. But a specific manipulation of quite direct way. And since we newspapers (and the conventional ecosystem recognize those forms instinctive- surrounding them) has been used by artists and ly, we “trust” them, and so we activists to foster ideas. The ‘fake’ newspaper,

Alessandro Ludovico Printed radicality trust their content. or accurately reproducing a real newspaper

114 ciklusa Headlines Andyja Warhola01 do ciklusa Modern History Sarah Charlesworth,02 koji prate uporabu iste slike na različitim naslovnicama. No umjetnici i aktivisti također koriste speci∫čnu manipula- ciju novina (i konvencionalnog ekosustava koji ih okružuje) kako bi promicali razne ideje. “Lažne” novine, koje vjerno oponašaju stvarne, ali mijenjaju njihov sadržaj, oduvijek su bile sredstvo kojim se dovodilo u pitanje spontano povjerenje koje poklanjamo tom speci∫čnom mediju. Ali dok je proizvodnja i distribucija lažnih primjeraka (koji se kasnije razotkriju kao reklamni letci) kako bi se privukla pozornost javnosti itekako stara praksa, koja potječe još s kraja 19. stoljeća03, svjesna uporaba lažnih novina kao politička strategija novijeg je datuma. Osobito 70-ih godina 20. stoljeća nalazimo nekoliko učinkovitih primjera, koji su se javili s usponom lje- vičarskih političkih pokreta. Jedan potječe iz “kreativnog autono- mizma”, koji je nastao 1977. u Italiji, a stvorio ga je list Il Male,04 koji je vodio nekoliko kampanji pomoću novinskih “patki” (koje su bile istodobno uvjerljive i nadrealističke) napravljenih u formatu glavnih talijanskih novina i smještenih uz kioske, što je povremeno izazivalo prilično oštre reakcije i dosta uličnih rasprava. Istih godina ostvarene su još dvije akcije (službeno još uvijek anonimne). U Poljskoj je 1979. raspačavana lažna verzija novina Trybuna Ludu tijekom posjeta pape Ivana Pavla II. (Karola Wojtyłe) domovini, s naslovnicom na kojoj je glavna vijest bila “Vlada dala ostavku, Woj- tyła okrunjen za kralja”. U Francuskoj je pak određenom broju pretplatnika anonimno poslan lažni Le Monde Diplomatique, koji je sa- državao veoma satirične komentare o masakru pripadnika organizacije Rote Armee Fraktion u zatvoru Stammheim05. Jedan od novi- jih slučajeva koje su ostvarili umjetnici je čuveno “specijalno izdanje” The New York Timesa06 skupine The Yes Men (u suradnji sa Ste- veom Lambertom i The Anti-Advertising Agency te anonimno spon- zorirano), koje je izašlo u New Yorku 12. studenoga 2008. Bilo je to nekoliko tisuća primjeraka lažnog “specijalnog izdanja” The New 01 http://www.nga.gov/ exhibitions/warholinfo.shtm York Timesa, datiranog u bliskoj budućnosti (4. srpnja 2009.). Dono- silo je isključivo pozitivne vijesti, što je kratko vrijeme djelovalo 02 http://www.sarahc- uvjerljivo zbog izbora Baracka Obame za američkog predsjednika. harlesworth.net/series-all. php?album_id=1449341 Format, fontovi i gra∫čki dizajn The New York Timesa brižljivo su reproducirani (uključujući uobičajene reklame, također satirički 03 http://www.historicpages.com/lincfake.htm izmijenjene), tako da je većina javnosti bila uspješno obmanuta. Velika mreža dobrovoljaca dijelila ga je besplatno po gradu, čak i 04 http://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Il_Male pred sjedištem The New York Timesa, bez ikakvih zakonskih posljedica. Tim projektom izražen je javni imaginarij, nada koju je stvorio 05 P. Alferj i G. Mazzone, I Fiori di Gutenberg (Arcana, taj povijesni događaj, historiciziran na sasvim stabilan i lako prepo- 1979.) znatljiv način, bez većih medijskih kompromisa. Skupina je proizvela još nekoliko lažnih novina, jedne od njih u obliku Internatio- 06 http://theyesmen.org/ hijinks/newyorktimes nal Herald Tribunea. Umjetnik Paolo Cirio je pak 2011. godine na-

115 Alessandro Ludovico Tiskana radikalnost changing its content, has always been able to York Times “Special Edition” set in 03 http://www. historicpages.com/ question the spontaneous trust we have in this the near future (July 4, 2009). It lincfake.htm specific medium. If making fake copies and featured only positive news, 04 http:// distributing them in order to attract the pub- briefly plausible after Barack en.wikipedia.org/ lic’s attention (but then revealing themselves Obama’s election as U.S. Presi- wiki/Il_Male as advertising flyers) is a remarkably old prac- dent. The New York Times layout, 05 Alferj, P. and 03 tice dating back to the end of 19th century , fonts and graphic design were Mazzone, G. (1979) I the conscious use of those fakes as a political painstakingly reproduced (includ- Fiori di Gutenberg, Arcana strategy is more recent. Especially in the 1970s ing the usual advertisements, sa- there are a few effective examples emerging tirically changed as well), so the 06 http://theyesmen.org/hijinks/ with the rise of leftist political movements. majority of the public was easily newyorktimes One stemming from the “Creative Autono- fooled. A large network of volun- 07 http://www. mism” movement in Italy in 1977 is the one teers distributed it for free in the paolocirio.net/ made by Il Male 04, which conducted a few cam- city, even in front of the New York work/inveritas/ paigns through fake journalistic ‘scoops’ (all Times headquarters, without any inveritas.php being simultaneously plausible and surrealis- legal repercussion. What was ex- 08 http://www. tic) rendered in the major Italian newspapers´ pressed here was the public imag- cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/ layouts and attached at newsstands, generat- inary, the hope this historical story/2013/05/01/ ing sometimes quite harsh reac- event generated, historicized bc-liberals-newspaper-ad.html tions and a lot of discussions in the then altogether in a stable and street. In the same years other two very recognizable way, without actions (still officially anonymous) the major media daily compromis- were accomplished. In 1979 in Po- es. The group produced another land, a fake of the newspaper Try- few fakes, one of them in the form buna Ludu was distributed during of the International Herald Tribune. Pope John Paul II (Karol Wojtyla)’s Artist Paolo Cirio, instead, made a visit to his homeland, sporting the website (and workshop/action) in banner headline “Government Re- 2011, centered on Italian newspapers, inviting signs, Wojtyla Crowned King.” people to invent their own story. Then it can And in France a fake Le Monde be composed as a headline sheet with the Diplomatique was anonymously newspaper logo of choice, entirely through the distributed to a certain number of project website, printed out and attached subscribers, featuring very satiri- (during the night) close to local newsstands.07 cal comments on the Rote Armee The use of fake newspapers in political Fraktion’s Stammheim Prison campaigns has proven not to be a thing of the bloodbath05. More recent cases, past. The classic strategy of purchasing a front realized by artists are the famous page ad, designed to look just like the real The New York Times Special Edi- front page has been used many times, as it very tion06 by The Yes Men (in collabo- carefully was in 2013 by the Liberal Party in ration with Steve Lambert and The British Columbia, disguising the ad as neutral Anti-Advertising Agency, and information and so generating a whole media anonymously sponsored) took case about its visually disguising ethics with place in New York City on Novem- polarized reactions.08 ber 12, 2008. There were several

Alessandro Ludovico Printed radicality thousand copies of a fake New

116 Il Male faking the cover page of La Il Male plagira naslovnicu dnevnog Reppublica, 30 May 1978. lista La Reppublica, 30. svibnja 1978. In Veritas, project by Paolo Cirio, 2011. “In Veritas”, projekt Paola Cirija, 2011. pravio mrežnu stranicu (i radionicu/akciju) usredotočenu na tali- janske novine, na kojoj je pozvao ljude da izmisle vlastitu priču. Zatim bi se ta priča mogla urediti kao naslovnica s prepoznatljivim obilježjima novina po izboru, i to kompletno na mrežnoj stranici projekta, otisnuti i pričvrstiti (noću) u blizini lokalnih kioska.07 Uporaba lažnih novina u političkim kampanjama pokazala se kao sredstvo koje još ne pripada prošlosti. Klasična strategija kupo- vine reklame na naslovnici koja je dizajnirana tako da izgleda baš kao prava korištena je mnogo puta. Liberalna stranka Britanske Kolumbije vrlo je brižljivo to učinila 2013. godine, pri čemu je prikazala reklamu kao neutralnu informaciju i na taj način potaknula čitavu medijsku raspravu o etici vizualnog prikrivanja, s polarizira- nim reakcijama.08 Još se konkretnija politička novinska prevara dogodila 2011. godine, kada je policija otkrila mrežu prekršitelja koji su ilegalno proizvodili i distribuirali lažne primjerke dviju vodećih moldovskih novina, Ziarul de Garda˘ i Timpul, pokušavajući manipulirati javno mnijenje pred izbore objavljivanjem negativnih članaka o proza- padnoj koaliciji na vlasti.09

2. Plagiranje (od tiska do digitalne forme i obrnuto)

Može se smatrati da lažne novine podrazumijevaju neku vrstu “pla- giranja”, što se uglavnom odnosi na (zlo)uporabu “standardizira- nog” vizualnog formata. To je postalo tehnički izvedivo s razvojem 07 http://www.paoloci- mehaničke reprodukcije tiska, a još više s digitalnom (re)produkci- rio.net/work/inveritas/inveri- jom, koja se odvija precizno i munjevito. No plagiranje sadržaja da- tas.php leko je starija stvar i sam koncept plagijata postojao je već u Rim- 08 http://www.cbc.ca/ skom Carstvu. Ustvari, prvi ga je upotrijebio rimski pjesnik Marci- news/canada/british-columbia/story/2013/05/01/bc-libe- jal, žaleći se na to da drugi pjesnik “otima” njegove stihove, zbog rals-newspaper-ad.html čega ga je nazvao “plagiarius”, što doslovce znači “otmičar”. Evo

09 http://www.b92.net/ stihova kojima je izrazio svoje osjećaje: eng/news/world.php?yyyy =2011&mm =05&dd=17&nav_ id=74384 Fama refert nostros te, Fidentine, libellos non aliter populo quam recitare tuos. 10 Jack Lynch, “The si mea vis dici, gratis tibi carmina mittam: Perfectly Acceptable Practice of Literary Theft: Plagiarism, si dici tua vis, hoc eme, ne mea sint. Copyright, and the Eighteen- (Kruži, Fidentine, priča da moje recitiraš knjige th Century,” Colonial Willi- amsburg: The Journal of the Kao da one su tvoj, tobože, vlastiti rad. Colonial Williamsburg Foun- Ako mi ime navedeš, bez naknade dat ću ti pjesme. dation 24/4 (zima 10 2002./2003.), str. 51-54. Hr- Tražiš li za sebe stih ∞ kupi ga! Postat će tvoj!) vatski prijevod: Marko Valeri- je Marcijal, Epigrami, prev. Marina Bricko (Zagreb: Mati- U povijesti su postojali brojni, više ili manje poznati slučajevi knji- ca hrvatska, 1998.), 48. ževnog plagijata, ali tek su malobrojni javno priznati (poput TV-se-

119 Alessandro Ludovico Tiskana radikalnost In 2011 there was a real political newspa- There are plenty of more or less 09 http://www. b92.net/eng/news/ per scam, when police identified a network of famous cases of literary plagia- world.php?yyyy infringers who had been illegally producing rism in history, but only some of =2011&mm=05&dd= 17&nav_id=74384 and distributing fake copies of Ziarul de Garda them were publicly admitted (like and Timpul, two of Moldova’s leading newspa- the tv series Roots, admittedly 10 Lynch, Jack pers, trying to manipulate the public opinion plagiarized by its author in some (2002) “The Per- fectly Acceptable ahead of elections by publishing negative arti- passages from the novel The Afri- Practice of Literary cles about the pro-Western ruling coalition.09 can published nine years before). Theft: Plagiarism, Copyright, and the In contemporaneity, plagiarism Eighteenth Cen- seems easier than ever, especially tury”, in Colonial Williamsburg: The 2. Plagiarism (from print to digital and taking advantage from ‘big data’ Journal of the Colonial vice-versa) sources like Wikipedia, and so Williamsburg Founda- tion 24, no. 4 (Winter critical artworks have been devel- 2002-3), pp. 51-54 Newspaper fakes can be considered to incor- oped consequently. Stéphanie Vi- porate some form of ‘plagiarism,’ mostly re- layphiou is an artist and designer 11 http://bcc.stdin. fr/LaCarteOuLeTer- lated to (mis)using a ‘standardized’ visual form. investigating how free software ritoire/ This has been technically feasible since the me- can deeply question the fixity of chanical reproduction of print, and even more the printed page once it’s digi- with the lightning-fast speed and accuracy of tized, and the whole discourse digital (re)production. But the plagiarism of about defensive copyright prac- content is much older, and the very concept of tice historically consolidated. She plagiarism dates back to the Roman Empire. In uses various transformative soft- fact the first time it was used by Roman poet ware to create controversial ver- Martial, complaining that another poet was sions of literature classics. Spe- “kidnapping” his verses, so he called him “pla- cifically, in her net art piece The giarius”, which literally means “kidnapper.” Map or the Territory11 she selected These were the verses it used to express his a controversial book, Michel feelings: Houellebecq’s The Map and the Territory, which became renown and very discussed in France Fama refert nostros te, Fidentine, libellos for its evident quotes from Wikipedia, never non aliter populo quam recitare tuos. acknowledged by the author nor by the pub- si mea vis dici, gratis tibi carmina mittam: lisher. She took the book’s digitized text and si dici tua vis, hoc eme, ne mea sint. wrote a software filter which looks for each sentence (or part of it) in the millions of digi- (Fame has it that you, Fidentinus, tized texts contained in Google Books, finding recite my books to the crowd as if none other the same sequences of words in other books. than your own. Visually the book entirely transforms then in a If you’re willing that they be called mine, I’ll send sequential digital collage of quotations (whose you the poems for free. original authoritative printed context is still If you want them to be called yours, buy this one, maintained in the background), definitively so that they won’t be mine.)10 loosing even the last bit of originality. Vilayph- iou elegantly embodies her sharp irony within a functional (digital) mechanism, exploiting Google’s industrial collection of texts and

Alessandro Ludovico Printed radicality smartly expanding the mediating properties of

120 A front page ad by the Liberal Party of British Columbia in the 24 Hours newspaper.

Reklama Liberalne stranke Britanske Ko- lumbije preko čitave naslovnice novina 24 sata. The Map or The Territory, Stéphanie Vilayphiou, 2013. Karta ili teritorij, Stéphanie Vilayphiou, 2013. rije Korijeni, za koju je autor priznao da je u nekim ulomcima plagi- rao roman Afrikanac, koji je objavljen devet godina ranije). U suvre- meno doba plagiranje se čini jednostavnijim nego ikada prije, osobito iskoristi li se prednost velikih skupova podataka (big data) kao što je Wikipedia, i uslijed toga je nastalo više kritičkih umjetničkih djela. Stéphanie Vilayphiou je umjetnica i dizajnerica koja istražuje način na koji besplatni softver može dovesti u pitanje ∫ksnost tiskane stranice nakon što se digitalizira, kao i cjelokupni diskurs o defenzivnim praksama zaštite autorskih prava, koja su se povijesno konsolidirala. Ona koristi razne vrste transformacijskog softvera kako bi proizvela sporne verzije književnih klasika. Tako je, na primjer, u svome umjetničkom radu Karta i teritorij 11 odabrala kontro- verznu knjigu Karta i teritorij Michela Houellebecqa, koja je postala poznata i predmetom žestoke rasprave u Francuskoj zbog očitih citata iz Wikipedije, koje ni autor ni nakladnik nikada nisu priznali. Umjetnica je uzela digitalizirani tekst knjige i programirala softver- ski ∫lter koji pronalazi svaku rečenicu (ili dio rečenice) u milijuni- ma digitaliziranih tekstova koje sadrži Google Books, pronalazeći iste sljedove riječi u drugim knjigama. Tako je u vizualnom pogledu knjiga u potpunosti promijenjena u slijed citata nalik na digitalni kolaž (s izvornim autorskim tiskanim kontekstom u pozadini), čime de∫nitivno gubi i posljednji trag originalnosti. Vilayphiou je elegantno utjelovila svoju oštru ironiju u funkcionalnom (digitalnom) mehanizmu, koristeći Googleovu industrijsku zbirku tekstova i vješto proširujući medijalna svojstva jezika pomoću mreža. Na taj način ona naposljetku dovodi u pitanje originalnost i autorstvo pomoću softverskih automatizama, pretvarajući ih u kolektivno mišljenje koje je moguće pratiti i tehnološki pokazati. Drugi primjer umjetničke prakse koja namjerno koristi djela drugih ljudi u speci∫čnom kontekstu jest Traumawienov ciklus Ghostwriter 12. Ta bečka skupina napravila je virtualnu akciju s vlastitim softverskim robotima koja je prikupila i stavila na Amazon.com stotine elektronskih knjiga s tekstom ukradenim iz komentara na videa na YouTubeu, što su sami nazvali “auto-kanibalističkim” mo- delom. Elektronske knjige imaju sasvim klasični format džepnog izdanja, budući da su spontane, instant knjige, koje preusmjerava- ju beskonačni niz komentara u speci∫čan format i zamrzavaju ih u vremenu. Ova akcija očito rekontekstualizira izvorna značenja, ugrađujući ih u nov scenarij i nov književni oblik: iz različitih osobnih komentara, koji nisu nužno međusobno povezani, u jedan jedini, kontinuirani i ponekad nadrealni dijalog. Ali trebali bismo tako-

11 http://bcc.stdin.fr/ đer zabilježiti što se događa u prijelazu iz jednog medija u drugi, jer LaCarteOuLeTerritoire/ spontanost i ponekad čak naivnost teksta, nakon što se oblikovao u

12 http://traumawien.at/ knjigu, poprima službeni karakter formata u koji je prenesen. prints/ghostwriters

123 Alessandro Ludovico Tiskana radikalnost language through the networks. She’s ulti- 3. Printing as a risky strategy 12 http://traumawien.at/prints/ghost- mately questions originality and authorship writers through software automatisms, turning them In the end of the 2000s there have 13 http:// into trackable and technically demonstrable been a few famous and dramatic en.wikipedia.org/ collective thinking. cases of sensitive information wiki/The_Tech_ Another example of artistic practice de- leaks: Wikileaks and its small gal- (newspaper) liberately using other people’s writings in a axy of information-wants-to-be- 14 https://public. specific context is Traumawien’s Ghostwriter12 free ‘heroes’ (Julian Assange, resource.org/ series. The Viennese group made a virtual ac- Bradley Manning, Edward Snow tion with their own software robots which den) publishing secret or classi- compiled and uploaded hundreds of e-books fied information from anonymous to Amazon.com with text stolen from the com- sources, and Aaron Swartz and his ments on YouTube videos, in what they called brave act of freeing the copy- an “auto-cannibalistic” model. The e-books righted academic knowledge of sport a very classic paperback layout as they JSTOR13 (Swartz committed sui- were spontaneous instant books, redirecting cide in 2013). The leaks’ transmis- the endless flow of comment in a specific form sion and acquisition has been to- and freezing them in time. This action is obvi- tally digital, but then traditional ously re-contextualizing the original meanings, media has been involved to make setting them in a new scenario and in a new lit- this information “public” (and im- eral shape: from various personal comments plicitly to somehow certify the not necessarily relating to each scale of the action), as if the offi- other, into a single continuous and cial media have an innate ‘author- sometimes surreal dialogue. But ity’, including the ones based on a we also note what happens in the printed page (so mainly the news- passage from one medium to an- papers). Beyond those huge cases, other, so the spontaneousness and there are other cases of using sometimes naivete of the text print as a tool for liberating secret once rendered as a book assumes information. the official character of the layout Carl Malamud is an activist committed to it’s put into. dealing with the fact that vital parts of US law The ‘big data’ access para- are secret and that you’re allowed to read digm is embedded in practices like them only paying a quite high amount of mon- the above mentioned, and the ey. He has founded the Public.Resource.Org14 imagination of the software pro- organization through which he digitizes, and grammer is the only limit to what eventually re-publishes public domain materi- kind of results and new (digital als in the United States. He has uploaded pub- and printed) forms can be conse- lic domain videos on YouTube, but he has also quently created. scanned, OCRed and re-published in print codes like the “Public safety codes of Califor- nia” or the “District of Columbia Official Code” including in print a statement that says “being law, any claim about their copyright by the authorities is ‘null and void.’” Answering the

Alessandro Ludovico Printed radicality question “why print copies” he says that the

124 Paradigma pristupa temeljenih na velikim skupovima podataka (big data) inherentna je praksama kao što su upravo navedene, i imaginacija softverskog programera jedino je ograničenje za to kakvi rezultati i nove (digitalne i tiskane) forme mogu nastati uslijed toga.

3. Tisak kao riskantna strategija

Krajem prvog desetljeća 21. stoljeća došlo je do nekoliko čuvenih i dramatičnih slučajeva curenja osjetljivih informacija, kao što su Wikileaks i njegova malena galaksija “junaka” vođenih idejom da informacija želi biti slobodna (Julian Assange, Bradley Manning, Edward Snowden), koji su objavili tajne ili strogo povjerljive informacije iz anonimnih izvora, ili Aaron Swartz sa svojim hrabrim či- nom oslobađanja zaštićenog akademskog znanja na JSTOR-u13 (Swartz je 2013. počinio samoubojstvo). Prijenos i stjecanje otkrive- nih informacija bili su sasvim digitalni, ali su uključeni i tradicio- nalni mediji kako bi se te informacije učinile “javnima” (a implicitno i kako bi se na neki način odredili razmjeri akcije), kao da služ- beni mediji imaju neki urođeni “autoritet”, uključujući i one koji se temelje na tiskanoj stranici (dakle, prvenstveno novine). Osim tih čuvenih slučajeva, postoje i drugi koji koriste tisak u svrhu osloba- đanja tajnih informacija. Carl Malamud je aktivist posvećen borbi protiv činjenice da su ključni dijelovi američkog zakona tajni i da ih možete pročitati samo ako za to platite prilično visoku svotu novca. On je osnovao organizaciju Public.Resource.Org,14 koja digitalizira i naposljetku iznova objavljuje građu iz javne domene u SAD-u. Objavio je više videa iz javne domene na kanalu na YouTubeu, ali je također skeni- rao, obradio OCR-om i iznova objavio u tiskanom izdanju zakonike kao što su “Zakoni države Kalifornije o javnoj sigurnosti” ili “Služ- beni zakonik Okruga Columbije”, uključivši u izdanje izjavu koja kaže da je, “budući da se radi o zakonu, svako autorsko pravo vlade ‘nevažeće i ništavno’.” Na pitanje “zašto tiskani format” odgovorio je da tiskano izdanje ograničava distribuciju, bez “nuspojava neo- graničenog kopiranja” koje plaši obične ljude i pravnike, što njegovu akciju ipak čini donekle prihvatljivom. U ovom slučaju tisak je postao zakonskim strateškim medijem prava na distribuciju zbog svojih sporih standarda umnožava- nja, kao što su novine za Wikileaks, što je dio mudre strategije koja 13 http://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/The_Tech_(news uzima u obzir različite uloge i težinu raznih pojedinačnih medija paper) kako bi izvršila određene zadatke.

14 https://public.resource.org/

125 Alessandro Ludovico Tiskana radikalnost print edition limits distribution with no “side game where people where invited 15 http://nomediakings.org/games/ effect of infinite copy” that scares standard to play in the city through tele- take-your-seashells- and legal people, so making his efforts some- phone calls with the motto “Join out-of-your-ears. html how still acceptable. the literary resistance”15 In this case print is turned into a legally The push on libraries is to 16 http://www. strategic medium of distribution right because “reinvent themselves” and their bookcrossing.com/ of its slow duplication standards, as newspa- seminal role of the past (in the ex- 17 http://www. pers are for Wikileaks, being part of a clever change of physical books) can ef- littlefreelibrary.org strategy that considers the different role and fectively be rethought as a start- 18 http://our- weight of the respective different media, in or- ing point for expanding point for shelves.org der to accomplish determined tasks. expanding knowledge in various 19 http://www. directions, creating less conven- fastcoexist. com/1681736/ tional models for that role. So be- citizen-libraries-are- 4. The library, ultimate cultural center yond platforms like BookCross- the-new-home-for- vs. big data repository ing16, using a website platform the-printed-word? utm_medium=refer and a simple social mechanism to ral&utm_source= “(Libraries) are nerve centers of intellec- share books in public places, the pulsenews

tual energy and they’re based main question seems to be about 20 http:// on sharing and distributing the social role that the exchange en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Template: knowledge.” of knowledge can implement. So Library_resources_ Robert Darnton, Harvard Uni- there are efforts in building what bo versity library director can be called a “citizen library”. There are strategies on a small The physical library is one of the scale like the Little Free Librar- crucial places where the discourse ies17, a few thousand wood boxes about the relationship between scattered around the world where traditional and digital publishing people can take or leave books, or takes place. On one side the glo- Ourshelves18, a San Francisco lending library bal virtual library is closer than open to everyone, with almost 300 members ever with Google spending mil- and 3.000 volumes, built around its communi- lions of dollars to digitize millions ty, that is planning to replicate its model in dif- of books, and with plenty of other ferent other places around the city19. And if we efforts including some remarkably take into account that Wikipedia has specific vast, independent and shared templates to add information to its pages ones. On the other end, there are about the availability of related content in lo- different signals about consider- cal libraries20, a focused integration of content ing the library a historically valua- and physical exchange can be easily improved. ble meeting and research place The change of perspective of these initiatives among citizens. Funding cuts and is to rethink the library not as a centralized fa- innuendos about its obsolescence cility, but as one which stems from a commu- in the digital era are also generat- nity, which is then opening to many more pos- ing interesting creative reactions, sibilities. Digitalization of books here can be like the one by the Toronto Public the perfect complement, for example, to dra- Library which launched a Fahren- matically expand access, especially to the book

Alessandro Ludovico Printed radicality heit 451-themed alternate reality titles which are forgotten and that Google

126 4. Knjižnica kao ultimativni kulturni centar naspram repozitorija velikih skupova podataka

“(Knjižnice) su živčani centri intelektualne energije, a zasnivaju se na podjeli i distribuciji znanja.” Robert Darnton, upravitelj knjižnice na Sveučilištu Harvard

Fizička knjižnica jedno je od ključnih mjesta gdje se odvija diskurs o odnosu tradicionalnog i digitalnog nakladništva. S jedne strane, globalna virtualna knjižnica bliža nam je nego ikada prije, pri čemu Google troši milijune dolara kako bi digitalizirao milijune knjiga, a postoje i mnogi drugi projekti, kako neovisni, tako i kolaboracijski, od kojih su neki frapantnog opsega. S druge strane, postoje različite naznake o tome da građani smatraju knjižnicu povijesno vrijednim mjestom za okupljanje i istraživanje. Rezanje budžeta i naklapanja o njezinoj suvišnosti u digitalnoj eri također dovode do zanimljivih i kreativnih reakcija, kao što je ona u kojoj je Toronto Public Library lansirala igru alternativne stvarnosti na temu Fahrenheita 451, u kojoj su građani pozvani da se uključe u igru širom grada putem te- lefonskih poziva sa sloganom “Pridružite se književnom otporu”. 15 Pritisak na knjižnice da “moderniziraju” sebe i svoju ključnu ulogu iz prošlosti također se mogu učinkovito iskoristiti u procesu zamjene ∫zičkih knjiga kao polazišta za širenje znanja u raznim smjerovima, stvarajući manje konvencionalne modele u tu svrhu. Zato se osim platformi kao što je BookCrossing16, koja koristi mrež- nu platformu i jednostavan društveni mehanizam kako bi se knjige dijelile na javnim mjestima, čini da je glavno pitanje ono o društve- noj ulozi koju razmjena znanja može odigrati. Stoga postoje inicijative da se izgradi nešto što bi se moglo nazvati “građanskom knjiž- nicom”. Postoje strategije manjih razmjera kao što su Little Free 15 http://nomediakings. 17 org/games/take-your-seashe- Libraries , nekoliko tisuća drvenih kutija razasutih svijetom, gdje lls-out-of-your-ears.html ljudi mogu uzimati ili ostavljati knjige, ili Ourshelves18, knjižnica u

16 http://www.bookcro- San Franciscu koja posuđuje knjige bilo kome i temelji se na lokal- ssing.com/ noj zajednici, a ima gotovo 300 članova i 3000 svezaka, s planovima 19 17 http://www.littlefree- da se slične knjižnice uspostave na drugim mjestima širom grada . library.org A uzmemo li u obzir da Wikipedia na svojim stranicama ima poseb- ne obrasce za dodavanje informacija o dostupnosti relevantnog 18 http://ourshelves.org sadržaja u lokalnim knjižnicama,20 fokusirana integracija sadržaja i 19 http://www.fastcoe- ∫zičke razmjene može se lako unaprijediti. Promjena perspektive u xist.com/1681736/citizen-libraries-are-the-new-home- tim inicijativama je u tome da se transformira slika knjižnice iz for-the-printed-word?utm_ centralizirane ustanove u mjesto koje će izvirati iz same zajednice i medium=referral&utm_ source=pulsenews koje je stoga otvoreno za daleko više mogućnosti. Digitalizacija knjiga, na primjer, tu može biti savršena dopuna i dramatično pro- 20 http://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Template:Library_ širiti pristup, osobito do onih naslova koji su već zaboravljeni i koje resources_bo Google Books ne želi uključiti ili omogućiti pristup do njih iz razli-

127 Alessandro Ludovico Tiskana radikalnost Books won’t include or give access to for dif- vast resource and infinite pro- ferent reasons. Then the responsibility of scan- grammability of the digital. Active ning and sharing this type of knowledge is of and critical strategies can be then the people, who’d engage on a personal and developed using the combined independent level in building their own cul- qualities of those two media. The tural history, preserving (physically) and shar- most effective radical efforts have ing (digitally) all the knowledge that we think been historically supported by an it’s worth, as we’ve done with music since the innovative use of media and tech- early 2000s. nologies, which has grounded the vision of new social and cultural models. The structural redefini- Conclusions. tion of the printed medium can then be a crucial opportunity to The historical importance of the printed page redefine our relationship with cul- as a medium still has a great influence in culture, both in contemporary and tural dynamics, it can be used to trigger inno- historical perspective. vative and radical processes together with the Alessandro Ludovico Printed radicality

128 čitih razloga. Tada odgovornost za skeniranje i dijeljenje te vrste znanja počiva na ljudima koji se trebaju angažirati na osobnoj i ne- ovisnoj razini kako bi izgradili svoju kulturnu povijest te sačuvali (∫zički) i podijelili (digitalno) sve znanje koje smatramo vrijednim, kao što to činimo s glazbom od početka 21. stoljeća.

Zaključak.

Povijesna važnost tiskane stranice kao medija još uvijek uvelike utječe na kulturnu dinamiku, budući da se može upotrijebiti za poticanje inovativnih i radikalnih procesa u sprezi s golemim resursi- ma i beskonačnom programibilnošću digitalnoga. Aktivne i kritič- ke strategije mogu se tada razviti koristeći kombinirana svojstva tih dvaju medija. Najučinkovitije radikalne inicijative povijesno su omogućene inovativnom uporabom medija i tehnologije, što je ute- meljilo viziju novih društvenih i kulturnih modela. Strukturalna rede∫nicija tiskanog medija tu može biti ključna mogućnost za rede∫niranje našeg odnosa prema kulturi, kako u suvremenoj tako i u povijesnoj perspektivi.

Prijevod s engleskoga: Marina Miladinov

129 Alessandro Ludovico Tiskana radikalnost

07 Anthony Iles Mediji, secesija i recesija

vaj tekst prati povijest ravea, ilegalnih zabava i prosvjeda te način na koji se ta povijest ∫ltrirala kroz nezavisne medije (video, piratski O radio, letke, izdavačke kuće, zinove i malotiražna izdanja). Na okru- glom stolu u sklopu Cluba Transmediale 2013. na kojemu su sudjelovali neki od istaknutih protagonista plesne, teorijske i prosvjedne kulture s početka 21. stoljeća raspravljao je o “smrti ravea”.01 Ra- sprava je krenula u iznenađujuće psihološkom, nostalgičnom i me- lankoličnom smjeru, sasvim različitom od materijalističkih ili fo- renzičkih pristupa kakvi se obično smatraju primjerenima za izuča- vanje leša. Tako i ovaj članak razmatra “osobna” otkrića i povijest angažmana pojedinca iz predgrađa koji je bio izložen različitim artikulacijama radikalnosti u međusobno povezanim kulturnim i političkim kontekstima toga vremena. Cilj je pokazati kako ni kultura ni osobno iskustvo nisu odvojivi od šireg ekonomskog okvira, kao ni od klasnog sastava, i kako su ti politički čimbenici itekako dostupni kroz materijalnu kulturu ∞ medije. Članak završava reΩeksijama o sedimentaciji te povijesti u suvremenim medijima i 01 Za pojedinosti o okru- političkoj kulturi. glom stolu vidi: http://www. Naša početna točka je 1993. godina i isječak koji nam dopušta ctm-festival.de/festival/program/event/2013/02/01/ da odmah odbacimo ideju kako rave kultura nije reΩektirala poli- the_death_of_rave_pt_i_uk/ tičke i ekonomske uvjete koji su je omogućili. Na početku svog na- (pristup 24. 06. 2013.) stupa jedne noći u klubu Vibealite u Mans∫eldu (Nottinghamshi- 02 Vibealite, Mans∫eld, re), DJ Ratty i MC Robie Dee su na drzak i ironičan način odali po- listopad 1993., http://www. youtube.com/watch?v=7iXxlT čast nezaposlenim raverima: “Živjeli nezaposleni raveri i vlada koja il7Xc&list=PLpt2NTR68_TA- im plaća da idu na rave!”.02 To upućuje na nekoliko stvari: kao prvo, LE4-LV1g5_CUYO8SUgK1u da je visoka stopa nezaposlenosti bila dio te kulture; kao drugo, da [(pristup 24. 05. 2013.) IZBRI- SANO] je država podupirala nezaposlene u dovoljnoj mjeri da mogu izlaziti

131 Anthony Iles Mediji, secesija i recesija 07 01 For details about this panel see: http://www.ctm- Anthony Iles festival.de/festival/ program/ event/2013/02/01/ the_death_of_ rave_pt_i_uk/ Media, Secession and Recession (accessed 24/06/2013)

02 Vibealite, Mans- field, October 1993, http://www. youtube.com/watch v?v=7iXxlTil7Xc& list=PLpt2NTR68_ TALE4-LV1g5_CUY- O8SUgK1u [(accessed 24/05/2013) DELETED]

03 According to a Wikipedia article, “Unemployment in Britain rose from This paper traces a histo- cal factors are very much accessi- 1,600,000 to nearly 3,000,000 between ry of raves, illegal parties ble through material culture — April 1990 and l and protests in its perco- media. The paper concludes with February 1993”, http://en.wikipedia. lation through independent media some reflections on the sedimen- org/wiki/ (video, pirate radio, flyers, record tation of this history in contempo- Early_1990s_reces- labels, zines, small press). At Club rary media and political culture. sion. Further detail and comparison Transmediale 2013, a panel partly Our starting point is 1993 between three comprised of prominent contribu- and a fragment that allows us to recessions of 1980- 81, 1990-91 and tors to 00s dance, theory and pro- make a forthright dismissal of the 2007-2008 can be test culture discussed the ‘Death idea that rave culture didn’t re- found in Jamie 01 Jenkins (Office for of Rave’. The discussion surpris- flect on the political and economic National Statistics ), ingly took a psychological, nostal- conditions of its possibility. At “The labour market in the 1980s, 1990s gic and melancholic turn, very dis- the beginning of their set at a club and 2008/09 reces- tant from the materialist or foren- night, Vibealite in Mansfield Not- sions ”, Economic & sic approaches usually considered tinghamshire, DJ Ratty and MC Labour Market Re- view, Vol 4, No 8, appropriate to the study of a Robie Dee make an cheeky and August 2010 . corpse. Instead this essay consid- ironic tribute to the unemployed ers the ‘personal’ discoveries and ravers: “A big shout out to the unemployed employment history of a suburban ravers and the government who pays for them self subject to differing articula- to go raving”.02 This indicates a few things, tions of radicality in interrelated firstly that high unemployment was a part of cultural and political milieus of the the culture secondly the state supported those time. It does so to argue that nei- out of work sufficiently that they could go out ther culture nor personal experi- of a weekend and lastly this was a source of hu- ence are separable from a wider mour and even irreverent pride.03 economic framework, nor class In 1993 I was turning 16. I lived in the

Anthony Iles Media, Secession and Recession composition and that these politi- suburbs of East London on the border of the

132 Raving 89, Gavin Watson, 1989.

Flyer for Raindance Party in East London, Anon., 16 September 1989. Flajer za parti Raindance u istočnom Londonu, anon., 16. rujna 1989. county of Essex. The town I grew up in, Ching- Hardcore’, fast electronic music 04 See: http:// www.raindancer- ford, was a commuter town on the edge of Ep- with choppy synths and scattering avefestival.com ping forest. Typically suburban, during the beats, and Indy, or guitar music (accessed 24/06/2013) week a trainline took the majority of inhabit- such as the Smiths, the Cure and ants back and forth from home to work, many then current bands such as the 05 John Eden tells inhabitants worked in financial services indus- Happy Mondays, Charlatans and an overlooked history of the initial tries in the City of London. I, with many of my so on. The musical split corre- hostility between peers, developed a fierce desire to escape the sponded to the two different dancehall reggae culture and the new rat race of this commuter life — to become types of schools we attended, craze for ‘Acid’, something other than wage labour. This desire, with those into hardcore coming “London Acid City: When Two 8’s though necessarily rarely fully articulated in from state provided schools (free) Clash”, http://www. these terms, manifested itself as so many tiny and those into guitar music being uncarved.org/ blog/2004/06/88 acts of rebellion against the conditioning of from private school (which clash/ education, this value-formed canalisation of charged tuition fees). It wasn’t a life, the refusal to reproduce class or to repro- strictly class distinction since both duce patriarchy. It was evident that the first parties had working class and mid- thing we needed to escape was the spatio- dle class members, but as well as temporal complex and soul-destroying rhythm petty matters such as which ciga- of the commute to work and home rette brand each of us smoked, to the suburban house that had this was culturally how we recog- been prepared for us. nised and distinguished ourselves One direction of escape was for a while at least. into the city where I’d go skate- Around 1993 or 1994 my boarding with a small gang of mal- best friend played me a track by contents. Another was into the Origin Unknown, Valley of the forest where we used play as Shadows, as you can see from the youngsters and later drink under label, the record was pressed in the stars.. Sometimes we’d bump Hornchurch, Essex about 4 miles from where I into strangers walking home from grew up. With sparse instrumentation, few pi- raves and outdoor soundsystem ano riffs, vocals or recognisable synth stabs — parties. One of these was probably driving bass, broken beats which seemed at Raindance — which had started in a once both slow and fast, it sounded complete- giant circus tent in a football field ly different from anything I had heard up until at Jenkins Lane on the East Lon- that point. I asked my friend, Chris, what peo- don/Essex borders in September ple were calling this music, he replied that they 1989 and later had a revival at Ber- didn’t have a name for it yet, he didn’t know wick Manor Hornchurch in 1997.04 who’d made the track, people just said: “It’s An important aspect of both these Dark...”. It was the beginning of a major cross- lines of flight was music, and in the over, since until then the strength of reggae woods we used to have a modest and dub in the UK had been something quite soundsystem of our own. Through- separate from house and techno, suddenly the out the years 1992-1994 what I two genres both began to merge and feed into remember is sharing the stereo each other.05 between two musical styles — Soon I wasn’t listening to music made

Anthony Iles Media, Secession and Recession Hardcore, or so-called ‘Happy with guitars anymore. I began to find different

134 vikendima; i kao treće, da su te okolnosti bile povod za humor pa čak i nepoćudan ponos.03 Te 1993. navršavao sam 16 godina. Živio sam u predgrađu istočnog Londona, na rubu pokrajine Essex. Stanovnici grada u kojemu sam odrastao, Chingforda, svakog su dana putovali s ruba šume Epping na posao u London. Bilo je to tipično predgrađe: radnim danom vlak bi prevozio većinu stanovnika od kuće do posla, jer mnogi stanovnici radili su u ∫nancijskom sketoru u londonskom Cityiju. Kao i mnogi moji vršnjaci, razvio sam snažnu želju da izbje- gnem tu vječitu utrku zaposlenika koji putuju na posao ∞ da posta- nem nešto više od pukog nadničara. Ta želja, iako se, naravno, rijetko artikulirala baš tim riječima, očitovala se u obliku brojnih sitnih činova pobune protiv obrazovnog ustrojavanja, tog kanaliziranja života uvjetovanog etabliranim vrijednostima, i odbijanjem da re- produciram klasne ili patrijarhalne odnose. Bilo je jasno da je prvo od čega moramo pobjeći prostorno-vremenski sklop i bezdušan ritam svakodnevnog putovanja na posao i natrag kući u predgrađe koje nam je bilo namijenjeno. Jedan od smjerova bijega bio je prema gradu, kamo bih odla- zio na skateboarding s malenom bandom nezadovoljnika. Drugi je bio prema šumi, gdje smo se kao tinejdžeri igrali i kasnije pili pod zvijezdama. Ponekad bismo naletjeli na nepoznate ljude koji bi pje- šačili kući s raveova i soundsystem partija na otvorenom. Jedan od njih vjerojatno je bio Raindance ∞ koji je započeo kao golemi cirku- ski šator podignut na nogometnom igralištu u Jenkins Lane na granici istočnog Londona i Essexa u rujnu 1989., a kasnije, 1997. godine, je ponovno oživljen na lokaciji Berwick Manor Hornchurch.04 Važan aspekt obiju linija bijega bila je glazba pa smo i u šumi imali vlastiti skroman razglas. Sjećam se da su se u razdoblju od 1992. do 1994. na našem stereo sistemu izmjenjivala dva glazbena stila ∞ 03 Prema članku na Wikipediji, “Nezaposlenost u hardcore ili takozvani “happy hardcore”, brza elektronska glazba Velikoj Britaniji narasla je s iskrzanih sintova i razbacanog beata, i gitarska indie glazba poput 1.600.000 na gotovo 3.000.000 u razdoblju od Smithsa, Curea ili tada popularnih bendova poput Happy Monday- travnja 1990. do veljače sa, Charlatansa i tako dalje. Ta glazbena podjela odgovarala je dva- 1993.”, http://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Early_1990s_rece- ma različitim tipovima škola koje smo pohađali: oni koji su slušali ssion. Daljnje pojedinosti i hardcore bili su iz državnih (besplatnih) škola, a oni koji su voljeli usporedba triju recesija gitarsku glazbu iz privatnih (koje su naplaćivale školarinu). Nije to 1980.-81., 1990.-91. i 2007.- 2008. mogu se pronaći u: bila strogo klasna podjela, budući da su obje strane imale pripadni- Jamie Jenkins (Ured za nacio- ke i iz radničke i iz srednje klase, ali baš kao i sitna pitanja tipa koju nalnu statistiku), “The Labo- ur Market in the 1980s, 1990s marku cigareta tko puši, bio je to način na koji smo se kulturno and 2008/09 Recessions”, identi∫cirali i razlikovali jedni od drugih, barem neko vrijeme. Economic & Labour Market Review 4/8 (kolovoz 2010.). Negdje 1993. ili 1994. najbolji prijatelj mi je pustio jednu stvar od benda Origin Unknown, Valley of the Shadows, i kako možete 04 Vidi: http://www. raindanceravefestival.com vidjeti na etiketi, ploča je snimljena u Hornchurchu u Essexu, oko 4 (pristup 24. 06. 2013.). milje od mjesta gdje sam odrastao. Sa samo osnovnom instrumen-

135 Anthony Iles Mediji, secesija i recesija illegal raves, clubs and record shops by queu- rational and the unconscious. 06 Howard Slater, “Post-Media Opera- ing for clubs, finding drugs, other parties, A processing of the self re- tors: Sovereign and records, squatted spaces, finding pirate radio vealing social process. Being Vague”, stations (like Touchdown 94.1 FM, Defection, both screen and projector, 07 “Boy’s Own: A Pulse, Rush) by simply spinning the dial, find- receiver and sender, silent history”, http:// ing record shops through personal reccomen- and voluble, being the mar- www.residentadvi- sor.net/feature. dations or simply drifting through the city — gins of a centre that doesn’t aspx?1139 (accessed these media objects pointed to each other, exist it occupies a liminal po- 24/06/2013) overlapped, were found and charged with sition that, in continually 08 Boy’s Own the chance. A particularly important moment was being dispersed, coincides Complete Fanzines 1986-92 (sampler), when I found a shop called Ambient Soho and overlaps with a post- http://www.djhis- stocking many white lable records that carried media practice whose overall tory.com/sites/ default/files/Boys- the sounds that I liked and which also often rhythms are broader (a OwnSampler02.pdf came with zines and sometimes in sleeves with breadth that can turn to his- (accessed lists of URLs on the back. I found an important tory and precursors).06 24/06/2013) text for my own self-understanding written by Howard Slater through exactly these channels, There was a sense of extending through a record label called Praxis which was one’s small circle of communica- linked to a zine called Datacide tion and one’s perceptual equip- which published Howard Slater’s ment through this intersection of writing and had put out a vinyl edi- media. This also suggested that tion of Howard’s zine Break/Flow. you too could seize these media, This media was incessently reflect- vinyl, radio, sound, print and to ing upon the conditions of its own use, redistribute and make similar making and the mileau that was connections. A sense of exodus, making it: secession and sedition was ever present in the names of venues, post-media activity is not the tracks and artist names. Cheeky ir- outcome of a discursive reso- reverent humour, in-jokes and subversion were lution, which would only lead an important part of this. Perhaps the phenom- to another discourse, but is ena of humour and the class-cultural content of the process that allows con- it is most evident in the late-1980s early 1990s tradictions to be pushed in zine Boys Own (“the only zine which gets right the direction of enigmas and on one matey”) which shared a readership provocative alloys. It allows across football fans, ravers and gay scenes.07 for experimental positions It’s also the makers of Boy’s Own who most without co-ordinates, it drifts consciously stress the class and spatial dynam- off the map, flees from forced ics of the new culture they were part of: identification (and forced subjectivisation) and takes Acid house, with its origins in the casual with it the masks and tools world of beach-loving, E-smuggling hooli- that would enslave it. And so, gans, was when the suburbs stole the reins auto-theorisation is a con- of popular culture from the middle class art stant vigilance, a controlled school grads who’d been hanging on to 08 Anthony Iles Media, Secession and Recession loss, a permutability of the them since the late ’60s.

136 tacijom, nekoliko akorda na klaviru, vokalima i prepoznatljivim upadima sinta, tutnjajućim basom i izlomljenim beatovima koji su se činili istodobno brzi i spori, zvučala je sasvim drugačije od svega što sam ikada čuo. Pitao sam prijatelja Chrisa kako se ta glazba naziva, i odgovorio je da za nju još nisu izmislili ime, i da ne zna tko je snimio tu stvar, naprosto se govorilo: “Ovo je mračno...”. Bio je to početak jedne od važnijih fuzija, budući da je do tada snaga reggaea i duba u Velikoj Britaniji bila sasvim nešto odvojeno od housea i techna, a sada su se odjednom ta dva žanra počela stapati i ugrađi- vati jedan u drugi.05 Ubrzo više nisam slušao gitarsku glazbu. Počeo sam pronalaziti razne ilegalne raveove, klubove i prodavaonice ploča, stajao sam u redu pred klubovima, bilo je tu droge, drugih partija, ploča, skvotova, piratskih radio stanica (kao što su Touchdown 94.1 FM, Defec- tion, Pulse, Rush), i to sasvim nasumično, pronalazeći prodavaonice ploča putem osobnih preporuka ili naprosto lutajući gradom ∞ jer su ti medijski predmeti vodili jedan k drugome, preklapali su se, pronalazili i bili ispunjeni slučajem. Osobito važan trenutak bio je kada sam pronašao prodavaonicu ploča po imenu Ambient Soho, koja je držala mnoge ploče koje nisu bile objavljene pod etiketom i na kojima je bio zvuk koji sam volio, a često su se prodavale uz zinove ili u omotima na čijoj poleđini su se nalazili popisi mrežnih stranica. Pronašao sam jedan tekst Howarda Slatera koji je bio važan za moj osobni razvoj, i to upravo tim kanalima, kroz izdavačku kuću po imenu Praxis, koja je bila povezana sa zinom Datacide, koji je pak objavljivao njegove tekstove, a objavio je i vinilsko izdanje Howardova zina Break/Flow. Ti mediji neprestano su promišljali vlastite uvjete nastanka i kontekst u kojemu su nastajali:

Postmedijska aktivnost nije ishod neke diskurzivne odluke, što bi naprosto dovelo do daljnjeg diskursa, nego je proces koji dopušta proturječja u smjeru zagonetki i provokativnih spojeva. Ona dopu- šta eksperimentalne pozicije izvan koordinata, izlazi izvan zemljovi- da, bježi od nasilne identi∫kacije (i nasilne subjektivizacije) i odnosi sa sobom maske i sredstva koja bi je porobila. I zato je autoteore- tizacija neprestana budnost, kontrolirani gubitak, izmjenjivost raci- 05 John Eden govori o onalnog i nesvjesnog. Procesuiranje samorazotkrivajućeg društve- zanemarenoj povijesti počet- nog neprijateljstva između nog procesa. Ona je istodobno platno i projektor, prijemnik i odaši- reggae kulture iz plesnih ljač, nijema i rječita, kao margine nekog središta koje ne postoji, i dvorana i nove manije acida: “London Acid City: When zauzima liminalnu poziciju koja se, budući da se neprestano rasipa, Two 8’s Clash”, http://www. poklapa i preklapa s postmedijskom praksom čiji su opći ritmovi uncarved.org/blog/2004/ 06 06/88clash/. širih dimenzija (a ta širina oslanja se na povijest i na prethodnike).

06 Howard Slater, “Post- Media Operators: Sovereign Bio je to osjećaj širenja vlastitog uskog kruga komunikacije i vlasti- and Vague”. tog osjetilnog aparata kroz to susretanje medija. To je također zna-

137 Anthony Iles Mediji, secesija i recesija Collage of late-1980s UK newspaper hysteria over Kolaž histeričnih napisa u britanskim novinama Acid House from Vice.com, o Acid Houseu, preuzeto s Vice.com. http://www.vice.com/en_uk/read/margaret-thatcher-war-on-rave-acid-house-boys-own?utm_ source=vicefb

Sniffin Glue Revisited, Anon., Boy’s Own, circa 1988/1989. čilo da možete uzeti te medije, ploče, radio, zvuk, tisak, i da ih mo- žete koristiti, distribuirati dalje i uspostaviti daljnje slične veze. Osjećaj izgnanstva, odvajanja i pobune bio je neprestano prisutan u imenima klubova, pjesama i umjetnika. Drzak humor bez imalo poštovanja, insajderski humor i subverzija bili su važan dio svega toga. Možda su fenomen humora i njegov klasno-kulturni sadržaj najočitiji u zinu Boy’s Own s kraja 80-ih i početka 90-ih godina (“jedini zin koji te odmah lupi, frende”), čije se čitateljstvo sastojalo od nogometnih navijača, ravera i gay scene.07 Autori zina Boy’s Own također su izrazito svjesno naglašavali klasnu i prostornu dinamiku nove kulture kojoj su pripadali:

Acid house, koji potječe iz ležernog svijeta huligana koji se izležavaju na plaži i šveraju eks, nastao je kada su predgrađa otela uzde popu- larne kulture iz ruku studenta umjetničkih akademija porijeklom iz srednje klase koji su ih držali još od kraja 60-ih godina.08

Put do prvog prosvjeda kojem sam ikada prisustvovao pronašao sam tako što sam pokupio letak čekajući u redu pred jednim klu- bom. Bio je to prosvjedni marš protiv Zakona o krivičnom postupku i javnom redu, koji se održavao u Londonu 9. listopada 1994. Nije mi bilo sasvim jasno o čemu se radi, ali znao sam da će ondje biti razglas na otvorenom i automatski sam osjetio da je politički prosvjed logičan korak dalje nakon alternativne kulture polulegalnih i ilegalnih zabava. Osamdesete godine započele su s konzervativnom vladom Mar- garet Thatcher i visokom stopom nezaposlenosti. Tijekom čitavog desetljeća i početkom 90-ih opća kultura bila je obilježena odbijanjem rada (dropping out) i nepokornom radničkom klasom koja se žestoko protivila reformama socijalne države i uništavanju industrije koje je provodila Margaret Thatcher. Kako bi se premijerkinim ko- hortama u procvaloj ∫nancijskoj industriji omogućilo da špekuliraju s imovinom u privredi i javnim službama, tisuće ljudi ostalo je bez posla ili je prisiljeno na nesigurno zaposlenje, ugostiteljstvo je pro- padalo, a veliki dio industrijskih kompleksa ispražnjen je ili namjerno ostavljen da propadne. Jedan od rijetkih ustupaka vlade Margaret Thatcher bio je taj što je ostavila relativno netaknutom pomoć za 07 “Boy’s Own: A Hi- story”, http://www.residen- nezaposlene, kao i socijalne stanove za osobe bez prihoda ili s ni- tadvisor.net/feature. skim prihodima. To je omogućilo nastanak živih subkultura, pota- aspx?1139 (pristup 24. 06. 2013.). knutih koliko toliko prihvatljivom socijalnom pomoći, koje su doslovce živjele (skvotale) i družile se u materijalnom kršu koji su iza 08 Boy’s Own the Com- plete Fanzines 1986-92 (isječ- sebe ostavile premijerkine mjere. Nakon što je 1990. okončana njezi- ci), http://www.djhistory.com/ na vladavina, konzervativna vlada ostala je na vlasti, a kada su izblije- sites/default/∫les/BoysOwn- Sampler02.pdf (pristup 24. djele kratkotrajne blagodati izazvane deindustrijalizacijom, započe- 06. 2013.). lo je razdoblje ekonomske stagnacije. Nakon što se digla medijska

139 Anthony Iles Mediji, secesija i recesija I found my way to the first demonstra- discipline and re-division the 09 Aufheben, “Kill or Chill — An Analy- tion I ever went on by picking up a flyer in the class. The preamble to this had sis of the Opposition queue outside a club. It was an Anti-Criminal been a series of hard confronta- to the Criminal Justice Bill”, Aufhe- Justice Bill March in London 9 October 1994. I tions with people organising free ben Issue #4, Sum- didn’t really know what it was about, but I parties and illegal raves. The mer 1995, http:// knew there was going to be an outdoor sound group who seemed to draw most libcom.org/library/ kill-chill-aufheben-4 system and I sensed automatically that politi- of the flack was Spiral Tribe, who (accessed cal protest was a logical step from hanging out after organising a series of par- 24/06/2013) in an underground culture of semi-legal and il- ties, some on military land ‘Tor- legal parties. pedo Town’, drew the attentions The 1980s had begun with a Conserva- of police (see Spiral Tribe’s Calen- tive government led by Margaret Thatcher and dar of Police Harrassment 1991- high unemployment. For the following decade 1992). and into the 1990s the general culture had been characterised by the refusal of work [The Conservative govern- (dropping out) and a recalcitrant working class ment faced] the problem of who had fiercely opposed Thatcher’s reforms class rule in the new econom- of the welfare state and destruction of indus- ic reality of global finance try. In order to allow Thatcher’s capital.[...] The problem they cohorts in the booming financial face which seems to be defy- industries to asset strip industries ing any easy resolution is and public services thousands simply the need to impose were thrown into unemployment, austerity, the need to attack or precarious work, public housing the gains of an entrenched was run down, vast swathes of in- working class, without de- dustrial real estate was made stroying the fragile Conserva- empty or deliberately run down. tive social consensus repre- One of Thatcher’s government’s sented by the ‘Essex Man’ phenomenon. few concessions was to leave rela- With the dream of a property-owning de- tively untouched unemployment mocracy sinking into the nightmare of and housing benefits for the un- debt, the consensus is rapidly becoming waged and low waged. This lead unravelled, but UK plc cannot retreat. to lively subcultures, supported What better tonic than a good old attack by a reasonable state allowance, on those firmly outside of the deal, the literally living (squatting) and so- marginalized, whose exclusion the Con- cialising, in the material detritus servative deal was predicated upon, to left by Thatcher’s measures. After stiffen up resolve in the ranks for those her reign ended in 1990 the Con- attacks which threaten to recompose the servative government remained in class. But even such an apparently uncom- power and, as the brief boon from plicated weapon has been threatening to deindustrialisaiton faded, eco- blow up in the faces of those trying to use nomic stagnation set in. With the it.09 media uproar about the party scene, free festivals etc. it was The Criminal Justice Bill was presented to Par-

Anthony Iles Media, Secession and Recession time to take on the subculture, to liament late in 1993 and introduced a swathe

140 Boys Own the only fanzine that gets right on one matey, The Outsider, Boy’s Own, circa 1988. A Calendar of Harrassment, Spiral Tribe, 1992. buka o partijanerskoj sceni, besplatnim festivalima i slično, došlo je vrijeme za obračun sa subkulturom, za discipliniranje i novu preraspodjelu klasnih odnosa. Uvod u taj proces bio je niz teških sukoba s ljudima koji su organizirali besplatne zabave i ilegalne raveove. Sku- pina koja je, kako se čini, primila na sebe veći dio paljbe bila je Spiral Tribe, koja je organizacijom niza zabava, od kojih su neke održane na vojnom posjedu “Torpedo Town”, privukla pozornost policije (vidi: Spiral Tribe, A Calendar of Police Harrassment 1991-1992).

[Konzervativna vlada suočila se s] problemom klasne vladavine u novim ekonomskim okolnostima globalnog ∫nancijskog kapitala. [...] Problem s kojim su suočeni, a koji izgleda ne dopušta lako rje- šenje, jednostavno je potreba da se nametnu stroge mjere, potreba da se napadnu dobra koja uživa ušančena radnička klasa, a da se pritom ne uništi krhki konzervativni društveni konsenzus izražen u fenomenu “čovjeka iz Essexa”. Dok san o demokraciji s privatnim vlasništvom tone u noćnu moru dugovanja, konsenzus se rapidno raspada, ali britanska ∫nancijska klika ne može se povući. Nema boljeg lijeka od dobrog starog napada na one koji su sasvim izvan sporazuma, na marginalizirane, na čijem se isključenju i zasniva konzervativni sporazum, ne bi li se time zbilo redove pred napadi- ma koji prijete da preustroje klasne odnose. Ali čak i takvo naizgled nekomplicirano oružje prijeti da će opaliti u lice onima koji ga po- kušaju upotrijebiti.09

Zakon o krivičnom postupku i javnom redu predstavljen je u Parla- mentu krajem 1993. godine i uveo je niz mjera koje su pogađale slobodu okupljanja, poticanje na štrajk, lutalice i novu rave kulturu. Taj je zakon ujedinio raznoliku subkulturu aktivista, ravera, prosvjednika protiv izgradnje cesta i lutalice kako novog tako i starog kova koji su shvatili da će novi zakon kriminalizirati i njihovu kulturu i materijalna sredstva reprodukcije (u ovom slučaju stanovanje i/ ili sivu ekonomiju oko rave partija). Pokret nije imao mnogo veze s bilo kakvim ljevičarskim strankama ili organizacijama i uglavnom se s njima nije niti pokušavao povezati.

Taj se pokret na neki način može smatrati paradigmom klasne borbe u razdoblju koje je uslijedilo nakon povlačenja socijaldemokracije: neometan ikakvom snažnom posredničkom silom i, kao takav,

09 Aufheben, “Kill or relativno nekoherentan u nastojanjima da izrazi svoje zahtjeve, ali i Chill ∞ An Analysis of the potencijalno eksplozivan. Čini se da se krećemo prema situaciji u Opposition to the Criminal Justice Bill”, Aufheben Issue kojoj tradicionalna sredstva integriranja borbe i njezinih subjekata #4 (ljeto 1995.), http://li- ∞ to jest ljevica ∞ postaje sve nesposobnija zastupati borbu koja se bcom.org/library/kill-chill- događa izvan sfere proizvodnje. To povlačenje socijaldemokracije i aufheben-4 (pristup 24. 06. 2013.). samo je posljedica nove globalne stvarnosti.10

143 Anthony Iles Mediji, secesija i recesija of measures addressing freedom of assembly, they were threatening the sound 10 Ibid. picketing, travellers and the new rave culture. systems). There was very little It united a diverse subculture of activists, rav- sense that we were on a ‘march’ ers, anti-roads protestors and both ‘new age’ from a to b, nor that there was a and traditional travellers who understood that politically symbolic destination the new law would criminalise both their cul- where we hoped to arrive and de- ture and material means of reproduction (in liver our message. Instead the this case housing and/or the grey economy movement was the party and the around raves). The movement had very little to party/movement was the mes- do with any left parties or organisations and sage. This was as good an intro- generally did not seek to make alliances with duction to politics as any to me them. and I didn’t see a need for ‘formal’ political organisations then nor The movement may be considered in some now. The demo ended with a ma- ways paradigmatic of class struggle in the jor riot as people occupied Hyde era following the retreat of social democ- park and tried to bring large sound racy: unhindered by any powerful mediat- systems in trucks into the park. ing force and, as such, both relatively inco- The police lost their cool and sent herent in its attempts to ex- mounted police on horseback press its demands and poten- charging through the park. I re- tially explosive. We seem to member booming techno and rid- be moving towards a situation erless horses reeling through a where the traditional means major ‘royal’ central London park. of recuperation of struggles An aspect which complicated the and integration of its subjects crowd dynamics was that some of — the ‘left’ — is finding itself those organised around the Free- increasingly incapable of rep- dom network who had been in- resenting struggles occurring volved in the initial organisation of the demo outside of the productive had stressed the need to “keep it fluffy” i.e. to sphere. This retreat of social keep levels of violence towards the cops and democracy is itself a conse- property destruction to a minimum. This took quence of new global reali- on a vigilante dimension in the clashes which ties.10 arose and people from this group took to daub- ing ‘violent’ protestors with pink spray paint. What this looked like on the street Needless to say this was useful to the cops lat- when I turned up to my first demo er as they cleared up and tried to arrest isolat- was a mess, there were travellers, ed protestors, they went for those with pink people with dreadlocks, dogs paint on their clothing. Given the chaos this everywhere, small bicycle pow- was a pretty bad tactic, many who’d done ered soundsystems very few ban- nothing were arrested. There was a retort in ners and very very little party po- the form of an infamous pamphlet put out by litical regalia. People were drunk, the anarchist group Class War entitled “Keep it rowdy, dancing and attacking the Spikey” given out on the day of the demo be- cops from the beginning to the fore the riot and later reproduced in its entire-

Anthony Iles Media, Secession and Recession end (especially if it looked like ty by national newspaper, The Sun. This hope-

144 Način na koji je to izgledalo na ulici kada sam se pojavio na svome prvom prosvjedu bio je kaos: bilo je tu lutalica, ljudi s dreadovima, posvuda su bili psi, maleni razglasi pokretani pomoću bicikla, bilo je vrlo malo transparenata i još manje političkih obilježja. Ljudi su bili pijani i bučni, plesali su i napadali policajce od početka do kraja (osobito ako se činilo da se približavaju razglasima). Nije se baš mogao steći dojam da “marširamo” od točke A do točke B ili da postoji neka politički simbolična destinacija kamo se nadamo stići i predati svoju poruku. Umjesto toga, pokret je bio zabava, a zabava/ pokret bili su poruka. Bio je to za mene podjednako dobar uvod u politiku kao i bilo koji drugi, i nisam vidio, kao što ni danas ne vi- dim, nikakve potrebe za “formalnim” političkim organizacijama. Prosvjed je završio velikim neredima kada su ljudi zauzeli Hyde Park i pokušali uvesti velike razglase na kamionima. Policija je izgu- bila živce i poslala konjicu, koja je galopirala kroz park. Sjećam se tutnjanja tehno-glazbe i konja bez jahača koji su kružili središnjim, “kraljevskim” parkom Londona. Element koji je zakomplicirao dinamiku mase bio je taj da su neki od onih koji su bili organizirani u “Freedom Network” i otpočetka uključeni u organizaciju prosvjeda isticali potrebu da se “ostane mek”, odnosno da se minimalizira nasilje prema policiji i uništavanje imovine. To je rezultiralo pojavom samozvanih čuvara u sukobima koji su “nasilne” prosvjednike prskali ružičastim sprejem. Nepotrebno je reći da je to kasnije bilo od koristi policiji kada su raščistili teren i pokušali uhititi izolirane prosvjednike, jer su se naprosto oborili na one s ružičastom bojom na odjeći. S obzirom na kaos, bila je to prilično loša taktika i uhiće- ni su mnogi koji ništa nisu učinili. Suprotnost je bio zloglasni pamΩet koji je objavila anarhistička skupina “Class War” pod naslovom “Ostanite naoštreni”, a koji se dijelio na dan prosvjeda prije nego što su izbili nemiri i kasnije je u cijelosti objavljen u britanskim novinama The Sun. Nadam se da to donekle pokazuje koliko je prosvjed bio heterogen, što vrijedi za taj prosvjed, još dvostruko više vrijedi za same rave zabave.

Ono što ujedinjuje te skupine na takav način da su postale metom tolike mržnje vlade jest činjenica da je svima njima, iako su možda daleko od toga da svjesno objave rat kapitalu, zajedničko odbaciva- nje etike rada i života podređenog nadničarenju. Kao takve, one predstavljaju alternativu životu provedenom u očajničkoj potrazi za poslom koji i treba učiniti nepoželjnim.11

Devedesete godine obilježio je početak razdoblja “ponovnog name- tanja rada”. Točnije rečeno, bila je to opća transformacija od indu- 10 Isto. strijskog carstva prema globalno umreženom pružatelju usluga 11 Isto. koju je pokrenula Margaret Thatcher. U toj tranziciji 90-ih rave i

145 Anthony Iles Mediji, secesija i recesija fully gives some indication of how heteroge- with the new rhythms of a digital- 11 Ibid. nous the protest was and what is true for the ly accelerated life? Was this a protest was doubly true for rave parties in practice for a flexible monadic fu- themselves. ture? Or, was it an acting out, an exorcism and exercise in defamil- What unites these groups in such a way iarisation, self-appropriation of that they have become such hate targets of self-alienation? the government is that, although they may Spatially, rave had begun as be a long way from consciously declaring an inner city phenomenon in small war on capital, they share a common re- exclusive clubs, swiftly shifting to fusal of the work-ethic, of a life subordi- the periphery (beyond the M25) nated to wage labour. As such, they pose of cities, and to rural situations, an alternative to the life of desperately largely to escape the attentions looking for work, which must be made un- of the police. At the beginning of attractive.11 the 1990s it came back to the inner cities in clubs and squats, the The 1990s marked the beginning of the period streets and again back out into of the ‘re-imposition of work’. More specifi- dispersion to the edges of cities cally the full shift which Thatcher where warehouses or cheap ven- had begun from an industrial em- ues were available. Interestingly pire to a globally networked serv- this meant inner city kids explor- ice provider. The 1990s was this ing the rural countryside, much as transition, the means of rave and their grandparents had in the late- technoculture were a combination 19th and early 20th century. There of technologies, spaces and in- were strong elements of suburban come which had been the outcome culture and many of the records of devalorisation. Vinyl, Radio, and artists I knew of were working Loudspeakers, Trucks, Empty in Essex, Hackney, Brighton and Bristol. There Buildings, these were the technol- was also a strong culture of anonymity (“Origin ogies of a period of industrial pro- Unknown”), secrecy and humour (“facelesss duction and mass culture. What techno bollocks”) as well as strongly decen- did it mean that throughout this tralised elements. The internet, as I began to period of the late 1980s and 1990s use it in the 2000s, was synonymous with the people, hundreds of thousands of futurity of this rich subculture, but also was to people across the country were lit- be the means and infrastructure for the new erally exhausting themselves each working environment being developed. weekend and into the working Increasingly through the 1990s and es- week? What energies had been pecially after the Criminal Justice Bill had be- unleashed, where had they come come the Criminal Justice Act those on the dole from and what threat did it pose found themselves on the one hand under that these energies could not be tougher conditions as a New Labour govern- productively employed in indus- ment introduced so-called ‘welfare to work’ try? What were those gestures, conditions and stronger disciplinary apparatus where people appeared to be around benefits. On the other it began to be

Anthony Iles Media, Secession and Recession mechanising themselves in time possible to find white collar casual or flexible

146 tehno-kultura bili su kombinacija tehnologije, prostora i prihoda koja je proizašala iz procesa devalorizacije. Ploče, Radio, Zvučnici, Kamioni, Prazne zgrade ∞ to su bile tehnologije razdoblja industrijske proizvodnje i masovne kulture. Što je značilo to što su se tijekom čitavog tog razdoblja kasnih 80-ih i ranih 90-ih tisuće ljudi ši- rom zemlje doslovce iscrpljivali svakog vikenda pa dijelom i tijekom radnog tjedna? Kakva se to energija oslobađala, odakle je doš- la i kakvu je prijetnju predstavljala za onu energiju koja se mogla produktivno iskoristiti u industriji? Kakve su to bile geste u kojima se činilo da se ljudi mehaniziraju u skladu s novim ritmovima digitalno ubrzanog života? Je li to bila praksa za Ωeksibilnu monadsku budućnost? Ili je to bila predstava, egzorcizam i pokušaj defamilija- rizacije i samopronalaženja u samootuđenju? U prostornom smislu rave je započeo kao fenomen iz središta grada, nastao u malenim, ekskluzivnim klubovima, ali se brzo pro- širio (preko M25) na periferiju gradova i u ruralne krajeve, uglavnom kako bi izbjegao budnom oku policije. Početkom 90-ih vratio se u središte gradova, u klubove i skvotove, na ulice, i zatim je krenuo natrag, rasipajući se na rubove gradova, gdje se moglo doći do jeftinih skladišta i hala. Zanimljivo je da je to značilo da su mladi iz središta grada počeli istraživati ruralna područja, baš kao što su to njihovi djedovi činili krajem 19. i početkom 20. stoljeća. Bilo je tu snažnih elemenata suburbane kulture i velik dio ploča ili umjetnika koje sam poznavao djelovao je u Essexu, Hackneyju, Brightonu ili Bristolu. Bila je to također kultura stroge anonimnosti (“Origin Unknown” - “Porijeklo nepoznato”), tajanstvenosti i humora (“facelesss techno bollocks” - “anonimna tehno koještarija”), sa snažnim elementom decentralizacije. internet, koji sam počeo koristiti po- četkom ovog stoljeća, bio je sinonim za budućnost te bogate su- bkulture, ali je također postao sredstvo i infrastruktura novog radnog konteksta u nastanku. Tijekom 90-ih godina i osobito nakon što je Zakon o krivič- nom postupku i javnom redu stupio na snagu, oni koji su živjeli od socijalne pomoći našli su se s jedne strane u težoj situaciji kada je nova laburistička vlada uvela program “s potpore na posao” sa stro- žim disciplinarnim aparatom u pogledu socijalne pomoći. S druge strane, sada je bilo moguće pronaći ∫nije, ležernije i Ωeksibilnije poslove u Londonu zahvaljujući procvatu komunikacija, ∫nancijskih službi, marketinškog sektora, kurirskih službi i slično. Budući da je skvotanje bilo sve više kriminalizirano, a stanarine su skočile, pritisak je bio uspješan i učinkovit, kao i komercijalizacija onoga što je tijekom kasnih 80-ih i čitavih 90-ih ostalo relativno samoorga- nizirani oblik kulture (iako se još uvijek vrtio golem novac u sivoj ekonomiji droga, klubova itd.) Upravo je taj pritisak teorijski kolektiv Aufheben u to vrijeme sažeo kao tranziciju iz “autonomije soci-

147 Anthony Iles Mediji, secesija i recesija work in London’s booming communications, fight over other issues or to 12 Aufheben, Dole Autonomy versus the financial services, advertising sectors, or cou- seek individual solutions, Reimposition of riering etc. As squatting became increasingly rather than to defend the Work, 1998, http:// criminalised and rents rose the squeeze was conditions that make some of libcom.org/library/ dole-autonomy- successful and effective, as was the commer- their campaigns and activities aufheben (accessed cialisation of what had throughout the late- possible.12 24/06/2013) 1980s and 1990s remained relatively self-organised form of culture (not that there was not Leaving university at the end of money to be made in the grey economy of the 1990s, one of the last students drugs, clubs etc.) It is this pressure which Auf- for whom the state provided the heben summed up at the time as the transition costs of tuition and a maintenance from Dole Autonomy Versus The Reimposition of grant, I was immediately unem- Work. It marked a successful counter-revolu- ployed. In between periods on the tion and one which still rolls on. Having suc- dole I took a spate of casual jobs cessfully attacked the level of working class for catering companies who reproduction via welfare, successive govern- served business functions in the ments have gone on to remove free education city and an early cyber cafe in and other benefits which were an important Soho, the Global Cafe. The only source of youth autonomy and a flat I could afford was way east barrier between those who hoped from the centre in East Ham and to stay out of wage labour as long on my way home from work late at as possible and the new flexibi- night I called anonymous ‘party lised McJobs on offer. lines’ and followed directions to illegal parties which took place in The lack of an unemployed the deindustrialised belt of Can- movement today is despite a ning Town, Stratford and Hack- relatively high level of non- ney, an area which in recent years representational political was cleared for the 2012 London activity among those on the Olympics. dole in recent years; indeed, Towards the end of the 1990s I began to the dole is the very basis for a witness a convergence of the small media I had number of the most vigorous been following around a small project space direct action movements. The called the Info Centre. The space, run by artists energies of the natural oppo- Henrietta Heise and Jakob Jakobsen, brought sition to the attacks on ben- together situationist-inspired journals, publi- efits (the unemployed and the cations and small zines such as Inventory, Lon- politically active) are current- don Psychogeographical Association, Associa- ly being channelled in other tion of Autonomous Astronauts, Break/Flow. A directions. Workfare is being low-key invitation card would announce “We introduced in the UK, not have brewed beer”. The Info Centre hosted a because the unemployed have reading room of these publications and others become ‘acquiescent’, but and I often visited to read back issues and pick because a potentially power- up new issues and posters. I became close to ful opposition prefers — mis- the people behind Inventory, later writing for

Anthony Iles Media, Secession and Recession guidedly in our view — to the journal and with the help of member, Dam-

148 The History of the World, Valley of the Shadows, Jeremy Deller, in the Origin Unknown, collection of Tate, 1997- Hornchurch, Essex: Ram 2004. Records, 1993. The History of the World, Jeremy Deller, u zbirci muzeja Tate, 1997-2004.

Freedom to Party Campaign Flyer, Anon., Trafalgar Square London, 1990. Flajer kampanje Free- dom to Party, anon., Trafalgar Square London, 1990. Murad Qureshi EP, Break/Flow, 1998.

Smash This Puny Exist- ence, Inventory, Hanway Street, London, photo: Max Reeves, 2001.

Inventory FM, Inventory, circa 2005.

Info Centre, Jakob Jakob- sen & Henrietta Hesse, London, circa 1999. jalne pomoći u ponovno nametanje rada”, uspješnu kontrarevolu- ciju koja još uvijek traje. Nakon što su uspješno utjecale na razinu reprodukcije radničke klase smanjenjem socijalne pomoći, vlade su jedna za drugom odlučile ukinuti besplatno obrazovanje i druge povlastice koje su bile važan izvor autonomije mladih i barijera iz- među onih koji su se nadali da će ostati izvan sustava rada i nadnica dokle god je to moguće, te novih, Ωeksibilnijih McJobova.

Danas nedostaje pokret nezaposlenih unatoč tome što je posljednjih godina zamjetna relativno visoka razina nereprezentacijske političke aktivnosti među onima koji žive od socijalne pomoći ∞ štoviše, potpora nezaposlenima osnova je niza izrazito energičnih pokreta direktne akcije. Energija prirodne oporbe protiv napada na povlastice (a to su nezaposleni i politički aktivni) trenutno se kanali- zira u drugim smjerovima. Velika Britanija uvela je program “work fare”, i to ne zato što su nezaposleni sada “pomirljivi”, nego zato što potencijalno snažna oporba više voli ∞ iako po našem mišljenju po- grešno ∞ boriti se za druge stvari ili tražiti pojedinačna rješenja umjesto da brani uvjete koji uopće omogućuju neke od njihovih kampanja i aktivnosti.12

Napustio sam sveučilište krajem 90-ih godina kao jedan od posljednjih studenata kojima je država platila školovanje i dio životnih troškova, i odmah sam bio nezaposlen. Između razdobljâ na soci- jalnoj pomoći povremeno bih uzeo neki posao za ugostiteljske tvrtke koje su opsluživale poslovne klijente u središtu grada i za jedan od prvih cyber-ka∫ća u Sohou, Global Cafe. Jedini stan koji sam si mogao priuštiti bio je daleko na istoku od centra grada, u East Hamu, i na putu kući u sitne sate slijedio bih anonimne “partija- nerske putokaze” i upute koje bi me dovele do ilegalnih zabava koje su se odvijale u deindustrijaliziranom pojasu Canning Towna, Stratforda i Hackneyja, na području koje je proteklih godina rašči- šćeno za Olimpijadu u Londonu 2012. Pred kraj 90-ih počeo sam primjećivati okupljanje manjih medija koje sam pratio oko malenog projektnog prostora po imenu Info Centre. Vodili su ga umjetnici Henrietta Heise i Jakob Jako- bsen, a okupljao je situacionistički usmjerene novine, publikacije i malene zinove kao što su Inventory, London Psychogeographical Association, Association of Autonomous Astronauts i Break/Flow. Skromna pozivnica obznanila bi: “Imamo svježeg piva”. Info Centre imao je čitaonicu za spomenute i druge publikacije i često sam je 12 Aufheben, “Dole Autonomy versus the Reim- posjećivao kako bih čitao starije brojeve i pokupio nova izdanja i position of Work” (1998.), plakate. Zbližio sam se s ljudima koji su izdavali Inventory, a kasnije http://libcom.org/library/ sam pisao za taj časopis i zajedno s Damianom Abbottom kao su- dole-autonomy-aufheben (pristup 24. 06. 2013.). radnikom napravio jednokratnu jednodnevnu piratsku radio emisi-

151 Anthony Iles Mediji, secesija i recesija ian Abbott, setting up a one-off one day pirate Streets. Backspace, a media or 13 Craig Martin and I conceived of this 13 radio broadcast. Somewhere along the line I hack lab was the key link provid- project in response to came across Mute and began finding texts by ing much of the technological in- an invitation from Cubitt’s curator Polly writers I followed turning up on the Mute web- frastructure (web hosting and ar- Staple. Typically site. The collision of critical thought about chiving) for many of these groups, none of us knew technology, extra-parliamentary politics, mu- and media artists, but also formed anything about the radio equipment that sic, film, art and theory felt both completely an important social and working Damian helped us both a little broader than the arcane and her- space.15 The festive protest real- install on the roof of the gallery. http:// metic publications I had found interesting up ised all the aspects of a disorgan- cubittartists.org. to this point and there was a sense of an ex- ised street party with a very clear uk/2002/05/25/ broad-cast/. The idea panding field in which other reader/writers and universal target: capitalism, to work with radio were making similar connections. In March and in this case the very formida- came straight from my teenage suburban 1999 I attended a performative street installa- ble edifice of finance capital as it experience of listen- tion by Inventory called “Smash This Puny Ex- had taken form in the City of Lon- ing to radio pirates istence”. The event took the form of an open don, London’s financial district. and a performance Inventory had put on newspaper/billboard whereby the group had Though it was not until the fol- http://www.metam- flypostered an entire alley stretching in an L- lowing year I would be fully unem- ute.org/editorial/ articles/endless- shape between Oxford Street and Tottenham ployed, working three jobs and sonic-mania-invento- Court Road and stood at either studying and still only being able ry-fm and I reviewed for Mute, one of my end of the street holding “Golf to afford to live at my sister’s first written articles Sale” signposts directing passers- house far from the centre of the and the first for Mute. by through the literary diversion. city it was not a stretch of the im- 14 Expo-Destructo, The same day and about half a mile agination to connect the ascend- http://bak.spc.org/ down the road there was an all day ency and confidence of the finan- iod/destructo/flea- market.html ‘post-media flea market’ called cial powerhouse of the City con- Expo-Destructo: post-media pres- tributing to the squeeze on living 15 I’d come across Backspace a few 14 sure. Inventory, Mute, Break/ conditions of London’s inhabit- times in this period, Flow, Reclaim the Streets, Back- ants. Moreover, the sense that especially since many of the rudimentary, space and many other groups took not only did we not have any re- text and animated part in the flea-market. In a sense spect for the rules, wealth and gif-heavy sites I visited linked off the two events, a print publication power of this highly ‘secure’ zone from Backspace’s which had taken to the street and of the city using it as our party home page, but a flea-market of internet sites and space, wrecking and disturbing it probably with not much of an idea what online cultures summed up the un- with weird frequencies and out of it was until I started canny and unbounded dynamics control bodies also felt like a vis- visiting the physical space just before it being explored in media in London ceral retort to high finance’s arid closed. One more at the time. I was by then a regular and sterile organisation of space. important spatial dynamic to note was internet user and having come to it Whilst J18 put capitalism on the Backspace’s proxim- from the street I was lived the con- agenda, then and after there were ity, just near to Tower Bridge, to both cen- viction that the two spaces were serious questions about the re- tral London, south interrelated. The convergence sidual lifestylism of the movement and East London. A noted above had its epiphany in which led to this now renowned quick look at http:// bak.spc.org/ will give many ways in June the same year event. Just as Aufheben strongly you access to an with the Carnival Against Capital criticised the inability of this ac- archive website pretty much as it was

Anthony Iles Media, Secession and Recession coordinated by Reclaim the tivist movement to confront the in 1998/1999.

152 ju.13 Negdje u to doba naišao sam na Mute i počeo na toj mrežnoj stranici pronalaziti tekstove autora koje sam pratio. Spoj kritičkih ideja o tehnologiji, izvanparlamentarnoj politici, glazbi, ∫lmu, umjetnosti i teoriji činio se ondje znatno širim od hermetičnih publikacija za uski krug čitatelja koje sam do tada smatrao zanimljivima i imao sam osjećaj širenja polja na kojemu su drugi čitatelji i autori uspostavljali slične veze. U ožujku 1999. posjetio sam perfor- mativnu uličnu instalaciju Smash This Puny Existence koju je posta- vio Inventory. Događaj je imao formu otvorenih novina/panoa, pri čemu je skupina oblijepila čitavu stražnju ulicu koja je u obliku slo- 13 Craig Martin i ja zamislili smo taj projekt kao va L povezivala Oxford Street i Tottenham Court Road i stala na oba odgovor na poziv Polly Staple, kraja ulice držeći putokaze “golferska rasprodaja” kojima su prola- kustosice Cubitta. Znakovito je da nijedan od nas nije znao znike usmjeravali kroz književnu zaobilaznicu. Istoga dana, oko ništa o radijskoj opremi koju pola milje dalje niz cestu cijeli dan je stajao natpis “postmedijski nam je Damian pomogao 14 instalirati na krovu galerije. buvljak” po imenu “Expo-Destructo: postmedia pressure”. Inven- http://cubittartists.org. tory, Mute, Break/Flow, Reclaim the Streets, Backspace i mnoge dru- uk/2002/05/25/broad-cast/. Ideja o radiju došla je ravno ge skupine sudjelovale su na tom buvljaku. U određenom smislu ta iz mog tinejdžerskog iskustva su dva događaja, objavljivanje tiskovina s kojim se izašlo na ulicu i u predgrađu, kada sam slu- buvljak mrežnih stranica i kultura sažela čudnu i nekonvencional- šao piratske stanice i perfor- mans koji je Inventory postanu dinamiku koju su u to vrijeme istraživali londonski mediji. U to vio na http://www.metamute. vrijeme već sam redovito koristio internet, a budući da sam došao org/editorial/articles/endless- sonic-mania-inventory-fm, a do njega s ulice, živio sam u uvjerenju da su ta dva prostora među- ja sam napisao recenziju za sobno povezana. Spoj koji sam ranije spomenuo dospio je do tre- Mute, jedan od svojih prvih članaka i prvi za Mute. nutka epifanije na više načina u lipnju iste godine, kada je održan Carnival Against Capital koji je koordinirala skupina Reclaim the 14 Expo-Destructo, http://bak.spc.org/iod/de- Streets. Backspace, medijski ili hakerski laboratorij, bio je ključna structo/Ωea-market.html. spona koja je osiguravala veći dio tehnološke infrastrukture (mrež- ni prostor i arhiviranje) za mnoge od okupljenih skupina i medij- 15 Nailazio sam nekoliko puta na Backspace u to skih umjetnika, ali je bio i važan prostor za susretanje i rad.15 Taj vrijeme, osobito zato što su svečani prosvjed ispunio je sve aspekte dezorganizirane ulične za- mnoge od rudimentarnih, tekstualnih i animiranih bave sa sasvim jasnom i univerzalnom metom, a to je bio kapitali- stranica krcatih gif-slikama zam, u ovom slučaju poprilično pozamašno uporište ∫nancijskog koje sam u to vrijeme posjeći- vao bile linkovi s glavne stra- kapitala kakvo se formiralo u Cityiju, ∫nancijskoj četvrti Londona. nice Backspacea, ali vjerojat- Iako sam tek od iduće godine bio sasvim nezaposlen, a u ovo vrije- no nisam imao konkretnu ideju o tome što je to dok me radio sam na tri privremena posla i studirao, a ipak si nisam nisam počeo posjećivati mogao priuštiti više od toga da stanujem kod sestre, daleko od sre- ∫zički prostor netom prije dišta grada, nije trebalo mnogo mašte da se povežu uspon i samou- njegova zatvaranja. Još jedna važna prostorna dinamika vjerenost ∫nancijskog bastiona Cityja i pritisak na životne uvjete koju valja spomenuti bila je londonskih žitelja. Štoviše, osjećaj da mi ne samo da nismo uopće lokacija Backspacea, nedale- ko od Tower Bridgea, dakle poštivali pravila, bogatstvo i moć te izrazito “sigurne” zone grada, blizu centralnom, južnom i nego smo je koristili kao prostor za partijanje, razarajući i uzbunju- istočnom Londonu. Pogled na stranicu http://bak.spc. jući ga čudnovatim frekvencijama i nekontroliranim tijelima, tako- org/ dat će vam pristup arhiv- đer se doživljavao kao odgovor iz dubine duše na suhu i sterilnu skoj stranici, koja je uglavnom onakva kakva je bila organizaciju prostora karakterističnu za visoke ∫nancije. Dok je 1998./1999. prosvjed J18 (18. lipnja) stavio na dnevni red kapitalizam i tada i

153 Anthony Iles Mediji, secesija i recesija removal of its means of social reproduction — stability of means, use, useless- 16 The following pair of articles re- unemployment benefit, housing benefit, crim- ness, misuse, contingency/chance flect an interesting inalisation of squatting and so on, the weak- into question. In a revolt when struggle over the forms of authenticity nesses of it in the new landscape of the UK plc. people use whatever is available attributed to music were patently clear in the movements sudden ‘use’ itself is changed. As in Wil- in a recent protest disappearance in the 2000s. Which is not to liam Gibson’s famous dictum from situation: Paul Ma- son, “The Dubstep suggest that the tactics developed by RTS un- the story Burning Chrome: “The Rebellion”, http:// der the spell of the rave movement haven’t Street Finds Its Own Use for www.bbc.co.uk/ blogs/newsnight/ 16 continuously been used to great effect. Ban- Things.’ A mainstream media ap- paulmason/2010 ishing a few essential critical remarks to the proach has tended to pose new /12/9122010_dub- step_rebellion_-_ footnotes, I’d like to move from history to the technology, particularly social br.html, Dan Han- present, considering what remains worthwhile media, as instrumental to these cox, “This is our Riot Pow”, http://dan- discussing in the legacy I have sketched for my revolts but this dogma not only hancox.blogspot. conclusion.17 orientalises such movements but de/2010/12/this-is- The situations we have seen developing also tends to subdue more com- our-riot-pow.html. The Deteritorrial 19 in recent years with mass mobilisations in plex mediations. Support Group’s North Africa, Europe, US, South America and In the revolts of our own text, “All the Memes of Production” West Africa have shown some commonality times we are increasingly seeing reflects some inter- with the cultural predelictions of the suspension of the normal or- esting problems for the transformation both rave and the political move- dering of objects and behaviours, of a wayward cul- ments associated with it. The logic new relations come to the fore tural movement into a political move- of occupation, reterritorialisation and they find their material to ment, http://libcom. of space (take overs of the city and hand. New uses derive from and org/library/all- central urban spaces), music, po- extend new and unforeseen rela- memes-production- deterritorial-sup- etry and diverse iterations of in- tions. What shapes do these ap- port-group ternet memes producing complex parently spontaneous iterations 17 Excellent criti- feedback between the street and of ‘social form’ comprise? When cisms of J18 and the the net. Often it has been both people use bread as media to com- general tendencies explored by Reclaim difficult and somewhat pointless municate their lack of the basic the Streets-style to attempt to discern where cul- foodstuff, when they point a ba- activism can be found in Reflections ture ends and politics begins. guette as a weapon at the cops, on J18, http://www. These events have taken the form when looters use a mannequin leg afed.org.uk/online/ of youth revolts, but also, more to break a shop window to impose j18/index.html A particularly swinge- generally, revolts of wageless some asset relocation from below ing critique is that of life.18 They have activated a ‘Sur- we are talking about media as im- lifestylism: ‘‘‘anti- capitalism’ has plus humanity’ at different points pure means: those means which predicated itself on in a class spectrum which encom- amidst a capitalist crisis of valori- the assumption of radical expressivity, passes the peripheral life of a cas- sation make themselves available the pivotal moment ualised lumpenproletariat, ele- to use and misuse in these intense of any Reclaim The Streets event is the ments of a factory proletariat for moments of social revolt, combi- arrival of a smuggled whom the social democratic class nation and communication. What- in soundsystem. […] deal is now far from reciprocal and ever gets employed and distrib- for them cultural manifestations in sections of the educated proletar- utes the signal is the media. This the streets are mani- ianised middle class. Each succes- at least suggests that heretofore, festations of resistance to capitalism.

Anthony Iles Media, Secession and Recession sive revolt has thrown the existing so-called media activists have But radical

154 16 Sljedeća dva članka kasnije javljala su se ozbiljna pitanja o natruhama lifestyle-izma u odražavaju zanimljiv spor oko oblika autentičnosti koji tom pokretu koji je doveo do tog danas čuvenog događaja. Baš kao se pripisuju glazbi u nedav- što je Aufheben oštro kritizirao nesposobnost aktivističkog pokreta nim prosvjednim situacija- ma: Paul Mason, “The Dub- da se suprotstavi dokidanju njegovih sredstava društvene reproduk- step Rebellion”, http://www. cije ∞ potpore za nezaposlene, socijalnog stanovanja, kriminalizaci- bbc.co.uk/blogs/newsnight/ jom skvotova i tako dalje ∞ njegova slabost u novom pejzažu britan- paulmason/2010/ 12/9122010_dubstep_rebelli- skih ∫nancija sasvim je jasno izašla na vidjelo kada su ti pokreti on_-_br.html; Dan Hancox, naglo nestali početkom 21. stoljeća. Time nikako ne želim dovesti u “This is our Riot Pow”, http:// dan-hancox.blogspot. pitanje da su taktike koje je razvio RTS pod utjecajem raverskog bile de/2010/12/this-is-our-riot- i dalje korištene uz dobre rezultate.16 Nekoliko ključnih kritičkih pow.html. Tekst skupine Deteritorrial Support “All the opaski prebacit ću u bilješke kako bi se sada pomaknuo s povijesti Memes of Production” govori na sadašnjost i razmotrio u zaključku što je ostalo vrijedno rasprave o nekim zanimljivim proble- 17 mima u transformaciji ose- u nasljeđu koje sam ukratko prikazao. bujnog kulturnog pokreta u Situacije kakvima svjedočimo posljednjih godina, s masov- politički pokret: http://li- nom mobilizacijom u Sjevernoj Africi, Europi, SAD-u, Južnoj Ameri- bcom.org/library/all-memes- production-deterritorial-sup- ci i Zapadnoj Africi, pokazuju određene zajedničke crte s kulturnim port-group . sklonostima ravea i političkih pokreta koji se s njime povezuju. To

17 Odlična kritika pro- su logika zauzimanja i reteritorijalizacije prostora (preuzimanja svjeda J18 i općenitih tenden- kontrole nad gradom i središnjim urbanim prostorima), glazba, cija koje je istraživao aktivizam u stilu Reclaim the poezija i razne iteracije internetskih mema, čime se stvara složena Streets može se pronaći u: povratna veza između ulice i interneta. Često je i teško i ponešto ReΩections on J18, http:// www.afed.org.uk/online/j18/ besmisleno pokušavati razdvojiti gdje prestaje kultura, a počinje index.html Osobito jetka politika. Ti događaji poprimili su oblik omladinskih prosvjeda, ali i kritika upućena je lifestyle- općenitije, prosvjeda života lišenog prihoda.18 Oni su aktivirali ono izmu: “antikapitalizam se oslanja na pretpostavku “suvišno čovječanstvo” na različitim točkama klasnog spektra koje radikalne ekspresivnosti, seže od života na periferiji kakvim živi lumpenproletarijat sveden ključni trenutak svakog pokreta Reclaim The Streets je na djelomično radno vrijeme, preko elemenata tvorničkog proleta- dolazak prošvercanog razgla- rijata za koji je socijaldemokratski klasni sporazum sada daleko od sa. […] za njih su kulturne manifestacije na ulicama razmjernog, do dijelova obrazovane, proletarizirane srednje klase. manifestacije otpora prema Svaki daljnji prosvjed doveo je u pitanje postojeću stabilnost sred- kapitalizmu. No radikalna ekspresivnost samo je završni stava i njihovu upotrebu, neupotrebljivost, zloupotrebu i kontin- lak na proizvodu koji je dugo genciju/slučajnost. U pobuni u kojoj ljudi koriste sve što im je na putovao pokretnom trakom, i raspolaganju mijenja se i sam pojam “upotrebe”. Kao u čuvenoj zašto bi taj posljednji proces trebalo toliko više cijeniti od izreci Williama Gibsona iz priče Burning Chrome: “Ulica pronalazi ostalih? Zastupati antikapita- vlastitu upotrebu za stvari”.19 Pristup srednjestrujaških medija lističku kulturu u uvjerenju da će se ona “proširiti” i obično pretpostavlja da je nova tehnologija instrument tih pobuna, naposljetku svrgnuti kapital osobito društveni mediji, ali ta dogma ne samo što orijentalizira znači brkati kulturni sadržaj i proizvodnu formu; antikapi- takve pokrete, nego također teži suzbijanju složenijih oblika medi- talizam je fragment pop jacije. kulture i funkcionira kao takav; on ne može nadići U pobunama našeg doba sve češće vidimo suspenziju normal- svoje granice, koje su očite i u nog poretka stvari i formi ponašanja, gdje u prvi plan izlaze novi repetitivnoj i ekskluzivnoj odnosi i pronalazi se svježa građa. Nove upotrebe nastaju iz novih i naravi njegovih događaja.” Monsieur Dupont, Nihilist dotad neviđenih odnosa i šire ih dalje. Kakve oblike obuhvaćaju te Communism, http://theanarc- naizgled spontane iteracije “društvene forme”? Kada ljudi koriste histlibrary.org/library/monsieur-dupont-nihilist-commu- kruh kao medij kako bi izrazili pomanjkanje osnovnih živežnih na- nism (pristup 24. 06. 2013.).

155 Anthony Iles Mediji, secesija i recesija expressivity is only a final layer of varnish on a product that has had a long trip down a conveyor belt, why should this last process of many bevalued so highly? To advocate an anticapitalist culture in the belief that it can be ‘spread’ and will eventually over- throw capital is a confusion of cultural content for productive form; anti- capitalism is a fragment of pop culture and functions as such, it cannot escape its confines, even down to the repetitious and exclusive nature of J18 Carnival Against Global Capital, J18 karneval protiv globalnog kapi- its events.” Mon- Anon., London, 18 June 1999. tala, anon., London, 18. lipnja 1999. sieur Dupont, Nihilist Communism, http:// theanarchistlibrary. org/library/monsieur-dupont-nihilist-communism (accessed 24/06/2013)

18 “The destination of the unemployed, of the ‘reserve army of labour’ , was to be called back into active service. The destination of waste is the waste-yard, the rubbish heap”. “The production of ‘human waste’, or more correctly wasted humans... is an inevitable outcome of moderniza- Never Mind the Ballots tion”; “refugees, Reclaim the Streets, Re- asylum seekers, claim the Streets, flyer immigrants are ‘the for two day festival and waste products of protest, London 12-13 globalization’”. Zygmunt Bauman April, 1997. quoted in Michael Never Mind the Ballots Denning, “Wageless Reclaim the Streets, Life”, New Left Reclaim the Streets, Review 66, Novem- flajer za dvodnevni ber-December 2010, p.96. festival i prosvjed, London 12-13. travnja 1997. A Tunisian demonstrator, Fred Dufour/AFP/Getty Tunizijski demonstrant, Fred Dufour/AFP/Getty Images, Tunis, 18 January 2011. Images, Tunis, 18. siječnja 2011.

People take clothes from a looted store near a super- Ljudi uzimaju odjeću iz pokradenog dućana ne- market, in La Gazella, Tunis, AFP/Getty, 15 January daleko od supermarketa u La Gazelli, Tunis, AFP/ 2011. Getty, 15. siječnja 2011. “Tear gas makes us high,” Taksim Square Istanbul, “Suzavac nas samo diže”, trg Taksim u Istanbulu, Anon., 2013. anon., 2013. 18 “Cilj nezaposlenih, te mirnica, kada upere baget kao oružje prema policajcima, kada ‘rezervne armije rada’, bio je da ih pozovu natrag u aktivnu pljačkaši tijekom nemira koriste nogu lutke iz izloga kako bi razbili službu. Cilj smeća je smetli- staklo i nametnuli preraspodjelu sredstava odozdo, govorimo o me- šte, gomila otpada”. “Proi- zvodnja ‘ljudskog otpada’, dijima kao o nečistom sredstvu: sredstvu koje se usred kapitalistič- točnije propalih ljudi... nei- ke krize proizvodnje vrijednosti nudi za upotrebu i zloupotrebu tije- zbježna je posljedica moder- kom intenzivnih trenutaka društvene pobune, povezivanja i komu- nizacije”; “izbjeglice, azilanti, imigranti su ‘otpadni proi- nikacije. Što god se može upotrijebiti i prenositi signal jest medij. zvodi globalizacije’”. To ukazuje kako su do sada takozvani medijski aktivisti pogrešno Zygmunt Bauman, citat u: Michael Denning, “Wageless postavljali pitanje vlasništva nad medijima. Budući da su svi mediji Life”, New Left Review 66 (čak i u konzervativnom smislu) proizvod društvenog rada ∞ rada (studeni-prosinac 2010.), str. 96. onih koji rade ∞ sve se to i podruštvljuje i istodobno nam se oduzima. Mi doslovce ne uspijevamo uživati plodove i bogatstvo svoga 19 “Pitanje nije vodi li internet u oslobođenje ili rada. Mediji se podruštvljuju na način da nam oduzimaju moć. Sto- potčinjenost: od svoga na- ga nije nužno ukazativati na ono što bi trebalo biti “slobodno” od stanka on uvijek proizvodi i kapitalističke kontrole, nego kako i kada ćemo uzeti te stvari na- jedno i drugo. To je dijalekti- ka interneta i jedan aspekt trag, kako i kada će ljudi uspostaviti kontrolu nad svojom samome- uvijek je povezan s drugim, dijacijom putem uređaja, kako će modulirati dane signale. Osobno jer internet je forma koju je danas poprimio kapitalizam, tvrdim da je to neka vrsta suviška, koji se ne može niti silom zadrža- a kapitalizam je i sam kontra- ti kod kuće niti se može privatizirati i prodati. Očito je da će s jed- dikcija u procesu. [...] U kapitalizmu sve funkcionira nog gledišta višak koji je aktivan u društvenim pokretima gotovo na taj način: potrošnja oslo- sigurno i kasnije davati građu za nove oblike komodi∫kacije. No to bađa i porobljuje, donosi oslobođenje, ali i novu potči- nije nužno jedini način gledanja na stvari, jer u novim oblicima koji njenost, i krug kreće ispočet- nastaju u ciklonu današnjih pobuna, kao što su čudnovati ritualizi- ka, samo na višoj razini. [...] rani ples i pjesma nogometnih navijača Al-Ahlawyja, ljudi se sami borba bi se trebala sastojati u poticanju praksi oslobođenja pretvaraju u komunikacijske uređaje, mimetički se samootuđuju i koje treba suprotstaviti prak- postaju strojevi kako bi otvorili prostor kroz koji može proći nešto sama potčinjavanja. To se 20 može postići samo ako pre- novo. To opisuje nove koncentracije i kombinacije energije, nosi stanemo gledati na tehnolo- sa sobom vlastitu povijest i vlastiti način autoreΩeksije. To je rezul- giju kao na autonomnu silu i shvatimo da je oblikuju i tat naše nedovršene sadašnjosti i njezinih radikalnih medijacija. pokreću vlasnički odnosi, odnosi moći i proizvodni Prijevod s engleskoga: Marina Miladinov odnosi.” Wu Ming, “Fetishi- sm of Digital Commodities”, http://www.wumingfoundation.com/english/wuming blog/?p=1895 .

20 Ultras Ahlawy pjevaju “Oh Council of Bastards”, http://www.youtube.com/wat ch?v=3XvnIOzX64I&feature=s hare&list=PLpt2NTR68_TA- LE4-LV1g5_CUYO8SUgK1u (pristup 01. 07. 2013.).

159 Anthony Iles Mediji, secesija i recesija posed the question of ownership of media not necessarily the only way of 19 “The question is not whether the net falsely. Since all media (even in the conserva- seeing things, rather, in the new produces liberation tive sense) are the product of social labour — shapes invented in the cyclone of or subjugation: since its creation, it has the labour of those who work — and all of this is present revolts, such as the always been produc- both socialised and taken away from us. We strange ritualised dancing and ing both things. literally do not get to enjoy the fruits, and chanting of Al-Ahlawy’s football That’s the net’s dialectics, one as- wealth of our labour. These media are social- supporters, people turn them- pect is always to- ised in such a way as to disempower us. There- selves into communications de- gether with the other, because the fore it is not necessary to pose what is ‘free’ of vices, through mimesis they self- net is the form capi- capitalist control, but rather how and when we alienate and become machinic in talism has taken nowadays, and take these things back, how and when people order to open a space through capitalism itself is control their self-mediation through devices, which something new can pass.20 the contradiction in process. [...] Under how they modulate the given signals. It is, I It describes novel concentrations capitalism, every- would argue, some kind of surfeit which can- and combinations of energies, it thing works like this: not either be disciplined to stay at home, nor carries it’s own history and it’s consumption sets free and enslaves, it privatised and sold. Obviously, from one per- own mode of self-reflection with brings about libera- spective the surplus active in social movements it. This is the working out of our tion that is also new subjugation, and the will almost certainly also later provide material interminable present and it’s radi- cycle starts over on a for new forms of commodification. But, this is cal mediations. higher level. [...] struggle should consist in fostering practices of liberation to be played against the practices of subjugation. This can be done only if we stop considering technology as an autonomous force and realize that it is moulded and driven by property relations, power relations, and production relations.” Wu Ming, “Fetishism of Digital Commodi- ties” http://www. wumingfoundation. com/english/wum- ingblog/ ?p=1895

20 Ultras Ahlawy chanting “Oh Coun- cil of Bastards”, http://www. youtube.com/watch ?v=3XvnIOzX64I&fe ature=share&list= PLpt2NTR68_ TALE4-LV1g5_CUY- O8SUgK1u [accessed 01/07/2013] Anthony Iles Media, Secession and Recession

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08 Joanne Richardson Raditi ∫lmove politički

Upućujem ovo svim ∫lmašima koji prihvaćaju ograničena, društveno određena pravila o jasnoći ekspozicije, i koji misle da se ∫lmovi moraju služiti usvojenim vokabularom kako bi bili “uvjerljivi”. U osnovi, želimo reći: Vi svojim radom, kakvi god bili vaši razlozi, kakav god bio vaš pretpostavljeni “sadržaj”, samo podupirete i potičete ovo društvo; vi ste dio mehanizama koji održavaju stabilnost putem reintegracije; vaši ∫lmovi pomažu da se sve održi na okupu; i naposljetku, kakvi god bili vaši drugi opisi, vi ste već izabrali stranu. Shvatite: vaš smisao za red i formu već je politički izbor. Robert Kramer, Newsreel, 1968.

studentskim danima znala sam gledati “teške” ∫lmove Jean-Luca Godarda, Chrisa Markera i Haruna Farockija. Kada sam odustala od U doktorata kako bih se bavila medijskim aktivizmom, moje zanimanje za avangardni ∫lm pretvorilo se u nešto poput neugodnog priznanja, budući da je iskazivalo određenu intelektualnu povlašte- nost, ili pak želju da pobjegnem od aktualne stvarnosti, koja se čini- la sasvim drugačijom od 60-ih i 70-ih godina, ili još gore ∞ fetišizaci- ju paradigmi “starih medija”. No nakon 2005., kada sam počela osjećati sve veću nelagodu zbog stavova u mrežama medijskih aktivista u koje sam bila uključena ∞ i kada je s pojavom YouTubea poziv na otvorenu participaciju i transformaciju potrošača u proizvo- đače počeo sličiti na liberalno-demokratsku, kapitalističku utopiju ∞ neke od tih starih, prašnjavih ideja iz 70-ih godina ponovo su mi se učinile zanimljivima. Osobno mi je najinspirativniji od tih ana- kronizama bila Godardova razlika između raditi političke ∫lmove i raditi ∫lmove na politički način, što je djelovalo kao pomak fokusa

163 Joanne Richardson Raditi ∫lmove politički 08

Joanne Richardson

Making Films Politically

To all filmmakers who accept I used to watch “diffi- the limited, socially determined cult” films by Jean-Luc rules of clarity of exposition, l Godard, Chris Marker who think that films must use and Harun Farocki in graduate the accepted vocabulary to school. After I quit my PhD to be- “convince,” we say, essentially: come a media activist, my interest You only work, whatever your in avant-garde film turned into reasons, whatever your pre- something of an embarrassing sumed “content,” to support confession, as if it betrayed a sign and bolster this society; you are of intellectual privilege, or a depart of the mechanisms which sire to escape from a current real- maintain stability through re- ity that seemed very different integration; your films are help- from the 1960s and 70s, or even ing to hold it all together; and worst - a fetishizing of the para- finally, whatever your other digms of “old media.” But after descriptions, you have already 2005, when I started to feel a chosen sides. Dig: Your sense growing unease with the assump- of order and form is already a tions of the media activist net- political choice. works I was involved with - and Robert Kramer, Newsreel, when, in the wake of YouTube, the call for 1968 open participation and the transformation of consumers into producers began to look like a liberal democratic, capitalist utopia - some of the old, dusty ideas from the 1970s began to take on an interesting hue again. For me, the most inspiring of these anachronisms was

Joanne R ichardson Making Films Politically Godard’s distinction between making political

164 sa sadržaja djela na njegov modus proizvodnje ∞ shvaćen veoma široko kao nešto što obuhvaća transformaciju forme, stila, tehnika, kao i stvarnih odnosa proizvodnje djela i njegove recepcije. Raditi političke ∫lmove obično se shvaća u smislu dvaju polova na koje se stavlja naglasak u različitim povijesnim trenucima: (1) “Političko” u političkoj režiji najčešće se de∫nira u smislu sadržaja ili priče, koja je kombinacija određene teme (na primjer, političke borbe protiv potlačenosti) i one vrste ugla ili perspektive pomoću kojih se ta tema artikulira. U tom kontekstu biti politički režiser pretpostavlja neku vrstu ne-neutralnosti, u rasponu od umjerenog angažmana do gnjevne militantnosti. Ono što je pritom ključno jest uspostava antihegemonijskog diskursa predstavlja- njem manjinskih perspektiva koje odstupaju od stvarnosti konsenzusa i dovode u pitanja prevladavajuće norme. U ovom shvaćanju pridjeva “političko” čujemo odjeke Rancièreova fundamentalnoga razumijevanja “političkoga” kao neslaganja, kao raskida s discipli- nirajućim poretkom ili s dominantnom interpretacijom koja organizira način na koji se gleda na stvari, što se smije reći i koji su vidovi ispravnog ponašanja. U ovom shvaćanju “političkoga” također možemo vidjeti preklapanje s konceptom “radikalnoga” ∞ pri čemu se implicira da spomenuti raskid nije neka kozmetička promjena na površini, nego pokušaj da se prodre duboko, do samih korijena, kako bi se preispitala sama osnova dominantne interpretacije koja organizira materijalni svijet. U povijesnom smislu, ovo shvaćanje političke režije u kontekstu sadržaja i artikulacije vidljivo je u militantnoj ∫lmskoj tradiciji koja se javila 50-ih godina prošlog stoljeća s klasičnim antikoloni- jalnim ∫lmom Alaina Resnaisa i Chrisa Markera Statues Also Die, a nastavila se 60-ih i 70-ih, osobito s Godardovom i Guerinovom “Groupe Dziga Vertov” te Solanasovom i Getinovom skupinom “Cine Liberación”. Militantni ∫lm isticao je svoj kontinuitet u odnosu na starije tradicije militantnog tiska, kao i sovjetske agit-prop režije. Iako je naglašavao antihegemonijsku poruku koja je prekida- la status quo, nastavio je primjenjivati tradicionalne oblike obraća- nja i privilegirati intelektualce kao stručnjake, čime je održavao strukturalne hijerarhije znanja. Često je zapadao i u najgore krajno- sti u svojoj militantnosti. Valja se podsjetiti da je taj termin prvi put korišten kako bi se opisali Božji vojnici koji su branili kršćansku vjeru u srednjem vijeku. Militantni revolucionari 60-ih i 70-ih godina prošlog stoljeća bili su nelagodno slični svojim nekadašnjim rođacima: vjerovanje u neku uzvišenu stvar, beskompromisna ne- popustljivost, osjećaj da je ono što čine ispravno jer posjeduju apso- lutnu istinu, želja da se osvoji i obrati, te prešutni avangardizam njihove misije da prosvijetle mase.

165 Joanne Richardson Raditi ∫lmove politički films and making films politically, which had Historically, this under- the effect of shifting the focus from the con- standing of political filmmaking in tent of a work to its mode of production - un- terms of content and articulation derstood in a very broad sense as incorporat- is visible in the militant film tradi- ing a transformation of form, style, montage tion that emerged during the techniques, as well as the actual relations of 1950s with Alain Resnais and Chris producing the work and its reception. Marker’s classic anti-colonialist Making political films has commonly film Statues also Die, and contin- been understood in terms of two poles, which ued into the 1960s and 70s, most have been emphasized during different histor- famously with Godard and Guer- ical moments: in’s Dziga Vertov Group and (1) The “political” in political filmmaking Solanas and Getino’s Cine Lib- is most often defined in terms of the content eración group. Militant film posi- or story, which is a combination of a particular tioned itself in continuity both subject matter (for example, a political strug- with older traditions of the mili- gle against oppression) and the kind of angle tant press and with Soviet agit- or perspective through which it is articulated. prop filmmaking. Although it em- In this context being a political filmmaker sig- phasized a counter-hegemonic nals a form of non-neutrality, message that broke with the sta- ranging from tempered engage- tus quo, it continued to adopt tra- ment to rabid militancy. What is ditional modes of address and to essential is the creation of a coun- privilege intellectuals as experts, ter-hegemonic discourse by pre- thereby maintaining structural hi- senting minoritarian perspectives erarchies of knowledge. And it that depart from consensus reality often fell prey to the worst ex- and challenge prevailing norms. In cesses of militancy. It’s useful to this understanding of the adjec- recall that militancy was first used tive “political” we can hear echoes to describe the soldiers of God defending the of Ranciere’s substantive notion Christian faith during the middle ages. The of “the political” as dissensus, as a revolutionary militants of the 1960s and 70s rupture with the police order or bore an uncanny resemblance to their older the dominant interpretation that relatives: a belief in a supreme cause, an un- organizes how things are seen, compromising intransigence, a sense of right- what can be said, and modes of eousness about possessing the ultimate truth, proper conduct. In this under- a desire to conquer and convert, and an implic- standing of “political” we can also it vanguardism about their mission to enlight- see an overlap with the concept of en the masses. “radical” — the implication is that (2) The second sense in which political the rupture is not a cosmetic filmmaking has been understood is in refer- change on the surface, but an at- ence to its medium and the inherent possibili- tempt to dig back to the roots, to ties of its technological apparatus for democ- question the very foundation of ratization by breaking the barriers between the dominant interpretation that experts and amateurs and between active pro- organizes the sensible. ducers and passive consumers. This approach

Joanne R ichardson Making Films Politically to political filmmaking focuses on the proc-

166 (2) Drugi smisao u kojem se shvaća političko režiranje odnosi se na njegov medij i inherentne sposobnosti njegova tehnološkog aparata da provede demokratizaciju rušenjem barijera između stručnjaka i amatera te između aktivnih proizvođača i pasivnih po- trošača. Taj pristup političkoj režiji usredotočen je na procese koji daju moć običnom čovjeku omogućujući mu da direktno sudjeluje u proizvodnji te vidi društvenu promjenu kao nešto što se ne stvara (samo) antihegemonijskim diskursima nego i mijenjanjem samog procesa proizvodnje. Taj fokus na procesu proizvodnje podsjeća na pre∫gurativnu politiku koja se često povezuje s anarhizmom, iako se ne može svesti na nj ∞ to znači ne samo spekulirati o tome kako bi novo društvo trebalo izgledati nakon revolucije nego i uspostaviti društvene odnose i oblike organizacije koji su potrebni da bi se to novo društvo već stvorilo u mikrokozmosu. To shvaćanje pridjeva “političko” približava se Castoriadisovu fundamentalnom razumi- jevanju “političkoga” kao kreativnog čina instituiranja, kao kolektivnog pothvata ljudi koji stvaraju vlastite institucije i reguliraju vlastito sudjelovanje u društvenoj domeni. U tom kontekstu gesta radikalnosti nije samo stvar zadiranja sve do korijena i rušenja temelja, nego je to kreativan proces stvaranja novih korijena kroz ne- hijerarhijsku samoorganizaciju; to je kolektivno uspostavljanje novih želja, zakona i društvenih formacija. U povijesnom smislu to novo shvaćanje političkoga odgovaralo je prijelazu s militantne režije na video aktivizam kao rezultatu ideo- loške krize ∞ kako dokumentarnog ∫lma, tako i militantnosti ∞ u kombinaciji s pojavom novih tehnologija. Tijekom 60-ih godina do- kumentarna tradicija počela je dovoditi u pitanje posrednički pogled redatelja i produkcijskog aparata u njihovu nastojanju da pred- stave stvarnost. Američki direktni ∫lm nastojao je postići vjerniju reprezentaciju, neku vrstu čiste transparentnosti, tako što je saču- vao redateljevu ruku vodilju, ali je sveo njegovu subjektivnu perspektivu i stil na minimum. Za razliku od toga, francuski cinéma vérité ubacio je kameru i redatelja direktno na ekran, skrećući pozornost na neizbježnost kamere i na konstruiranu narav svake reprezentacije. Još radikalniji eksperimenti pokušali su sasvim ukinuti reprezentaciju dajući običnom čovjeku oruđe za stvaranje vlastitih slika. Lo- gični rezultat odbacivanja medijacije bio je nestanak redatelja kao autora i umijeća specijalizacije. Bolje zahvatiti stvarnost naposljetku je značilo demokratizirati proizvodnju slika koja je sada bila svima dostupna. Iako je bilo hibridnih eksperimenata poput skupina “Medvedkine” Chrisa Markera i američkih kolektiva “Newsreel”, koji su nastojali dati proces proizvodnje slika u ruke ljudima, ali su zadržali staru tehnologiju ∫lma, želja za demokratizacijom najčešće je išla ruku pod ruku s tehnološkim inovacijama ∞ počevši od razvoja prijenosne video kamere 60-ih godina pa sve do današnjih novih

167 Joanne Richardson Raditi ∫lmove politički esses that empower ordinary people through tracting his subjective perspec- their direct participation in production, and tive and style as much as possible. sees social change as created not (only) through By contrast, French cinema verite counter-hegemonic discourses but by altering inserted the camera and the film- the process of production itself. The focus on maker directly into the screen, the production process invokes a prefigurative drawing attention to the inevita- politics that is often associated with anarchism bility of mediation and the con- but not reducible to it - it means not just spec- structed nature of all representa- ulating about how a new society should look tion. More radical experiments after the revolution but instantiating the social sought to abolish representation relations and organizational forms necessary altogether by giving ordinary peo- to already create that new society in micro- ple the tools to produce their own cosm. This understanding of the adjective “po- images. The logical result of re- litical” comes close to Castoriadis’ substantive jecting mediation was the disap- notion of “the political” as a creative act of in- pearance of the filmmaker as au- stituting, as a collective undertaking by people thor and of the artifice of speciali- to create their own institutions and to self- zation. Better capturing the real regulate their participation in the social field. ultimately meant democratizing In this context, the gesture of rad- the production of images by plac- icality is not just about digging ing it within everyone’s reach. Al- back to the roots and dismantling though there were hybrid experi- the foundation, it is a creative ments like Chris Marker’s Medved- process of laying down new roots kine groups and the American through non-hierarchical self-or- Newsreel collectives, which ganization, it is a collective posit- sought to place the process of im- ing of new desires, laws and social age production in the hands of the formations. people but retained the old tech- Historically this different nology of film, the desire for democratization understanding of the political cor- most often went hand in hand with technologi- responded to a shift from militant cal innovations - beginning with the develop- filmmaking to video activism, ment of portable video in the 1960s and con- which was the result of an ideo- tinuing into the present with new forms of on- logical crisis - of documentary film line distribution. An important precedent in as well as militancy - coupled with this history was the National Film Board of the emergence of new technolo- Canada’s 1968 initiative to send filmmakers gies. During the 1960s, the docu- armed with the newly invented Sony porta- mentary tradition began to ques- pack to teach slum dwellers and native Ameri- tion the mediating gaze of the can Indians to produce their own narratives. filmmaker and of the apparatus of This was followed by a wave of video activism production in its attempt to repre- in the US, with the most famous examples in- sent reality. American direct cine- cluding collectives like the Raindance Corpora- ma sought to achieve a truer rep- tion and community media centers like Down- resentation, a kind of pure trans- town Community Television Center and Paper parency, by preserving the guiding Tiger Television, which trained thousands of

Joanne R ichardson Making Films Politically hand of the filmmaker but sub- people to become video activists. A second

168 oblika internetske distribucije. Važan presedan u tom povijesnom razvoju bila je inicijativa Kanadskog nacionalnog ∫lmskog odbora 1968. godine da se pošalje redatelje, oboružane novoizumljenim Sonyjevim portapackom, kako bi podučili stanovnike slamova i američke Indijance proizvodnji vlastitih naracija. Nakon toga uslijedio je val video aktivizma u SAD-u, gdje su među najpoznatijim primjerima bili kolektivi kao što su “Raindance Corporation” i društve- ni medijski centri kao “Downtown Community Television Center” i “Paper Tiger Television”, koji su obučili tisuće ljudi za video aktivizam. Drugi pomak dogodio se krajem 80-ih i početkom 90-ih godina kada je video aktivizam doživio procvat zahvaljujući jeftinoj potro- šačkoj elektronici kao što su bile video kamere i video rekorderi, koji su prvi put omogućili običnom čovjeku, barem u teoriji, da sve “uradi sam”. Nakon toga uslijedio je treći pomak uslijed rođenja interneta, točnije s dostupnošću online-platformi za video distribuciju, po- čevši od platforme Indymedia 1999. godine pa sve do daleko popu- larnijeg YouTubea 2005. (iako je važno napomenuti, kad ih spominjemo jedan uz drugog, da postoje važne razlike između tih dvaju modela u pogledu odlučivanja i vlasništva). Za razliku od militantnog ∫lma, video aktivizam nastojao je potaknuti revolucionarnu promjenu tako što će pretvoriti gledatelje u proizvođače i ukinuti razliku između stručnjaka koji stvaraju kulturu i njezinih pasivnih potrošača. Još od 60-ih godina najveći cilj video aktivizma bio je dati tehnologiju u ruke “narodu”. To je tako- đer rezultiralo raznim slabostima i ograničenjima, od prevladavaju- će uporabe repetitivnih, stilistički konvencionalnih slika koje isto izgledaju i stapaju jedna u drugu, do toga da su pitanja o formi, stilu, montaži i recepciji pala u drugi plan kao manje važna, kulmini- rajući u pretjeranom naglasku na transformacijskim potencijalima same tehnologije. Prenapuhana nadanja koja su se oslanjala na tehnološku inovaciju postala su sasvim očita s halabukom koja je okruživala Web 2.0, kapitalistički model zasnovan upravo na veliča- nju otvorene participacije koja je nekada bila karakteristična za video aktivizam i kasniji medijski aktivizam koji je okruživao rođe- nje interneta. Masovni pogon korisnika YouTubea koji su radili besplatno, direktno pridonoseći njegovoj vrijednosti, nije dobila ni djelić te vrijednosti kada je Google kupio YouTube za 1,65 milijarde dolara. Nadzor je bio uglavnom jednosmjeran (na početku korisnici čak nisu mogli niti skidati video), a vlasništvo nad infrastrukturom i pravila korištenja ostala su u rukama korporacijskog monopola. Takva iskrivljena aktualizacija obećanja medijskog aktivizma pokazala je da nije dovoljno imati oruđe pa da se nešto “uradi sam”. Puko stavljanje sredstava za proizvodnju u ruke pasivnog potrošača neće automatski uzdrmati tlačiteljske odnose moći. Trebalo je postaviti dodatna pitanja.

169 Joanne Richardson Raditi ∫lmove politički shift took place in the late 1980s and early dia activism surrounding the birth 1990s, when video activism exploded as the of the internet. The massive fac- result of cheap consumer electronics like cam- tory of YouTube users who worked corders and video players, which for the first for free and directly contributed time made it truly possible, at least in theory, to its value didn’t receive any for ordinary people to “do it themselves.” This share of that value when Google was followed by a third shift after the birth of bought YouTube for $1.65 billion. the internet, and more specifically with the The control was mostly one-direc- availability of online platforms for video distri- tional (at the beginning users bution, starting with Indymedia in 1999 and in couldn’t even download videos) a much more widespread form with YouTube in and the ownership of the infra- 2005 (although mentioning them as a continu- structure and rules of use re- um, it’s important to note that there are sig- mained in the hands of a corporate nificant differences between these two mod- monopoly. Such a distorted actu- els in terms of decision making and owner- alization of the promise of media ship). activism showed that it wasn’t In contrast to militant film, video activ- enough to have the tools to “do it ism sought to provoke revolutionary change by yourself.” Simply putting the turning spectators into producers means of production into the and eliminating the difference be- hands of the passive consumer tween experts who create culture would not automatically shatter and its passive consumers. Ever oppressive relations of power. since the 1960s, the highest goal There were still other questions of video activism has been placing to be asked. the technology in the hands of It was in attempt to ask “the people.” This has also result- these other questions that I turned ed in several weaknesses and limi- to leftist experimental film from tations, ranging from the domi- the 1960s and 70s. Although Godard’s impera- nant use of repetitive, stylistically tive to make film politically came from the pe- conventional images that tend to riod when he worked as part of the militant look the same and blur into one Dziga Vertov Group, which he subsequently another, to downplaying ques- criticized for having produced “Marxist-Lenin- tions about form, style, montage ist garbage,” the best examples of making film and audience reception as less im- politically are found in his later collaborations portant, and culminating in an ex- with Anne-Marie Mieville. What’s striking aggerated emphasis on the trans- about his films with Mieville is their distance formational potentials of the tech- both from militant filmmaking and the newly nology itself. The inflated hope emerging video activism. Here & Elsewhere is pinned on technological innova- especially interesting because it deconstructs tion became most obvious with one of his earlier Dziga Vertov Group films, Un- the hype surrounding Web 2.0, a til Victory, which was shot in 1970 as the Pales- capitalist model based exactly on tinian Liberation Organization was preparing the celebration of open participa- for a revolution. “We went to Palestine a few tion that had been characteristic years ago,” Godard says. “To make a film about

Joanne R ichardson Making Films Politically of video activism and the later me- the coming revolution. But who is this we,

170 Upravo sam se u nastojanju da postavim ta druga pitanja okre- nula ljevičarskom eksperimentalnom ∫lmu iz 60-ih i 70-ih godina. Iako je Godardov nalog da treba režirati politički potjecao iz razdoblja kada je djelovao kao član militantne “Groupe Dziga Vertova”, koju je kasnije kritizirao da je proizvodila “marksističko-lenjinistič- ko smeće”, najbolji primjeri režiranja na politički način mogu se pronaći u njegovim kolaboracijama s Anne-Marie Mieville. Ono što fascinira u njegovim ∫lmovima s Mievilleovom je njihov odmak od militantne režije baš kao i od novonastalog video aktivizma. Film Here & Elsewhere osobito je zanimljiv jer dekonstruira jedan od njegovih ranijih ∫lmova nastalih sa Skupinom Dziga Vertov: Until Vic- tory, koji je snimljen 1970. godine dok je Palestinska oslobodilačka organizacija pripremala revoluciju. Otišli smo u Palestinu prije nekoliko godina, kaže Godard. Željeli smo napraviti ∫lm o predstoje- ćoj revoluciji. Ali tko smo to mi, sada? Zašto smo otišli onamo, ili drugamo? Nevidljivi pripovjedač priznaje: “Po povratku u Francu- sku ne znaš što bi s tim ∫lmom... proturječja eksplodiraju, uključu- jući i tebe.” Godard priznaje da on i Gorin nisu pokušali napraviti ∫lm o onome što su Palestinci stvarno činili, nego o onome što su oni kao redatelji željeli reći. “Učinili smo isto što su činili i mnogi drugi. Napravili smo slike i previše pojačali ton… Uvijek taj isti zvuk, i uvijek preglasan: Prag, Montevideo, svibanj ’68 u Francu- skoj, u Italiji, kineska Kulturna revolucija… ton je bio tako glasan da je naposljetku ugušio glas koji se želio dobiti iz slike.” Here and Elsewhere je kritika načina na koji se militantnost režira kao politič- ko kazalište, od propagandističkih zvukova do prikrivanja neslaganja kako bi se prikazala lažna slika naroda ujedinjenog u borbi. Film također preispituje suučesništvo aktivističkih režisera koji organiziraju ton i slike na speci∫čan način kako bi prikazali “pra- vu” političku poruku i time omeli kritičko mišljenje. U razdoblju u kojem je dominirala politika poruke (izjave, proglasi, obznane rata) ∫lm Here & Elsewhere traži politiku pitanja. Rađenje političkih ∫lmova oslanja se na meta∫zičku koncepciju reprezentacije, na naturaliziranu interpretaciju odnosa slike i stvarnosti na koju se ta slika odnosi. Za razliku od toga, raditi ∫lmove politički znači istraživati kako slike pronalaze svoje značenje i izokretati pravila reprezentacije. To znači izazivati gledatelje da postanu politička bića, da razmisle o svome odnosu prema slikama i o vlastitoj poziciji u odnosu na moć. Godardova uporaba priloga “po- litički” dijelom se poklapala s novom paradigmom koja se javila u francuskoj ljevici 60-ih godina, a koja je promatrala političko kao raskid s hegemonijskom interpretacijom svijeta ili kao pokušaj uspostave novih oblika proizvodnje, a time implicitno i novih društve- nih odnosa. No tu postoji i važna razlika. Uporaba riječi “politički” kao priloga podrazumijeva više od raskida s etabliranim poretkom

171 Joanne Richardson Raditi ∫lmove politički here? Why did we go there, elsewhere?” The lapped the new paradigm that voiceover confesses, “back in France you don’t emerged among the French left in know what to make of the film ... the contra- the 1960s, which viewed the po- dictions explode, including you.” Godard ad- litical as a rupture with the hegem- mits that he and Gorin had tried to make a film onic interpretation of the world or not about what the Palestinians were really as an attempt to institute new doing but about what they as filmmakers had forms of production and, implicit- wanted to say. “We did what many others were ly, new social relations. But there’s doing. We made images and we turned the vol- also a significant difference. The ume up too high … Always the same sound, al- use of the word “politically” as an ways too loud: Prague, Montevideo, May ’68 adverb implies more than just a in France, Italy, Chinese Cultural Revolution … rupture with the established order so loud that it ended up drowning out the voice or the instantiation of a new poie- that it wanted to get out of the image.” Here sis of autonomy. As an adverb, it is and Elsewhere is a critique of how militancy is a way of doing things, a particular staged as a political theater, from its propa- way of destabilizing or instituting. gandistic sounds to its covering up of disjunc- It questions the voice that would tions in order to present a false image of the oppose hegemony with a counter- people united in struggle. The film hegemony, and the authority of an also interrogates the complicity of autonomous self that would insti- activist filmmakers who organize tute new laws out of its own abun- sound and images in a particular dant creativity. It is a second-order way to present a “correct” politi- critique that always asks from cal message and thereby inhibit what position does one speak, critical thinking. In an era domi- what are the possibilities and lim- nated by a politics of the message its of the medium that conveys (statements, communiqués, decla- that discourse, what gives the dis- rations of war), Here & Elsewhere course its aura of authority, can a representa- searches for a politics of the question ever become a political act, and can a film tion. provoke social change simply by showing revo- Making political films relies lutionary images? This is an understanding of on a metaphysical conception of the political as a moment of instability, of per- representation, a naturalized in- petual undecidability, as something that is al- terpretation of the relations be- ways temporary, fragile and provisional. It tween the image and the reality it means recognizing that in the search to start refers to. By contrast, making films again from zero, there is no foundation and no politically means investigating root to be uncovered. how images find their meaning and In contrast to the ideological intransi- disrupting the rules of representa- gence of militant film and the desire for pure tion. It means provoking the view- immediacy and direct participation of video ers to become political animals, to activism, there has been a third tendency that reflect on their relation to the im- emerged on the margins of the avant-garde, ages and on their own position vis a which included filmmakers such as Godard and vis power. Godard’s use of the ad- Mieville, Chris Marker, Harun Farocki, Peter

Joanne R ichardson Making Films Politically verb “politically” partly over- Watkins and Trinh Minh-ha. This third tenden-

172 ili jednokratnog ozbiljenja nove stvarajačke moći autonomije. Kao prilog, to je način na koji se nešto čini, speci∫čan način destabiliza- cije ili instituiranja. Taj prilog dovodi u pitanje glas koji bi se uspro- tivio hegemoniji antihegemonijom, kao i autoritet autonomnog sebstva koji bi uspostavio nove zakone iz vlastite obilne kreativnosti. To je kritika drugog reda, koja uvijek pita s koje se pozicije govori, koje su mogućnosti i ograničenja medija koji prenosi neki diskurs, što daje tom diskursu njegovu auru autoriteta, može li reprezentacija ikada postati političkim činom i može li jedan ∫lm izazvati društvene promjene naprosto pokazivanjem revolucionarnih slika? To je shvaćanje političkoga kao momenta nestabilnosti, trajne neodredivosti, nečega što je uvijek privremeno, krhko i probno. To znači priznati da u potrazi koja će krenuti od nule nema temelja i nema korijena koji bi se otkrio. Za razliku od ideološke nepopustljivosti militantnog ∫lma i želje za pukom neposrednošću i direktnom participacijom video aktivizma, postojala je i treća tendencija, koja se javila na rubovima avangarde, a koja je uključivala redatelje kao što su Godard i Mievi- lle, Chris Marker, Harun Farocki, Peter Watkins i Trinh Minh-ha. Ta treća tendencija krenula je od početne postavke video aktivizma ∞ naime da ono što treba promijeniti nije samo sadržaj, nego i sam način proizvodnje ∞ ali je tu promjenu načina proizvodnje shvaćala na daleko složeniji način nego što bi bila demokratizacija proizvodnje i pretvorba potrošača u proizvođača. U vlastitim videima poku- šala sam elaborirati značenje te složenosti slijedeći pet različitih smjernica:

1. Intersubjektni odnosi:

U sasvim doslovnom smislu, raditi ∫lm politički znači preispitati njegov cjelokupni način proizvodnje - počevši od organizacije inter- subjektnih odnosa onih koji proizvode to djelo. To znači dovesti u pitanje hijerarhije znanja i podjele rada u procesu proizvodnje, narav odnosa redatelja i onih koje on predstavlja, kao i odnos onoga tko “režira” i onih koji izvode, što se obično smatra manje važnim. Transformacija tih hijerarhija podrazumijevala bi da se proces proizvodnje učini istinski kolaboracijskim tako što će se uključiti drugi subjekti u dijalog umjesto da se govori za njih ili da ih se instru- mentalizira kao sredstvo za komunikaciju unaprijed zamišljene poruke. Godine 2004. napravila sam dva videa o nacionalizmu u Ru- munjskoj, u suradnji s tinejdžerima, kao dio video-aktivističkog projekta pod naslovom Stvarne ∫kcije. Gledano unatrag, čini mi se da sam time što sam se usredotočila uglavnom na uključivanje ne-

173 Joanne Richardson Raditi ∫lmove politički cy began from the initial premise of video ac- such as questions about represen- tivism - namely, that what must be changed is tation, form and audience recep- not merely the content but the mode of pro- tion, were neglected. Formally duction itself - but it understood the change of the videos were typical documen- the mode of production in a much more com- taries, and although they were plex sense than democratizing production and collaboratively produced, there turning consumers into producers. In my own was a clear boundary between video work, I’ve attempted to elaborate the those of us who collaborated to meaning of this complexity along 5 different make the works and the subjects trajectories: who were represented in them. This boundary was deliberately subverted in Reconstruction 1. Intersubjective relations: (2009), a work about the repression of the anti-NATO events in In the most literal sense, making film politically Bucharest in 2008. The video was means interrogating its entire mode of produc- a collaboration with the anti- tion, starting with the organization of inter- NATO activists and the artist subjective relations between those who pro- group h.arta, who had organized duce the work. It means question- and participated in the events. In ing the hierarchies of knowledge contrast to the earlier project, the and divisions of labor of the pro- subjects who were represented duction process, the nature of the were also the ones who made the relation between the filmmaker work. Reconstruction was filmed and those who are represented, over a three-day workshop, dur- and the relation between the one ing which ten protagonists were who “directs” and those who per- simultaneously actors, audience form what is usually seen as the and directors. They took turns less important work. Transforming speaking before the camera, giving each other these hierarchies would entail instructions and commenting on their perform- making the process of production ance. They discussed their memories in a group genuinely collaborative by involv- and wrote the script together. In one memora- ing other subjects in a dialogue ble discussion, several people admitted that rather than speaking for them or what happened wasn’t just the fault of the Ro- instrumentalizing them as a means manian authorities and began to analyze their to communicate a preconceived own organizational mistakes. The video func- message. tioned like a Brechtian learning play, in which In 2004, I made 2 videos the actors were transformed through the proc- about nationalism in Romania in ess of collaboration and gained new insights collaboration with teenagers as about themselves. Although Reconstruction part of a video activist project wasn’t a video activist project in the strict called Real Fictions. In retrospect, sense - only one person out of the ten worked it seemed to me that by focusing with me on the filming and editing (so only a predominantly on involving non- minority had their “hands” on the technology) experts in the process of produc- - it was the collaborative project that felt the

Joanne R ichardson Making Films Politically tion other important elements, most flat and non-hierarchical, in the sense of

174 stručnjaka u proces proizvodnje zanemarila druge važne elemente, kao što su pitanja reprezentacije, forme i recepcije publike. U for- malnom pogledu bili su to tipični dokumentarci, i iako su bili proi- zvedeni kroz suradnju, postojala je jasna granica između onih među nama koji su surađivali kako bi napravili te radove i subjekata koji su u njima bili predstavljeni. Ta je granica namjerno izokre- nuta u ∫lmu Rekonstrukcija (2009.), koji se bavi režimskim suzbija- njem prosvjeda protiv NATO-a u Bukureštu 2008. godine. Video je bio napravljen u suradnji s aktivistima protivnicima NATO-a i umjetničkom skupinom h.arta, koja je organizirala događaje i su- djelovala u njima. Za razliku od ranijih projekata, subjekti koji su ovdje bili predstavljeni bili su istodobno i autori rada. Rekonstrukci- ja je snimana tijekom trodnevne radionice, tijekom koje je desetak protagonista također djelovalo kao glumci, publika i redatelji. Iz- mjenjivali su se pred kamerom, dajući jedni drugima upute i ko- mentirajući međusobno izvedbe. Zatim su grupno raspravljali o svojim sjećanjima i zajedno napisali scenarij. U jednoj osobito zanimljivoj raspravi nekoliko je osoba priznalo da ono što se dogodilo nije bila isključivo krivnja rumunjskih vlasti te su počeli analizirati vlastite organizacijske propuste. Taj je video funkcionirao poput Brechtovog poučnog komada u kojem glumci prolaze kroz transformaciju tijekom procesa suradnje i stječu nove spoznaje o sebi sami- ma. Iako Rekonstrukcija nije bila video-aktivistički projekt u pravom smislu riječi ∞ samo je jedna osoba od deset radila sa mnom na sni- manju i montaži (tako da je samo manjina imala svoje “prste” u tehnologiji) ∞ bio je to kolaboracijski projekt koji se doimao doista glatkim i nehijerarhijskim u tom smislu što je dopuštao da “sadr- žaj” direktno govori za sebe. Bio je prisutan i element reprezentacije, budući da je video bio reinscenacija (i preispitivanje) događaja koji se odvio u prošlosti, ali također je to bio i čin prezentacije, bu- dući da je iznio nove diskurse i nove odnose među sudionicima.

2. Reprezentacija:

Dokumentarni ∫lm tradicionalno se shvaća kao mimeza, kao pre- zentacija “samog predmeta” (Bazin) koja je “ravnodušna prema svim posrednicima” (Barthes). No nakon krize dokumentarne forme 60-ih godina prošlog stoljeća, koja je u biti bila kriza reprezentacije, postalo je prejednostavno naprosto izokrenuti njezine pretpostavke te ustvrditi nečistoću i neizbježno iskrivljavanje svake medijacije. Dovođenje u pitanje realnosti reprezentacija ne znači dignuti ruke od svega i osuditi sve slike kao inherentno pokvarene ∞ naprotiv, stvar je u ∫nim razlikama između različitih vrsta reprezentacije. Problem je u određenom načinu proizvodnje slika koji ih naturali-

175 Joanne Richardson Raditi ∫lmove politički allowing the “content” to directly speak for it- counter-documentary, which uses self. There was an element of representation the conventions of the documen- since the video was a re-staging (and re-exami- tary-form in order to subvert them nation) of an event that happened in the past, from the inside by laying them but it was also an act of presentation, a bring- bare and depriving them of their ing forth of new discourses and new relations force, and the essay film, which among the participants. doesn’t directly challenge the authority of documentary, but side- steps it by inventing a different 2. Representation: type of discourse. Back in 1940, Hans Richter portrayed the filmic The documentary has traditionally been under- essay as overcoming the limita- stood as mimesis, as a presentation of “the ob- tions of the documentary precisely ject itself” (Bazin) that is “indifferent to all in- because it wasn’t strictly bound to termediaries” (Barthes). But after the crisis of facts, documents or chronological the documentary-form in the 1960s, which was time and gave free reign to the im- essentially a crisis of representation, it has be- agination, making use of idiosyn- come too simple to merely invert its presuppo- cratic stories, daydreams, fables, sitions and assert the impurity and and other hybrids that tested the inevitable distortion of all media- boundaries between fiction and tion. Questioning the reality ef- truth. In this sense, the role of the fects of representations doesn’t essay-form is to destabilize no- mean throwing up our hands and tions of objectivity, the authority denouncing all images as inher- of documents, the voice of the ently corrupt - on the contrary, the subject and the naturalized rela- point is to be able to make subtle tion between images and reality. distinctions between different I began experimenting with the essay- types of representation. The prob- form with In Transit (2008), a diary of a journey lem is a certain way of producing through Romania during the year of its EU ac- images that naturalizes them by cession, which reflects on the meaning of tran- hiding their construction or bar- sition and how it functions through a series of rages us with such emotional force erasures: of history, of identities and of that it diminishes our capacity to thought itself. But while the narrative criticiz- think. A critique of mediation es these erasures, it is not from the purity of an means admitting the subjectivity outside. Several citations invoke the private of perspective and asking how our archive films of Peter Forgacs, which criticize own ideologies and inherited ideas the distortions of official history in order to influence the general frame that oppose it with authentic private histories. In creates meaning. It means ques- Transit shows how private histories are them- tioning what is happening behind selves impure because memory functions like a the scenes and not taking the per- dream-work that erases connections and cre- spective that organizes the mean- ates new associations. It makes use of child- ing of the work as a given, as a sim- hood stories, family photographs and poetic ple truth. This questioning has texts, all of which have the possibility to pro-

Joanne R ichardson Making Films Politically taken two main directions: the voke strong emotional responses. But it frus-

176 zira prikrivajući njihovu konstrukciju ili nas blokira s takvom emo- cionalnom snagom da to umanjuje našu sposobnost mišljenja. Kri- tika medijacije znači dopustiti subjektivnost perspektive i zapitati se na koji način naše vlastite ideologije i naslijeđene ideje utječu na opći okvir koji stvara značenje. To znači preispitati što se događa iza scene, a ne zauzeti gledište koje organizira značenje nekog djela kao unaprijed dano, kao jednostavnu istinu. To preispitivanje kre- nulo je u dvama glavnim smjerovima, a to su antidokumentarac, koji se služi konvencijama dokumentarne forme kako bi ih izokre- nuo iznutra, ogoljavajući ih i lišavajući ih njihove snage, i esejski ∫lm, koji ne dovodi direktno u pitanje autoritet dokumentarca, nego ga zaobilazi izumom drugog tipa diskursa. Već je 1940. Hans Richter prikazao ∫lmski esej kao vrstu koja prevladava ograničenja dokumentarnog ∫lma upravo zato što nije strogo vezana uz činjeni- ce, dokumente ili kronološko vrijeme, nego otvara prostor za ma- štu, koristeći se idiosinkratskim pričama, sanjarenjima i drugim hibridnim formama koje dovode u pitanje granice između ∫kcije i istine. U tom smislu, uloga esejske forme je da destabilizira ideje objektivnosti, autoriteta dokumenata, glas subjekta i naturalizirani odnos slika i stvarnosti. Počela sam eksperimentirati s esejskom formom u ∫lmu In Transit (2008.), dnevniku o putovanju Rumunjskom u godini njezina pristupa Europskoj Uniji, koji promišlja značenje tranzicije i načina na koji ona funkcionira kroz niz brisanja: povijesti, identite- ta i samog mišljenja. No iako naracija kritizira ta brisanja, ona to ne čini sa stajališta izvanjske čistoće. Nekoliko citata podsjeća na privatne arhivske ∫lmove Petera Forgacsa, koji kritiziraju iskrivljavanje službene povijesti suprotstavljajući mu autentične, osobne povijesti. In Transit pokazuje kako su i te osobne povijesti nečiste, bu- dući da sjećanje funkcionira poput snova koji brišu veze i stvaraju nove asocijacije. Film se koristi pričama iz djetinjstva, obiteljskim fotogra∫jama i pjesničkim tekstovima, koji redom imaju sposobnost izazvati snažne emocionalne reakcije. No mogućnost senti- mentalnog poistovjećivanja ometa se pomoću sredstava otuđenja koja skreću pozornost na vlastitu konstruiranost. Osjećaj udaljenosti stvara se pomoću diskontinuiteta zvuka i slike te priznanja nara- tora o neizvjesnom podrijetlu (pa stoga i neautentičnosti) korište- nih dokumenata. Istodobno stvarajući i prekidajući želju za poisto- vjećivanjem, In Transit traži od publike da se odmakne i razmisli o svome odnosu prema slikama koje je upravo vidjela. Jedino s te kri- tičke distance moguće je probiti se kroz gomilu ruševina koje su ostale nakon brisanja prošlosti i otkriti tragove izgubljenih stvari. Bez te udaljenosti osobni memoari mogu postati jednako ideološki i manipulacijski kao i službena povijest.

177 Joanne Richardson Raditi ∫lmove politički trates the possibility of a sentimental identifi- been a commonplace of Romanian cation through estrangement devices that call culture since the 1960s. The use attention to their construction. A sense of dis- of photographs, family histories tance is created through sound-image discon- and a personal form of address, tinuities and the narrator’s admission of the while creating an emotional bond uncertain origins (and hence the inauthentici- with the narrator, also highlight ty) of its documents. By simultaneously creat- the instability of the authorial ing and breaking the desire for identification, voice - the “I” that emerges by the In Transit asks the audience to step back and end of the story is fragmented and reflect on their relation to the images they’ve uncertain, ultimately confessing just seen. It is only from this critical distance that her images of Moldova re- that it becomes possible to dig through the flect her own biases, and that per- pile of ruins that are left by the erasures of the sonal memory and collective past and to uncover the traces of things that memory are both subject to fabu- have been lost. Without this distance, private lation. memoirs can easily become as ideological and manipulative as official history. Letter from Moldova (2009) 3. Form: was my second essay film, which invoked a specific dialogue with It is the authority of the voice cou- Chris Marker’s earlier travelogue pled with the specific arrange- about Soviet communism, Letter ment of images and sounds that from Siberia. Letter from Moldova is creates a feeling of immersion and a story of a journey to Moldova identification in a film. A montage told through ten letters that rumi- of association adds concordant nate on the collapse of the Soviet images and voices to create a Union, the meaning of post-com- sense of a homogenous totality. munism, and the uneasy proximity There are no gaps or discontinuities, the story between post-colonialism and na- flows smoothly and the audience is easily tionalism. The video uses an epis- drawn into the universe of the film. By con- tolary form and addresses the trast, if the form is disjunctive, made up of ele- viewer as “you” to create a sense ments that don’t seem to fit, the message be- of identification, but this is subse- comes ambiguous or even contradictory, dis- quently broken at several points in rupting the sense of immersion and the process the narrative. The rupture of iden- of identification. These disruptions provoke tification aims to bring to light the jolts of discomfort that require the audience to problematic nature of travelogues intervene, to take an active part in construct- and their tacit assumptions of cul- ing the meaning of the work. tural superiority by portraying My first use of disjunctive montage was journeys to “the East” as journeys in Made in Italy (2006), a video about the delo- back in time. Letter from Moldova calization of capital and the migration of la- reveals the limits of the tourist bour made in collaboration with the Italian col- gaze through the narrator’s own lective Candida TV. We wanted to avoid mak- misunderstandings and prejudices ing an activist film that would portray the

Joanne R ichardson Making Films Politically about the Russians, which have struggle of the working class in a unified voice.

178 Letter from Moldova (2009.) bio je moj drugi esejski ∫lm, koji je asocirao na konkretan dijalog s ranijim putopisom Chrisa Markera o sovjetskom komunizmu, Letter from Siberia. Letter from Moldova je priča o putovanju kroz Moldovu, ispričanom kroz deset pisama u kojima se promišlja o slomu Sovjetskog Saveza, značenju postko- munizma i nelagodnoj bliskosti između postkolonijalizma i nacio- nalizma. Video koristi epistolarnu formu i obraća se gledatelju u drugom licu kako bi stvorio dojam poistovjećivanja, ali to se onda prekida na nekoliko mjesta u naraciji. Svrha tog prekida u poisto- vjećivanju je iznijeti na vidjelo problematičnu narav putopisa i njegove prešutne pretpostavke o kulturnoj superiornosti tako što prikazuje putovanja na “Istok” kao putovanja unatrag kroz vrijeme. Letter from Moldova otkriva granice turističkog pogleda kroz nespo- razume u koje zapada sama pripovjedačica i njezine predrasude o Rusima, koji su opće mjesto u rumunjskoj kulturi još od 60-ih godina. Uporaba fotogra∫ja, obiteljskih povijesti i forma osobnog obra- ćanja također ističu nestabilnost autorskog glasa ∞ “ja” koje se javlja na kraju priče fragmentirano je i nesigurno te pripovjedačica naposljetku priznaje da njezine slike Moldove odražavaju njezinu vlastitu pristranost te da su i osobno sjećanje i kolektivno sjećanje podložni fabulaciji.

3. Forma:

Autoritet glasa u spoju sa speci∫čnim poretkom slika i zvukova ono je što stvara osjećaj uronjenosti i poistovjećivanja u ∫lmu. Montaža asocijacija dodaje odgovarajuće slike i glasove kako bi se stvorio osjećaj homogene cjeline. Nema lomova ni diskontinuiteta, priča teče glatko i publika je lako uvučena u univerzum ∫lma. Za razliku od toga, ako je forma disjunktivna, sastavljena od elemenata za koje se čini da ne pripadaju zajedno, poruka postaje dvoznačna ili čak proturječna, razbijajući osjećaj uronjenosti i prekidajući proces poistovjećivanja. Ti lomovi uzrokuju udare nelagode koji publiku tjeraju da intervenira, da aktivno sudjeluje u konstrukciji značenja djela. Prvi put sam upotrijebila disjunktivnu montažu u ∫lmu Made in Italy (2006.), video radu o delokalizaciji kapitala i migraciji radne snage koji sam napravila u suradnji s talijanskim kolektivom Can- dida TV. Željeli smo izbjeći da to bude aktivistički ∫lm koji bi prika- zivao borbu radničke klase s jedinstvenog stajališta. Made in Italy predstavlja sudar različitih perspektiva ∞ vlasnika talijanskih tvrtki u Rumunjskoj, vođa sindikata, radnika i imigranata ∞ te o publici ovisi kako će se snaći u tim proturječnim porukama s kojima je su- očena i izvući vlastite zaključke. U ∫lmu Two or Three Things about

179 Joanne Richardson Raditi ∫lmove politički Made in Italy presents a clash of different per- different perspectives that mirror spectives - owners of Italian companies in Ro- various documentary approaches: mania, trade union leaders, workers and mi- the first part is told through the grants - and it’s up to the audience to navigate authorial, didactic voice and fixed through the contradictory messages they are camera angle of a militant film, presented with and draw their own conclu- which presents the “truth” behind sions. Two or Three Things about Activism (2008) today’s neoliberal dismissals of went a step further - it was not only composed communism as kitsch or absolute of a multitude of contradictory voices but at- terror; the second part is a subjec- tempted to subvert the conventions of docu- tive travel essay, with the camera mentary through its narrative and structure. following a melancholic and self- The video begins as a traditional documentary, critical narrator who walks in soli- with a richness of sound and images, immers- tude, reflecting on how self-colo- ing the audience in the stories of 13 Romanian nization has turned east Europe- activists, from anarchists to human rights ans into tourists of their own his- NGOs. After 20 minutes, the picture starts to tory; and the third part is a form disintegrate, becoming increasingly fragment- of direct cinema that unfolds ed - all background images are eliminated and through the words and gestures the cuts between the words of the of the tourists themselves, with protagonists become visible, the camera inserted at eye-level drawing attention to the neces- in the middle of the crowd. By jux- sary omissions of any attempt to taposing these multiple voices represent the voice of its subjects. and styles, Red Tours calls atten- It highlights that the cuts, and the tion to the documentary as a tech- decision of what is included and nology that produces its own what is left out, are acts of crea- truths rather than representing an tive license based on the author’s unobstructed window to reality. particular agenda. The disjunctive One of the specific aims of using the multiple form contributes to the overall narratives and styles was to break the sense of goal: the video seeks to become a a diegetic totality - the space-time continuity tool for discussion and self-reflec- that gives any film a sense of wholeness and tion. It doesn’t try to represent immerses the audience in its universe. As soon Romanian activism, but to inter- as the viewer begins to sink comfortably into vene in it from the inside. one of the stories of Red Tours, the perspective Red Tours (2010, with David shifts and the viewer is transported into a dif- Rych) tried to push the form of the ferent world. During many screenings of the counter-documentary to its limits. video, the comments of the audience focused The video investigates the dialec- on the disorientation they experienced as the tic between tourism and collective stories and perspectives kept shifting. Some- memory in various statue parks, times there were vehement debates as viewers museums and staged re-enact- identified with one of the three perspectives ments of communism in the Czech and ended up arguing against each other, at Republic, Germany, Hungary and other times there were criticisms directed Lithuania. The narrative emerges against us as the authors for failing to provide

Joanne R ichardson Making Films Politically through three stories told from a coherent message that could guide audienc-

180 Activism (2008.) otišla sam korak dalje ∞ jer on se nije samo sastojao od mnoštva proturječnih glasova, nego je nastojao izokrenuti kon- vencije dokumentarnog ∫lma kroz naraciju i strukturu. Video zapo- činje kao tradicionalan dokumentarni ∫lm, s bogatstvom zvukova i slika, uranjajući publiku u priče 13 rumunjskih aktivista u rasponu od anarhista do NGO-a za zaštitu ljudskih prava. Nakon 20 minuta slika se počinje rastakati i postaje sve više fragmentirana ∞ sve poza- dinske slike su eliminirane i počinju se primjećivati rezovi između riječi protagonista, privlačeći pozornost na nužni izostanak svakog pokušaja reprezentacije glasa subjekata. Time se ističe činjenica da su rezovi, kao i odluka o tome što će se uključiti, a što izostaviti, či- novi kreativne samovolje zasnovane na autorovu speci∫čnom planu. Ta disjunktivna forma pridonosi cjelokupnom cilju: video nastoji postati sredstvom rasprave i autoreΩeksije. On ne želi zastupati rumunjski aktivizam, nego intervenirati u nj iznutra. Red Tours (2010., s Davidom Rychom) nastojao je dovesti formu antidokumentarca do samih granica. Taj video istražuje dijalek- tiku između turizma i kolektivnog sjećanja u različitim parkovima s kipovima, muzejima i glumljenim rekonstrukcijama komunizma u Češkoj, Njemačkoj, Mađarskoj i Litvi. Naracija se odvija kroz tri pri- če iz različitih perspektiva, koje odražavaju različite dokumentarne pristupe: prvi dio priča se autorskim, didaktičkim glasom i iz ∫ksi- ranog kuta kamere karakterističnog za militantni ∫lm, koji otkriva “istinu” iza današnjeg neoliberalnog odbacivanja komunizma kao kiča ili apsolutnog terora; drugi dio je subjektivni putopis, s kamerom koja slijedi melankoličnog i samokritičnog pripovjedača koji šeće u osami, razmišljajući o tome kako je autokolonizacija pretvo- rila Istočne Europljane u turiste kroz vlastitu povijest; a treći dio je neki oblik direktnog ∫lma kroz riječi i geste samih turista, s kamerom na razini oka usred gomile. Supostavljajući više glasova i stilo- va, ∫lm Red Tours skreće pozornost na dokumentarni ∫lm kao na tehnologiju koja proizvodi vlastite istine umjesto da bude neometa- ni prozor u stvarnost. Jedna od speci∫čnih svrha korištenja višestru- ke naracije i stila bila je razbiti osjećaj dijegetskog totaliteta ∞ prostorno-vremenskog kontinuiteta koji svakom ∫lmu daje dojam cjeline i uranja publiku u njegov univerzum. Čim gledatelj počne udobno tonuti u jednu od priča ∫lma Red Tours, perspektiva se mijenja i gledatelj se prebacuje u drugačiji svijet. Tijekom brojnih pri- kazivanja ∫lma komentari publike bili su usredotočeni na dezori- jentaciju koju su osjećali dok su se priče i perspektive neprestano mijenjale. Ponekad bi došlo do žestokih debata jer bi se gledatelji poistovjetili s nekom od triju perspektiva i na kraju bi se međusob- no posvadili, a ponekad bi kritizirali nas kao autore jer nismo uspjeli ponuditi koherentnu poruku koja bi vodila publiku kroz čitav taj labirint. U tom pogledu svrha videa je da ostane inherentno

181 Joanne Richardson Raditi ∫lmove politički es through the maze. In the last instance, the they would learn nothing about aim of the video is to remain inherently open their specific situation, their rela- and incomplete, waiting to be actualized tion to power and their capacity through the discussions it provokes. to disengage from ideological conditioning and think for themselves. Today it seems that many 4. Reception: militant films and activist videos still come across as fairy tales with All of the relations highlighted above - be- a leftist message. And in this tween the subjects that collaborate to produce sense, rather than creating the the work, between the images and the reality possibility for critical thought, they purport to represent, and between the they inhibit it. A work that makes form and content of the film - also function to the audience uncomfortable and create a specific type of relationship to an au- demands that they step back and dience. Questioning the reality effects of im- reflect - or criticize, or disagree, ages, using a disjunctive form and various es- or even walk out in defiance - is trangement devices - like sound-image discon- more genuinely activist than a tinuity, interruption of natural time sequences work of agit-prop that manipu- and multiple diegesis - all tend to lates the emotions of the audi- break the feeling of immersion ence and encourages it to act in and to provoke the audience to accordance with its message. have doubts, to entertain questions and to reflect on their relation to the images. The refusal to 5. Ownership: supply a clear and easily digested message is a provocation for the Many artists and filmmakers audience to analyze, dissect, cri- whose work is “made politically” tique, reflect, and create their in the above sense have still not posed the own narrative in response. Daniel question of the ownership and distribution of Cohn-Bendit, who is now remem- their work, or how certain institutions can al- bered as one of the key protago- ienate these relations by placing them outside nists of May ‘68, once suggested their control. Today there’s a widespread con- making a detourned leftist west- sensus that copyright has been perverted to ern, by preserving the original im- benefit corporations rather than the authors ages of a western but changing for whom it was originally intended. But no the dialogue. Godard replied that such golden age of copyright ever existed. In a if the detourned western pre- text entitled “Copyright, Copyleft and the served a traditional Hollywood Creative Anti-Commons” (2006), Dmytri Klein- form and created a typical rela- er and I analyzed the genealogy of copyright, tionship of passive spectatorship, which, ever since its inception in the period of it wouldn’t matter if the altered Romanticism, has been used as a legal tool to content was leftist or not. If the transform art works into commodities and turn audience was sitting back and be- a profit for the owners of capital. Despite these ing swept along into a fairy tale, problematic origins, authors are still flattered

Joanne R ichardson Making Films Politically even one with a leftist message, by their association with the myth of the crea-

182 otvoren i nepotpun, u očekivanju da ga se aktualizira kroz rasprave koje izaziva.

4. Recepcija:

Svi ovi odnosi koje sam istaknula ∞ između subjekata koji surađuju kako bi proizveli djelo, između slika i stvarnosti koju one navodno predstavljaju te između forme i sadržaja ∫lma ∞ također služe stvaranju speci∫čnog tipa odnosa prema publici. Preispitivanje učinka slika u predočavanju stvarnosti te korištenje disjnunktivne forme i raznih sredstava otuđenja ∞ poput diskontinuiteta zvuka i slike, prekidanja prirodnih vremenskih sekvenci i višestruke dijegeze ∞ imaju tendenciju razbiti osjećaj uronjenosti i natjerati publiku da posumnja, da postavlja pitanja i promišlja svoj odnos prema slikama. Nespremnost da se ponudi jasna i lako probavljiva poruka pro- vocira publiku kako bi analizirala, secirala, kritizirala, promišljala i stvorila vlastitu naraciju kao odgovor. Daniel Cohn-Bendit, kojega se danas pamti kao jednog od ključnih protagonista svibnja ‘68, jednom je predložio da se napra- vi parodija na ljevičarski vestern tako što će se sačuvati izvorne slike, ali sa izmijenjenim dijalogom. Godard je odgovorio da ako taj parodirani vestern bude sačuvao tradicionalnu holivudsku formu i stvorio tipični odnos pasivnog gledanja, više neće biti važno je li izmijenjeni sadržaj ljevičarski ili ne. Bude li publika samo sjedila, ponesena u bajku, pa bila to i bajka s ljevičarskim sadržajem, ona neće naučiti ništa o svojoj speci∫čnoj situaciji, svome odnosu do moći i svojoj sposobnosti da se oslobodi ideološke uvjetovanosti i razmišlja svojom glavom. Danas se čini da još uvijek mnogi militantni ∫lmovi i aktivistički video radovi stižu do publike kao bajke s ljevičarskom porukom. U tom smislu, umjesto da stvore moguć- nost za kritičko mišljenje, oni ga ustvari sprečavaju. Djelo koje će uznemiriti publiku i zahtijevati od nje da zastane i razmisli ∞ ili da kritizira, usprotivi se ili čak ode u znak protesta ∞ autentičnije je u svome aktivizmu od djela agitacijske propagande koje manipulira emocije gledatelja i potiče ih da djeluju u skladu s njegovom porukom.

5. Vlasništvo:

Mnogi umjetnici i ∫lmaši čiji su radovi “rađeni na politički način” u gore navedenom smislu još uvijek nisu postavili pitanje vlasništva i distribucije djela, ili načina na koji određene institucije mogu otu- điti te odnose stavljajući ih izvan njihove kontrole. Danas postoji

183 Joanne Richardson Raditi ∫lmove politički tive genius, turning a blind eye to how it is used the content of political engage- to justify their exploitation. Copyright pits au- ment and consider how modes of thors against each other in a war of competi- production, forms of organization for originality, and its effects are not sim- tion, methods of articulating ply economic - it also naturalizes a certain meaning and the ownership of process of knowledge production, delegiti- culture all form part of an inter- mates the idea of a common culture and crip- connected whole that must be ples social relations. Even after the so-called disrupted and changed in its en- death of the author, these dynamics continue tirety. And this insight is not spe- into the present - cultural producers are dis- cific to film - it can be extended to couraged from sharing their work or contribut- other cultural forms and be ing to a common pool of creativity. Instead, brought up to date. New means of they jealously guard their “property” from production and distribution as a others, who they view as spies and thieves ly- result of cheap electronics and ing in wait to snatch their original ideas. This is online platforms, an increasing a vision of culture created in capitalism’s own awareness of the constraints of image. As long as a book, a work of art, a piece the intellectual property regime, of music or a film is copyrighted and can’t be and a widespread concern with disseminated freely, as long as it non-hierarchical forms of organi- circulates primarily through domi- zation have all radicalized the in- nant cultural institutions and is ac- sights of the 1960s and 70s. The cessible only to an elite type of best-known example of this radi- audience, it is doomed to remain calization has been the Indymedia trapped in a system that constrains network, whose most interesting its power and renders its critique feature is not its open participa- ineffective. In this expanded con- tion (which it shares with commer- text, making films politically cial online platforms), but its would mean not acquiescing to mode of organization by consensus and the the dominant system of copyright shared ownership of the content and infra- by making one’s work accessible structure by its users. Unfortunately, many of online, freely usable and recycla- the texts and videos disseminated through In- ble, and acknowledging both the dymedia often look like counter-propaganda giants and everyday heroes on that preach to the converted. Perhaps Godard’s whose shoulders any “original in- most important legacy for our own time is to vention” necessarily stands. It call attention to the fact that beyond any radi- would mean promoting the collec- calization of the processes of production and tive ownership of culture by af- organization, it is also necessary to go back to firming: nothing is prohibited, I’m zero and ask how meaning is created, who ac- grateful if you thank me for what tivists speak for, how the aura of authority is you receive, but you’re free to use produced, how images and sounds are assem- it as you like, without restraints. bled to convey a particular message, and what The imperative to “make type of social relations all of these practices films politically” can still be seen make possible or deny. as a provocative starting point,

Joanne R ichardson Making Films Politically signaling a need to move beyond

184 gotovo opći konsenzus oko toga da su autorska prava izopačena tako da donose korist korporacijama, a ne autorima kojima su izvorno bila namijenjena. No takvo zlatno doba autorskih prava nikada nije niti postojalo. U tekstu pod naslovom “Copyright, Co- pyleft and the Creative Anti-Commons” (2006.) Dmytri Kleiner i ja analizirali smo genealogiju autorskih prava, koja su sve od početa- ka u razdoblju romantizma korištena kao pravno sredstvo za transformaciju umjetničkih djela u robu koja će donijeti pro∫t vlasnicima kapitala. Unatoč tim problematičnim počecima, autorima još uvijek laska povezanost s mitom kreativnog genija i stoga su slijepi za načine na koje se to koristi kako bi se opravdalo njihovo izrablji- vanje. Autorska prava huškaju autore jedne na druge u natjecatelj- skom ratu za originalnost, a posljedice toga nisu samo ekonomske naravi ∞ tu se naturalizira i određeni proces proizvodnje znanja, delegitimizira ideja zajedničke kulture i sakate društveni odnosi. Čak i nakon takozvane smrti autora ta se dinamika nastavila do na- ših dana ∞ proizvođače kulture obeshrabruje se u nastojanjima da podijele svoj rad ili pridonesu zajedničkim rezervama kreativnosti. Umjesto toga, oni ljubomorno čuvaju svoje “vlasništvo” od drugih, na koje gledaju kao na špijune i kradljivce koji vrebaju u zasjedi kako bi prigrabili njihove originalne ideje. To je vizija kulture stvo- rene na sliku i priliku kapitalizma. Dokle god neka knjiga, umjet- ničko djelo, glazbeni komad ili ∫lm budu podložni autorskim pravima i ne budu se mogli slobodno distribuirati, dokle god budu cir- kulirali prvenstveno kroz dominantne kulturne institucije i budu dostupni jedino elitnom tipu publike, osuđeni su na to da ostanu zarobljeni u sustavu koji ograničava njihovu moć i čini njihovu kritiku neučinkovitom. U tom proširenom kontekstu raditi ∫lmove politički značilo bi ne pokoriti se dominantnom sustavu autorskih prava, i to objavljivanjem svoga rada na internetu, tako da se može slobodno koristiti i reciklirati, i odavanjem priznanja divovima, ali i svakodnevnim junacima na čijim ramenima nužno počiva svaki “originalni izum”. To bi značilo zastupati kolektivno vlasništvo nad kulturom tvrdnjom: ništa nije zabranjeno, zahvalan sam ako mi zahvališ na onome što si dobio, ali slobodno to koristi kako želiš, bez ograničenja. Nalog “raditi ∫lmove politički” još uvijek se može smatrati provokativnim polazištem koje upućuje na potrebu nadilaženja sadržaja političkog angažmana i razmatranja načina na koji modu- si proizvodnje, oblici organizacije, metode artikulacije značenja i vlasništvo nad kulturom čine dio isprepletene cjeline koja se mora razbiti i promijeniti u cijelosti. I ta spoznaja nije speci∫čna za ∫lm ∞ ona se može proširiti na druge kulturne forme i aktualizirati. Nova sredstva za proizvodnju i distribuciju koja su rezultat jeftine elek- tronike i internetskih platformi, sve veće svijesti o ograničenjima

185 Joanne Richardson Raditi ∫lmove politički koja nameće režim intelektualnog vlasništva i sve intenzivnijeg bav- ljenja nehijerarhijskim oblicima organizacije radikalizirala su spoznaje iz 60-ih i 70-ih godina prošlog stoljeća. Najpoznatiji primjer takve radikalizacije je mreža Indymedia, čija najzanimljivija značaj- ka nije otvorenost participacije (koja joj je zajednička s komercijal- nim internetskim platformama) nego način organizacije putem konsenzusa i zajedničkog vlasništva njezinih korisnika nad sadrža- jem i infrastrukturom. Nažalost, dobar dio tekstova i video materijala koji se distribuiraju putem te mreže često djeluje kao antipro- paganda koja propovijeda već obraćenima. Možda je Godardovo najvažnije naslijeđe za naša vremena to što je skrenuo pozornost na činjenicu da je u pozadini svake radikalizacije procesa proizvodnje i organizacije također nužno vratiti se na nulu i zapitati se kako se stvara značenje, u čije ime govore aktivisti, kako se proizvodi aura autoriteta, kako se slažu slike i zvukovi u prenošenju određene poruke i koji tip društvenih odnosa sve te prakse omogućuju ili niječu.

187 Joanne Richardson Raditi ∫lmove politički periphery, opposition, appopriation periferija, opozicija, aproprijacija

09 Vera Tollmann Pogled u svijet kineskog interneta: o hibridnim video taktikama

no što se u Kini smatra radikalnim drugdje možda i ne bi bilo takvo. Čini se da termin “radikalno” može biti prilično ambivalentan i O ovisiti o kontekstu. Pa kakav je onda taj speci∫čni kineski kontekst? U Kini ne postoje medialabovi kakve je devedesetih godina Soros ∫nancirao u Budimpešti, So∫ji ili Ljubljani, baš kao što ne postoje ni novi, nezavisni medijski prostori.01 Prema tome, trenutno nema ∫zičkih prostora u kojima bi se ljudi mogli okupljati kako bi se ba- 01 U Pekingu ćete pro- vili digitalnom kulturom. Komunikacija se odvija samo na interne- naći novi prostor umjetnič- kih medija, Yuanfen, galeriju tu, putem Weiboa ∞ kineskih mikroblogova s funkcionalnošću slič- i program stipendiranih nom Twitteru. Za razgovor između vršnjaka ili interesnih skupina boravaka u okrugu 798, služ- 02 benoj umjetničkoj četvrti, tu je aplikacija WeChat, naprednija verzija WhatsAppa, koja preu- koje vodi jedan Microsoftov zima vodstvo jer korisnici mogu komunicirati putem tekstualnih i zaposlenik. Taj je program daleko od kritičke mrežne zvučnih poruka ∞ a za govor treba manje vremena nego za tipkanje kulture. http://www.yuanfen- kineskih ideograma. Jedna kineska prijateljica rekla mi je kako se art.com/ već boji da bi vlada mogla ugasiti aplikaciju zbog njezine popular- 02 WeChat je razvio nosti među Kinezima03 i u inozemstvu.04 Ona smatra da je taj način Tencent, kineska tvrtka koja komunikacije veoma sličan Facebooku i stoga ima potencijal za također upravlja instant messangerom Tencent QQ i organizaciju masa. No budući da je WeChat kineski izum, vjerojat- mikroblogerskim servisom no ga neće blokirati. Weibo QQ. http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ten- Postoji nekoliko kolaborativnih radnih prostora za one koji se cent bave nekom kreativnom djelatnošću, kao i radionice za blogere i

03 U srpnju 2013. WeC- online sjednice za one koji rade na području internetskih medija, hat je imao oko 400 milijuna ali one su pretežno poslovno orijentirane ∞ tu ne kruži nikakva sub- korisnika u Kini. Liao Danlin, “DIY media”, Global Times verzivna ili kritička energija. Nakon poteškoća pri pronalaženju (23. lipnja 2013.). http://www. lokacije za godišnju Blogersku konferenciju 2009. godine u Šangaju globaltimes.cn/ nije bilo daljnjih izdanja tog putujućeg simpozija. Na kraju ∫lm- content/790920.shtml#. Ud_GK1OLohY skog dokumentarca High Tech, Low Life (Steven Maing, 2012.),05 koji

191 Vera Tollmann Pogled u svijet kineskog interneta 09

Vera Tollmann

Screenshots of China’s internet: About Hybrid Video Tactics

What is considered radi- the app because of its popularity 01 In Beijing you will find Yuanfen among Chinese people03 and cal in China might not be new media art space, l radical elsewhere. It abroad.04 She figured its hardly a gallery and resi- seems “radical” can be quite an different from Facebook and dence program in 798, the official art ambivalent term, depending on therefore has potential for people district, run by a context. So what is this specific to organize themselves. As We- Microsoft employee. The program is far Chinese context about? There are Chat is a Chinese invention, it from critical net no Soros-funded media labs in seems unlikely that it will be culture. http:// www.yuanfenart. China as there were in the 1990s in blocked. com/ Budapest, Sofia or Ljubljana, nor There are a few collabora- 02 WeChat is devel- are there any independently run tive working spaces for people in oped by Tencent, a new media spaces.01 So there are the creative field, and workshops Chinese company at present no physical spaces in taking place for bloggers, and that also runs the instant messenger which people might gather to deal networking meetings among peo- Tencent QQ and the with digital culture. Communica- ple working in the online media microblog service Weibo QQ. http:// tion happens online on Weibo — business; this is more of a busi- en.wikipedia.org/ Chinese microblogs with features ness-oriented format — no sub- wiki/Tencent

similar to Twitter. For chats among versive or critical energies around. 03 In July 2013 peers or interest groups, the app After struggles with finding a lo- WeChat had about 400 million users in WeChat,02 cation for the annual Bloggers an enhanced version of China. Liao Danlin, Whatsapp, is taking over because Conference in 2009 in Shanghai, “DIY media“, Global users can communicate via text there were no further editions of Times, 23 June 2013. http://www.global- and voice messages — talking this travelling conference format. times.cn/content/ takes less time than typing Chi- At the end of the documentary 790920.shtml#. Ud_GK1OLohY nese characters. A Chinese friend film High Tech, Low Life (Steven said that she is already afraid that Maing, 201205), which I will look at

Vera Tollmann Screenshots of China’s Internet the government might switch off below, there are scenes at the

192 ću analizirati nešto kasnije, vidimo prizore s blogerske konferencije koja je održana 2009. godine u Lianzhouu, a na kojoj su, između ostalih, sudjelovali blogeri Isaac Mao i Zola. Obojicu ću još spomi- njati u ovom tekstu. Prije nego što pređem na primjere ∞ “poglede” u svijet kineskog interneta ∞ željela bih napomenuti da o temi pišem s dvostru- ke udaljenosti ∞ geografske i jezične. Stoga moja analiza ovisi o pri- jevodima, u kojima su mi pomogli kineski prijatelji ili pak mrežne usluge kao što su stranice koje donose izbor iz vijesti i diskusija na Weibou i drugim društvenim mrežnim stranicama te ih prevode na engleski. Među najaktivnijima su urednici stranica Ministry of Tofu, Tea Leaf Nation i Shanghaiist. Svaki od njih ima sasvim drugačiji pristup. Shanghaiist je prilično sklon spektaklu, te nudi izbor iz društvenih medija po uzoru na tabloide, Ministry naglašava svoj humoristički pro∫l, a ništa manje važan nije ni Tea Leaf Nation, koji objavljuje izrazito artikulirane i ozbiljne vijesti. Ondje pišu hon- gkonško-američki novinari koji izvrsno barataju mandarinskim. Tako kineski jezični balon postaje dostupan strancima.

Jezični balon

Čini mi se da je 2013. godine rasprava o kineskom internetu koja se odvija na engleskom jeziku dosegla zanimljivu točku na kojoj zapadni komentatori pišu kako je Komunistička partija ugradila internet u svoj politički sustav daleko bolje nego što se očekivalo. Samo dvije godine ranije, prema međunarodnom tisku i televizij- skom izvještavanju, blogovi su u Kini bili tako popularni da se oče- kivalo da će iz takvih internetskih aktivnosti proizaći snažan demo- kratizacijski pokret. Barem je to bilo ono čemu su se nadali zapadni mediji, koji su vjerovali da obećavajući potencijal digitalnih tehnologija kao što su weblog, podcast i Skype još nije u potpunosti iskorišten. Istodobno su američke tvrtke kao što su Microsoft i Cisco surađivale s kineskom vladom u borbi protiv “disidentskog govora” nudeći svoje tehnologije kako bi se stvorio učinkovit vatro- 04 U srpnju 2013. WeC- hat je izjavio da ima 70 mili- zid i nadziralo javno mnijenje. juna korisnika izvan Kine. Rebecca MacKinnon, nekadašnja novinarka za CNN Asia, spi- China Daily (3. sropnja 2013.), http://europe.china- sateljica i suosnivačica blogerske platforme Global Voices, izjavila daily.com.cn/business/2013- je prošle godine u jednom intervjuu: “Weibo bi čak mogao pomoći 07/03/content_16717554.htm Komunističkoj partiji da iznova centralizira političku vlast na račun 05 “High Tech, Low Life. lokalnih službenika i regionalnih vlada, koje su tijekom posljednjih Censorship. New Media. And China’s ∫rst citizen repor- triju desetljeća ekonomske reforme stekle veću neovisnost od Pe- ters”. Redatelj: Stevex Maing, kinga. Weibo tvrtke redom su smještene u prijestolnici i moraju se producentica: Trina Rodrigu- pokoravati naredbama središnje vlasti. Uspon Weiboa stvorio je ez, SAD 2012., 88 min. http:// hightechlowlife∫lm.com/ krug u kojemu se javnost sve više potiče da koristi društvene medije

193 Vera Tollmann Pogled u svijet kineskog interneta blogging conference of 2009 in Lianzhou, with, the Western media hoped for, be- 04 In July 2013 WeChat is said to among others, bloggers Isaac Mao and Zola. lieving that the promising poten- have 70 million users Both will be mentioned again in this text. tial of digital technologies such as outside China. China Daily, 3 July 2013. Before moving on to my examples — weblogs, podcasts and Skype had http://europe. ‘screenshots’ of the Chinese internet — I want not yet been fully exploited. At chinadaily.com.cn/ to clarify that I write on my subject with a the same time American firms business/2013- 07/03/content_ double distance — a geographical and a lingui- such as Microsoft and Cisco coop- 16717554.htm stic distance. Hence my approach depends on erate with the Chinese govern- 05 High Tech, Low translation, either by Chinese friends or web ment to combat the “discourse of Life. Censorship. New services such as websites selecting news and dissent” and offer their technolo- Media. And China‘s first citizen reporters, discussions from Weibo and other social media gies to provide an effective fire- directed by Stephen sites and translating these into English. Among wall and control public opinion. T. Maing, producer Trina Rodriguez, the most active ones are the editors of Ministry Rebecca MacKinnon, a for- USA 2012, 88 min. of Tofu, Tea Leaf Nation and Shanghaiist. Each mer CNN Asia journalist, writer http://hightechlow- has quite a different editorial approach. Shang- and Global Voices co-founder, last lifefilm.com/ haiist seems drawn to the spectacular, making year explained in an interview “If 06 https://china- a tabloid style selection from social media, the anything, Weibo may even help digitaltimes. net/2012/04/the- Ministry emphasises its humorous perspective the Communist Party re-centralize not-so-great-fire- and last but not least Tea Leaf Nati- its political power at the expense wall-of-china/ on publishes the most articulated of local officials and regional go- 07 “Eight Ques- and serious reports. Tea Leaf Nati- vernments, which over the past tions: Rebecca MacKinnon, ‘Con- on is run by Hong Kong-American three decades of economic reform sent of the Net- journalists fluent in Mandarin. So have gained greater autonomy worked‘“,. The Wall the Chinese language bubble be- from Beijing. The Weibo compa- Stret Journal, 22 February 2012. comes accessible to outsiders. nies are all headquartered in the http://blogs.wsj. capital and are required to take com/chinarealtime/ 2012/02/22/eight- orders from the central govern- questions-rebecca- Language bubble ment. The advent of weibo has mackinnon-consent- of-the-networked/ created a cycle in which the public It appears to me that in 2013 the is increasingly emboldened to use English language debate dealing social media to report on localized with the Chinese internet has abuses by individual officials, with some rea- reached an interesting point at son to hope that once the central government which Western commentators is alerted to the problem justice will prevail.“06 write that the Communist Party A practice of criticizing and blaming in public has incorporated the internet into which might go back to a Maoist tradition of its political context much better self-criticism. than they had expected earlier. No According to MacKinnon, some scholars more than two years ago, accord- argue that the internet has brought a “moni- ing to international press and TV tory democracy”07 to China, because the inter- reports, blogging was so popular net enables citizens to monitor the behavior of in China that an influential democ- officials — particularly local ones — and docu- ratization movement was expect- ment abuses. While, one would have to add, ed to arise as a result of these on- also being monitored in doing so. MacKinnon

Vera Tollmann Screenshots of China’s Internet line activities. At least that’s what claims she has seen Chinese officials make the

194 kako bi izvještavala o zloporabi vlasti pojedinih službenika na lokal- noj razini, uz donekle opravdanu nadu da će središnja vlast, bude li obaviještena o problemu, provesti pravdu.”06 A ta praksa kritizira- nja i iznošenja optužbi u javnosti vuče korijene iz maoističke tradicije samokritike. Prema Rebecci MacKinnon, neki znanstvenici tvrde kako je internet donio u Kinu “nadzornu demokraciju”,07 budući da omo- gućuje građanima da nadziru ponašanje službenika ∞ osobito lokalnih ∞ i dokumentiraju zloporabu. I to tako, valjalo bi dodati, da se pritom nadzire i građane dok to čine. MacKinnon tvrdi kako zna za izjave kineskih službenika o tome kako se zahvaljujući Weibou i društvenim medijima Kina već demokratizira te joj stoga nisu potrebni višestranački izbori ili neovisno sudstvo. Časopis The Economist komentirao je u jednom novijem član- ku pod nazivom “China’s internet. A Giant Cage”: “Ne samo da je kineska autoritarna vlast preživjela internet, nego se država čak pokazala veoma vještom u prilagođavanju te tehnologije vlastitim ciljevima, što joj je omogućilo da još bolje kontrolira društvo i time posluži kao primjer drugim represivnim režimima. Kineskim privatnim internetskim tvrtkama, koje su velikim dijelom klonovi zapadnih, dopušteno je djelovati tako dugo dok ne odstupaju od par- tijske linije.”08 The Economist zaključuje kako “internet tjera partij- sku jezgru da bude učinkovitija u svojoj autoritarnosti.” U knjizi The Power of the Internet in China: Citizen Activism On- line profesor azijskih kultura na Sveučilištu Columbia Guobin Yang preispituje načine na koje valja suditi o tome što se događa na in- 06 https://chinadigitalti- mes.net/2012/04/the-not-so- ternetu. Tako u završnom poglavlju piše: “Najvažniji proces... je ne- great-∫rewall-of-china/ službena demokracija građana. Internetski aktivizam je mikrokoz-

07 “Eight Questions: mos novog građanskog aktivizma u Kini i jedna od njegovih najvi- Rebecca MacKinnon, ‘Con- talnijih struja. U tom smislu internetski aktivizam obilježio je šire- sent of the Networked’”, The Wall Stret Journal (22. veljače nje građanske demokracije, demokracije odozdo”. 2012.), http://blogs.wsj.com/ Želimo li biti pesimisti, mogli bismo reći da Zapad, sa svojim chinarealtime/2012/02/22/ eight-questions-rebecca- paradigmama i vrijednostima, razmišlja na način koji je potpuno mackinnon-consent-of-the- promašen kada se radi o kulturnoj produkciji u Kini. To je osobito networked/ očito u kontekstu televizijskih emisija kao što su Supergirl ili Voice 08 “China’s Internet: A of China, koje su napravljene po uzoru na American Idol i u kojima giant cage”, The Economist (6. milijuni Kineza sudjeluju u procesu odlučivanja slanjem SMS-a, što travnja 2013.), http://www. economist.com/news/spe- se tumačilo kao prvi znak procesa demokratizacije (iako bismo to cial-report/21574628-Inter- prije interpretirali kao pervertirani oblik demokracije i zabave). Sto- net-was-expected-help-demo- cratise-china-instead-it-has- ga predlažem da se ta pojava nazove “Shanzhai demokracijom” po enabled uzoru na Byung-Chula Hana i njegovu proširenu interpretaciju ter- 09 09 Byung-Chul Han, mina Shanzhai. Vratit ću se još na taj aspekt problema. Shanzhai. Dekonstruktion auf chinesisch (Berlin: Merve, 2011.).

195 Vera Tollmann Pogled u svijet kineskog interneta case that thanks to Weibo and social media text messages, which was inter- 08 “China’s internet: A giant cage“, China is already democratizing so it doesn’t preted as the first sign of a demo- The Economist, 6 need multi-party elections or an independent cratic process (we might tend to April 2013. http:// www.economist. judiciary. read this appraisal as a perverted com/news/special- The Economist magazine comments in a form of democracy and entertain- report/21574628- recent article entitled “China’s internet. A gi- ment). This is the reason that I use Internet-was-expected-help-democ- ant cage“: “Not only has Chinese authoritarian the term “a Shanzhai democracy”, ratise-china-instead- rule survived the internet, but the state has referring to Byung-Chul Han and it-has-enabled shown great skill in bending the technology to his extended interpretation of 09 Byung-Chul Han, its own purposes, enabling it to exercise better Shanzhai09. I will return to this Shanzhai. Dekon- struktion auf chine- control of its own society and setting an exam- idea later. sisch. Merve, Berlin ple for other repressive regimes. Chinese pri- 2011 vate internet companies, many of them clones 10 http://chinadig- of Western ones, have been allowed to flour- Poor man‘s expression italtimes.net/2007 ish so long as they do not deviate from the /10/citizen-journalist-blogger-tiger- 08 party line.“ The Economist concludes, “the in- My three examples make use of temple-laohu-miao- ternet requires the party centre to be more ef- appropriation and subversion of eaaeoea%E2%88% ABo/ ficient at being authoritarian.” the state’s official visual presen- In his book The Power of the tation. Even though the tactical Internet in China: Citizen Activism use of images and visuals in each Online, Guobin Yang, a professor video varies, the last example for Asian Cultures teaching at Co- seems to be informed by the tac- lumbia University, challenges the tics appropriated in the previous way to judge what is happening video clips.. The first, a scene online. Yang notes in his conclud- from the documentary film High ing chapter, “The most important Tech, Low Life (Stephen Maing, development ... is citizens’ unoffi- 2012) shows an old Chinese man’s cial democracy. Online activism is analog technique of using poster-sized images a microcosm of China’s new citizen of Chinese leaders to symbolically protect a activism, and it is one of its most citizen’s interest. The second, a spoof by Chi- vibrant currents. In this sense, on- nese microfilmer Hu Ge, makes fun of the Chi- line activism marks the expansion nese party as a slow provincial organization of grassroots, citizen democracy”. using the typically slow and repetitive style of If one was feeling pessimis- state television reports. The last example also tic, one might say that the West, quotes CCTV by imitating a news studio set- with its paradigms and values, is ting. A migrant worker uses this scenario to thinking in terms that entirely miss “officialize” her petition. the point when it comes to cultural Back to the first example: High Tech, Low production in China. This becomes Life accompanies two of China’s early amateur especially apparent in the context reporters doing their work equipped with lap- of the TV programme Supergirl or tops, cell phones, flashlights, cables and digi- Voice of China, modelled on Ameri- tal cameras. Both Zhou Shuguang aka Zola and can Idol, in which millions of Chi- the older Zhang Shihe aka Tiger Temple10 tra- nese citizens took part in the deci- vel to document and publish local struggles on

Vera Tollmann Screenshots of China’s Internet sion-making process by sending their blogs. They develop skills to navigate

196 Sredstvo izražavanja siromašnog čovjeka

Moja tri primjera koriste aproprijaciju i subverziju službene vizualne reprezentacije kineske države. Iako se u svakom videu može pro- naći drugačija taktička uporaba slika i vizualnih elemenata, posljednji primjer je, kako se čini, oblikovan taktikama koje predstavljaju prethodni video spotovi koje ću spomenuti. Prvi je prizor iz dokumentarnog ∫lma High Tech, Low Life (Stephen Maing, 2012.), koji prikazuje staru kinesku tehniku korištenja plakata s likovima kineskih vođa kako bi se simbolički zaštitili interesi građana. Drugi primjer, parodija kineskog mikro∫lmaša Hua Gea, ismijava kinesku partiju kao tromu provincijsku organizaciju koja koristi karak- teristično spor i repetitivan stil izvještavanja na državnoj televiziji. Posljednji primjer također citira CCTV oponašajući situaciju u re- dakciji za vijesti, gdje jedna migrantska radnica koristi taj scenarij kako bi učinila svoju molbu “službenom”. Vratimo se prvom primjeru: High Tech, Low Life prati dvojicu kineskih izvjestitelja-amatera iz ranog razdoblja koji obavljaju posao opremljeni prijenosnim računalima, mobitelima, baterijskim svjetiljkama, kablovima i digitalnim kamerama. Zhou Shuguang, drugim imenom Zola, i stariji Zhang Shihe, drugim imenom Temple,10 putuju kako bi dokumentirali i objavili vijesti o lokalnim sukobima na svojim blogovima. Pri zastupanju ljudskih prava razvi- 10 http://chinadigitalti- mes.net/2007/10/citizen- li su vještinu izbjegavanja cenzure kineskog interneta i rizika poli- journalist-blogger-tiger- tičkog progona. temple-laohu-miao- 11 eaaeoea%E2%88%ABo/ Zola izvještava o nekom stanovniku Pekinga kojemu će sru- šiti kuću radi predolimpijske izgradnje 2008. Osobito je zanimljiva 11 Zola je odigrao glav- nu ulogu u iznošenju slučaja vizualna strategija tog čovjeka: pričvrstio je plakate koji prikazuju “kuće-klina” u javnost, pri kineske vođe Denga Xiaopinga, Mao Ce-Tunga i Hua Jintaoa, koji je čemu je pokazao “zaigranost u vrijeme nastanka ∫lma bio kineski predsjednik, na vanjske zidove i pomanjkanje poštovanja” koji su “tipični za novi stil kuće kako bi je zaštitio od državnih vlasti, što je prilično dijalektički internetskog aktivizma”. pristup u borbi za očuvanje vlastitih interesa. On je upotrijebio sli- Epizoda s kućom-klinom dogodila se u ožujku i travnju ke najutjecajnijih i najsnažnijih ličnosti kineske prošlosti i predsta- 2007., kada su kineski “gra- vio ih kao “zaštitni oklop” protiv razaranja i izgradnje pro∫tabilnih đani interneta” prosvjedovali u znak podrške vlasnicima objekata. Na neki način, Zola djeluje kao ampli∫kator i “digitaliza- trošne kuće koju su privatni tor” onoga što se događalo na licu mjesta, budući da objavljuje lo- developeri odlučili srušiti. Kuća-klin je kineski termin kalne probleme na internetu i dijeli sukob sa širom javnošću. Ovaj za bilo koje zdanje gdje vla- konkretni prizor pokazuje blogere kao angažirane novinare ∞ ali ne snik tvrdoglavo odbija ispra- angažirane za interese vlade, nego za ciljeve naroda ∞ i zagovornike zniti svoj posjed unatoč pritisku velikih developera. U siromašnih ljudi koji nemaju ni sredstava ni znanja da podijele svo- slučaju da developer ne može ju borbu sa širom javnošću, ali ipak primjenjuju tradicionalne vizu- otkupiti posjed od vlasnika radovi se uglavnom odvijaju alne strategije kako bi obranili svoj privatni prostor. dalje tako da se projekt pro- mijeni i gradi se oko zdanja. Kada se to dogodi, zdanje je službeno postalo ‘kuća-klin’.

197 Vera Tollmann Pogled u svijet kineskog interneta China’s internet censorship regulations and intervention happened with the 11 Zola played a key role in bringing avoid the risk of political persecution while much discussed Bo Xilai case in the “nail house” case supporting people’s rights. 2012. It started with rumors of a to national attention, displaying “a Zola11 reports about a resident in Beijing coup at the top of the Communist sense of playfulness whose house will be torn down as a result of Party, preceded by events to and irreverence” construction for the 2008 Olympic games. Of which Bo Xilai was central. The that “exemplif[ies] the new style of particular interest is this resident’s visual strat- former head of government in online activism”. egy of pinning posters of Chinese leaders Deng Chongqing had operated his own The nail house epi- sode took place Xiaoping, Mao Zedong and Hu Jintao, (the Chi- policies: commercial-free televi- between March and nese President when filming took place), to sion programmes, Maoist songs April 2007, as Chi- nese netizens rallied the outside walls of his house to protect it and fighting against mafia-like behind the owners against state authorities, a quite dialectic ap- structures. Apparently, he himself of a shabby house due for demolition proach in negotiating his interests. He uses the was involved with these groups: by private develop- images of the most influential and powerful there was a supposed connection ers. A nail house is faces in China‘s past and present as “protec- between the death of a British en- the Chinese term for any building where tion shields” against demolition and the con- trepreneur and Bo’s wife. Finally, an owner stubbornly struction of real-estate projects. In a way, Zola one night a Ferrari accident hap- refuses to vacate his or her property in acts as an amplifier and “digitizer” of what pened in Beijing caused by his ec- the face of a large happened on site by publishing lo- centric son Bo Guagua.12 At the development. If the developer is unable cal issues online and sharing the time, the State Council Informa- to buy the owner conflict with a wider public. This tion Office (or as Zola has put it, out, the development is usually particular scene shows bloggers “unknown, relevant depart- carried forward with acting as embedded journalists — ments“) and the Ministry of Public design alterations to not embedded in relation to gov- Security blocked any Weibo posts work around the building. If this ernment issues, but rather with over the weekend. The site was occurs, the building people’s agendas — and advocates accessible, but nobody was al- is officially a ‘nail house’. of poor people who don’t have the lowed to post new messages, not means and knowledge to share even V-members, so called ’veri- 12 Cf. Vera Toll- mann, “Könnte, their struggles with a wider pub- fied users’. In a lexicon of parodic sollte, anscheinend“, lic, but who appropriate tradition- expressions under “ChInternet” it Der Freitag, 11 April 2012. http://www. al visual strategies to defend their states: “the internet with Chinese freitag.de/autoren/ private space. characteristics” — refering to offi- der-freitag/konnte- cial socialism with Chinese charac- sollte-anscheinend teristics, which basically means a Censorship one party system with a capitalist economy. “Apparently” and “probably” are the It seems impossible to talk about fabric that China’s microblog news are made the Chinese internet without look- of. Speculation is fueled by a lack of informa- ing into censorship. tion — Bo Xilai matters were closed to the pub- When it comes to reports on lic. That the state takes Weibo rumors seri- internet censorship, blocking web ously was demonstrated weeks later: two ma- sites, deleting specific content or jor services had been frozen for three days for throttling internet speed, China is a “check-up”. An old-school term for discipli- alongside such countries as Syria, nary action. The popular blogger and racing

Vera Tollmann Screenshots of China’s Internet Jordan and Turkey. The harshest driver Han Han wrote shortly after the re-acti-

198 Stills from High Tech, Low Life, Stephen T. Maing, Kadrovi iz ∫lma High Tech, Low Life, Stephen T. USA 2012, 88 min. Maing, SAD 2012., 88 min. vation “[The Blackout] has nothing to do with called ’don’t mentions’, the infa- 13 http://www. tealeafnation. 17 the clean up of rumors, it‘s about proving State mous Grassmudhorse dictionary com/2012/04/ Power: if I can make comments disappear for and a Google spreadsheet18 which chinas-twitter- comes-roaring-back- three days, I can also make you lose your little lists sensitive Sina Weibo search after-govt-blackout/ Weibos altogether.“13 terms regularly updated since So when it comes to “sensitive” events 2011. A less detailed listing but in 14 Besides the date and the location, or politically charged dates like the 4th of June, a reader friendly layout can be such terms as “to- the day when 24 years ago the Chinese army found on Blocked on Weibo19, a day” and “tomor- row” were reported fired on occupiers and protesters in Tiananmen one person student initiative. The as being on the Square — since then there has been no popular Hong Kong University operates a blacklist. There have been rumors about a occupation of public space — the internet is fil- type of Weibo backup and stores Jasmine revolution tered. Users cynically call 4th June the internet deleted Weibo posts in a databa- in 2011, but at the appointed day and maintainance day.14 se, the China Media Project.20 As time in Wangfujing, well as editorial services for non- Beijing’s shopping native speakers, the people be- street, mostly West- ern journalists sho Monitoring censorship hind the website claim to archive wed up to observe those Weibo posts that are censo- what was happening. They were by I would briefly like to introduce red by the Chinese internet cen- themselves, as the several monitoring websites run soring department. correspondent of a big German newspa- by individuals and institutions that As an addition to the archi- per confirmed later. are operating in Hong Kong, Berk- ve, students of computational The Jasmine revolution remained an ley in California and anonymously journalism are developing a search expectation, an (not to be confused with the hac- engine called Weibosuite.21 The unfulfilled prophecy. ker group Anonymous), which coll- group is three (data) journalists 15 http://greatfire. ect censored words and expressi- based in Hong Kong, one is Au- org ons and give advice on how to na- stralian, the other two are Hong 16 http://chinadig- vigate the web without being Kong nationals, one of whom is a italtimes.net overly affected by government in- former analyst and trader. They 17 Going back to a 15 tervention. The Great Fire is ma- are developing an “Image-to-Chi- popular word play naged anonymously, but has an nese-to-English-converter”, a on Weibo’s phonetic misspelling of “Fuck advisory board with members such tool which allows non-native your Mother.” The as the previously mentioned Re- speakers to ’read’ text uploaded dictionary compiles becca MacKinnon, and blogger, as an image file — another tactic all kinds of slightly misspelled words to entrepreneur and researcher Isaac to circumvent censorship, or at avoid censorship and Mao, both regular voices when it least to gain time. keep communication open. comes to reflecting online matters “Sina Weibo users often ex- in China. A Western project is Chi- press writing as attached image 18 Google spreadsheet from China 16 na Digital Times — “CDT is sup- files — far more than in social me- Digital Times: ported by the Counter-Power Lab dia used by English speakers. https://docs.google. com/spreadsheet/ out of the School of Information at Maybe it‘s the pictorial nature of ccc?key=0Aqe87wr the University of California, Ber- Chinese writing, maybe it‘s a cul- Wj9w_dFpJWjZoM keley.” Among its editors are tural thing, or perhaps even a way 19BNkFfV2JrWS1p- MEtYcEE Americans, Chinese and Chinese- to try to get around government Americans. Part of their service is censors. So this tool allows you to 19 http:// blockedonweibo.

Vera Tollmann Screenshots of China’s Internet a regularly updated list of so- extract the text out of an image tumblr.com/

200 Cenzura

Čini se nemoguće govoriti o kineskom internetu, a da se ne pozaba- vimo pitanjem cenzure. Kada se radi o izvještajima o internetskoj cenzuri, blokiranju mrežnih stranica, brisanju određenih sadržaja ili ometanju brzine prijenosa podataka, Kina je među zemljama kao što su Sirija, Jor- dan ili Turska. Najoštrija intervencija dogodila se u slučaju Boa Xi- laia 2012. godine, o kojemu se mnogo raspravljalo. Započela je go- vorkanjima o prevratu na vrhu Komunističke partije, a kojima su prethodili događaji u čijem je fokusu bio Bo Xilai. Nekadašnji predsjednik vlade u Chongqingu provodio je vlastitu politiku s televizij- skim emisijama bez reklama, maoističkim pjesmama i borbom protiv ma∫jaških struktura. Navodno je i sam bio upetljan u ma∫ju: govori se da je postojala veza između smrti britanskog poduzetnika i Boove supruge. Naposljetku je tijekom jedne noći došlo do pro- metne nesreće s Ferrarijem u Pekingu, a koju je uzrokovao ekscen- trični sin Bo Guagua.12 U to su vrijeme informbiro Državnog vijeća (ili, kako piše Zola, “nepoznati‚ relevantni odjeli”) i Ministarstvo javne sigurnosti blokirali sve postove na Weibou preko vikenda. Stranici se moglo pristupiti, ali nitko nije mogao objavljivati nove poruke, čak niti V-članovi, takozvani veri∫cirani korisnici. U leksi- konu parodijskih izraza pod “Chinternet” stoji sljedeće: internet s kineskim obilježjima ∞ što aludira na službeni socijalizam s kine- 12 Usp. Vera Tollmann, skim obilježjima, dakle na jednostranački sustav u kombinaciji s “Könnte, sollte, anscheinend”, Der Freitag (11. trav- kapitalističkom ekonomijom. nja 2012.), http://www.freitag. “Naizgled” i “vjerojatno” materijal je od kojega se sastoje vije- de/autoren/der-freitag/konn- sti na kineskim mikroblogovima. Do spekulacija je došlo zbog pote-sollte-anscheinend manjkanja informacija, jer stvari vezane uz Boa Xilaija bile su zatvo- 13 http://www.tealeafna- rene za javnost. Činjenica da država ozbiljno shvaća govorkanja na tion.com/2012/04/chinas- twitter-comes-roaring-back- Weibou pokazala se tjednima nakon toga: dva glavna servisa zamr- after-govt-blackout/ znuta su na tri dana radi “provjere”. Disciplinarna mjera u stilu sta-

14 Osim datuma i loka- re škole. Popularni bloger i vozač automobilskih utrka Han Han cije, i termini kao što su napisao je netom nakon reaktivacije: “[Prekid rada] nema nikakve “danas” i “sutra” navodno su na crnoj listi. Tako su 2011. veze s brisanjem glasina, nego se tu radi o dokazivanju Državne godine kružile glasine o Moći: ako vam mogu oduzeti komentare na tri dana, mogu vam ta- Revoluciji jasmina, ali u kođer sasvim oduzeti vaše male Weiboe.”13 dogovoreni dan i vrijeme u Wangfujingu, trgovačkoj Stoga, kada se radi o “osjetljivim” događajima ili politički re- četvrti Pekinga, uglavnom su levantnim datumima kao što je 4. lipnja, dan na koji je prije 24 go- osvanuli zapadni novinari kako bi promatrali što se dine kineska vojska pucala na prosvjednike koji su zauzeli trg Tia- događa. Nitko drugi nije se nanmen ∞ otada više nije zauzet nijedan javni prostor ∞ internet se pojavio, kako je kasnije potvr- dio dopisnik jednih velikih ∫ltrira. Korisnici su cinično nazvali 4. lipnja danom radova na odr- njemačkih novina. Revolucija žavanju interneta.14 jasmina ostala je puko očeki- vanje i neostvareno proročan- stvo.

201 Vera Tollmann Pogled u svijet kineskog interneta that contains Chinese writing. Then you can displayed in “old” results — with 20 http://cmp.hku. hk/ copy and paste the Chinese writing, or have a keywords such as “Tiananmen look at what a rough translation is in Square incident”, searches are re- 21 http://weibosuite.com/ English.“22 turning plenty of results, but all Surround App,23 the least developed tool the listed links are about the Ti- 22 Ibid. among the ones mentioned here, offers transla- ananmen Square incident of 1976 23 http://www. tions of Weibo posts plus Weibo features such rather than current debates and surroundapp.asia as comments and retweets. At the time of wri- opinions. 24 Cf. François ting this text, Surround App is in beta version. Jullien, A Treatise on There is also the regularly Efficacy: Between Western and Chinese encountered tactic of delay. With Thinking. University Tactics some search terms it takes much of Hawaii Press 2004 longer for search results to show 25 Sina is the com- So it is soon evident that tactics up — if there are any at all. Similar- pany that runs Wei- are used on both sides, both by ly with some websites, the brow- bo, the microblog- ging website. the observer and the observed. ser window is lost in loading and Let’s consider in what sense there the main body of the window re- 26 Hu Ge, — News on the hour, 2008, could be signs of tactical media on mains white. Last but not least 7’24 min. http:// the “ChiInternet” starting with there is the tactic of deception: A www.youtube.com/ watch?v=Pv8JA4 François Jullien’s notion of the po- “Sorry, no results can be found” mmi_A tential of the situation.24 The abili- message appears. On Weibo a V- ty to opt out of the certain circum- users-only censorship also exists, stances means that this strategy is which means public figures, so simply a tactical approach. Such a called V-users, are expected to way of thinking is very coherent, follow the rules. China’s new ap- even if it initially leads us to see proach to censoring the 4th June “our” expectations from a distance incident is part of a trend of more (Jullien talks about a European subtle filtering of the Chinese internet, de- ‘we’, which is a result of Western signed to decrease awareness of censorship theory). The strategist is therefore among internet users. For example, research- acting out of the situation, not of a ers have found that when Sina25 censors certain situation that he or she has pre- posts on Weibo, they remain visible to the user viously modelled, but rather from who posted, leaving users unaware that they the present situation in which he are being censored. or she find themselves and within which they try to figure where the potential could be and how to ex- Mocking CCTV ploit it. This brief mention of Julli- en is to show different contexts. I will take a closer look at two examples that Here one can speak also of mirror the scope of video activities on the Chi- disciplining strategies based on nese internet beyond citizen reporting as in- tacticality — and to make this dif- troduced in the documentary High Tech, Low ferentiation is to walk on shaky Life. The first is CCAV26 by Hu Ge. CCAV stands ground. New tactics are always for China Central Adult Video and is a mockery

Vera Tollmann Screenshots of China’s Internet evolving. Among those that are of the state television channel CCTV. A group

202 Nadgledanje cenzure

Željela bih ukratko predstaviti nekoliko mrežnih stranica za nadgledanje cenzure kojima upravljaju razni pojedinci i institucije sa sjedištima u Hong Kongu, Berkleyju u Kaliforniji i anonimno (što se ne smije brkati s hakerskom skupinom Anonymous), koje priku- pljaju cenzurirane riječi i izraze te daju savjete o tome kako navigi- rati internetom, a da se ne bude previše podložan vladinim intervencijama. The Great Fire15 je pod anonimnim upravljanjem, ali ima savjetodavni odbor s članovima kao što su već spomenuta Re- becca MacKinnon te bloger, poduzetnik i znanstvenik Isaac Mao, oboje itekako prisutni kada se radi o promišljanju internetskih pitanja u Kini. Od zapadnih projekata valja spomenuti China Digital Times16 ∞ “CDT ima podršku Counter-Power Laba na Fakultetu za informacijske znanosti Kalifornijskog sveučilišta u Berkeleyu”. Među njegovim urednicima ima Amerikanaca, Kineza i Sino-Ameri- kanaca. Dio njihovih usluga je i redovito osvježavan popis takozvanih “ne spominji to”, ozloglašeni rječnik Grassmudhorse17 i tabli- ca18 na Googleovom servisu koja navodi cenzuirarne termine za tra- žilicu Sina Weibo, a koja se redovito osvježava od 2011. godine. Ne- što manje detaljan popis, ali u pristupačnom formatu, može se pro- naći na stranici Blocked on Weibo,19 inicijativi jednog jedinog studenta. Sveučilište u Hong Kongu održava neku vrstu sigurnosne kopije Weiboa, pohranjujući izbrisane postove na Weibou u poseb- nu bazu podataka po imenu China Media Project.20 Osim uredničkih 15 http://great∫re.org usluga za one koji nisu izvorni govornici kineskog, osoblje te strani- 16 http://chinadigitalti- ce tvrdi kako arhivira one postove s Weiboa koje je cenzurirao Odjel mes.net za cenzuru kineskog interneta. 17 To se odnosi na popu- Kao dodatak arhivu, studenti računalnog novinarstva razvijaju larnu igru riječi, gdje se Wei- tražilicu koju su nazvali Weibosuite.21 To su trojica (istraživačkih) bo može fonetski napisati tako da znači “jebi si majku”. novinara koji žive u Hong Kongu, jedan Australac i dvojica lokalnih Rječnik sadrži sve moguće momaka, od kojih je jedan bivši analitičar i mešetar. Uz to, njih tro- lagano iskrivljene riječi kako bi se izbjegla cenzura i održa- jica rade na takozvanom “Pretvaraču slike na kineski pa na engle- la komunikacija. ski”, oruđu koje osobama koje ne govore kineski omogućuje da

18 Googleova tablica, “pročitaju” tekst koji se učita kao slika ∞ što je još jedna taktika zao- China Digital Times: https:// bilaženja cenzure ili barem dobivanja na vremenu. docs.google.com/spreads- “Korisnici Sina Weiboa često izražavaju riječi pomoću privita- heet/ccc?key=0Aqe87wrWj9w _dFpJWjZoM19BNkFf- ka sa slikama ∞ daleko više nego što je to slučaj u društvenim medi- V2JrWS1pMEtYcEE jima koje koriste engleski govornici. Možda se radi o slikovnoj nara-

19 http://blockedonwei- vi kineskoga pisma, a možda je to stvar kulturne tradicije, možda bo.tumblr.com/ čak i način da se zaobiđe državna cenzura. Ovo oruđe vam omogu-

20 http://cmp.hku.hk/ ćuje da ekstrahirate tekst iz slike koja sadrži kineske ideograme. Nakon toga možete kopirati i prenijeti kineski tekst ili pak pogleda- 21 http://weibosuite.com/ ti što bi on otprilike značio na engleskom.”22 22 Ibid.

203 Vera Tollmann Pogled u svijet kineskog interneta of men and women sit at a round table, smo- Migrant worker viral video 27 Hongmei Li, Parody and Resist- king and talking about minor issues and making ance on the Chinese fun of technocratic political solutions. Names Hu Ge’s CCAV helps us to under- internet, Routledge, London and New and dates change — xxx — and the local officials stand the context of the next York 2011, p.7 wear a red sleeve badge and a green coat, both video,28 even though this work of which make reference to Maoism, still rele- uses CCTV aesthetics in a diffe- 28 Uploaded on Youku with the vant today for people in public service jobs rent way. A woman stands in a descriptive title who are low down in the hierarchy and still mock-up studio, with a backdrop “Migrant worker imitates a spokes- wear these symbolic items of clothing. image showing a Chinese buil- woman for the For- In Beijing today, the red sleeve badge ding. Looking directly at the ca- eign Ministry and by this means reclaims says “security patrol” and is commonly used by mera, Miao politely addresses her her wages“ elderly volunteers from neighborhood com- “comrades” in China’s Petition 29 Cf. Petition, mittees (the lowest level of governance). These Department ( ), deman- documentary by badges appear in the streets when major Party ding for herself and her "farmwor- Zhao Liang, 2009, meetings or important events are about to ker brothers" aggregate compen- 120 min. http://hcl. harvard.edu/hfa/ happen as a way to monitor public security or sation of RMB 3.5 million (about films/2010janmar/ prevent anything odd from going on in public. US$560,000) in connection with a petition.html

The badge in Hu Ge’s video clip simply construction project. The migrant 30 Paola Voci, China says “monitor”. It seems the director wants to worker imitates the language of a on Video. Smaller- Sscreen Rrealities, refer to an atmosphere of “being watched”. spokeswoman for the Foreign Mi- Routledge Oxford, During the Maoist revolution, this nistry and demands their unpaid London and New York 2010 was the symbol for role models, wages. The woman uses the typi- while today a practical meaning cal rethoric of the Xinhua News remains but there is no obvious Agency — a formalized political ideological one. language. Usually such workers would travel “Using political terminology to the Petition Department in Beijing to claim and bureaucratic jargon in the their rights.29 This worker makes her demand style of CCTV, Hu anchors a news public by uploading the video to Youku, a Chi- report on the residents’ annual nese video platform similar to Youtube. meeting, discussing various daily Throughout the film a low voice can be housing issues in a shared apart- heard prompting the speaker. This almost un- ment that resonates with current noticeable intervention proves that other peo- social problems in China. The for- ple have helped with writing the text and re- mat of the program and the use of cording the video. In an interview with China familiar clichés and jargon satirize National Radio the migrant worker stated that what George Orwell in his book she did not understand every word she said. 1984 (1961) called “newspeak”, a In her book China on Video, Paola Voci ex- fictional language that helps to plains, “Smaller screens such as the DV came- maintain systematic political con- ra, the computer monitor — and, within it, the trol by making alternative thinking internet window — and the cell phone display impossible.“27 screen have created new public spaces where many long-standing divisions between high- brow and low-brow, mainstream and counterculture, conventional and experimental are 30 Vera Tollmann Screenshots of China’s Internet dissolving and being reinvented.“

204 Surround App,23 najslabije razvijeno oruđe među ovima koje sam spomenula, nudi prijevod postova na Weibou plus mogućnost komentiranja i dijeljenja. U trenutku dok pišem ovaj tekst postoji samo kao beta-verzija.

Taktika

Postaje očito da i promatrač i promatrani koriste određene taktike. Pogledajmo sada u kojem smislu bismo mogli prepoznati naznake taktičkih medija na “Chinternetu”, polazeći pritom od ideje Fra- nçoisa Julliena o potencijalu situacije.24 Kao mogućnost da se sebe izuzme iz određenih okolnosti, ova je strategija naprosto jedan tak- tički pristup. Takav način razmišljanja veoma je koherentan, čak i ako nas u početku navodi da promatramo “svoja” očekivanja iz određene udaljenosti (Jullien govori o europskome “mi”, koje je rezultat zapadnih teorijskih odluka). Strateg stoga ovdje djeluje na osnovi konkretne situacije, dakle ne situacije koju je prethodno zamislio, nego aktualne situacije u kojoj se našao i u kojoj treba razabrati gdje bi mogao biti neki potencijal i kako ga iskoristiti. Ovaj kratki spomen Julliena služi kako bi se istaknula različitost konteksta. Ovdje bismo mogli govoriti zapravo o strategijama disciplini- ranja koje su taktičke naravi ∞ iako to razlikovanje znači upustiti se na sklizak teren. Neprestano se razvijaju nove taktike. Među te taktike ubraja se prikazivanje “starih” rezultata - kao što je primjerice slučaj s pretraživanjem prema ključnim riječima “incident na trgu Tiananmen”, koje daje mnoštvo rezultata, ali se prikazani linkovi listom odnose na incident na trgu Tiananmen 1976. godine, a ne na aktualne debate i mišljenja. Zatim je tu česta taktika usporavanja. Kod pretraživanja prema određenim pojmovima treba daleko više vremena da se pojave rezultati pretrage ∞ ako se uopće i pojave. Isto se događa s nekim mrežnim stranicama, gdje preglednik zastane prilikom učitavanja stranice pri čemu pozadina ostaje bijela. I naposljetku, tu je jednako važna taktika lažne informacije: pojavi se poruka “Nažalost pretraživanje nema rezultata”. I na Weibou postoji cenzura specijalno za V-korisnike, što znači da se od javnih lično- 23 http://www.surround app.asia sti, takozvanih V-korisnika, očekuje da u svakom slučaju poštuju pravila. Nova cenzura Sine u pogledu incidenta 4. lipnja je dio tren- 24 François Jullien, A Treatise on Ef∫cacy: Between da da se kineski internet ∫ltrira suptilnije kako bi se smanjila svi- Western and Chinese Thinking jest korisnika o postojanju cenzure. Na primjer, znanstvenici su (University of Hawaii Press, 25 2004.). uočili da kada Sina cenzurira određene postove na Weibou, oni ostaju vidljivi korisniku koji ih je objavio, što znači da korisnici 25 Sina je kompanija uopće nisu svjesni da ih se cenzuriralo. koja stoji iza mikroblogging servisa Weibo.

205 Vera Tollmann Pogled u svijet kineskog interneta Stills from News on the hour, Hu Ge, China 2008, 7’24 Kadrovi iz News on the hour, Hu Ge, Kina 2008., min. 7’24 min. Ismijavanje CCTV-a

Sada ću pobliže razmotriti dva primjera koji predstavljaju opseg video aktivnosti na kineskom internetu gdje se ide dalje u građan- skom izvještavanju od onog kakvog prezentira ranije spomenuti dokumentarac High Tech, Low Life. Prvi je CCAV26 autora Hua Gea. CCAV je kratica za China Central Adult Video i ovaj ∫lm ismijava državnu televiziju CCTV. Skupina muškaraca i žena sjedi za okru- glim stolom, puši i razgovara o nevažnim pitanjima, rugajući se teh- nokratskim političkim rješenjima. Imena i podaci variraju ∞ “xxx” ∞ a lokalne odgovorne osobe nose crvenu oznaku na rukavu i zelene jakne, što asocira na maoizam. U današnjem Pekingu crvena oznaka na rukavu označava “si- gurnosnu patrolu” i obično je koristi neka vrsta postarijih dobrovoljaca u odboru gradske četvrti (što je najniža razina uprave). Te oznake pojave se na ulici svaki put kada se treba dogoditi neki va- žan partijski sastanak ili događaj kako bi se nadzirala javna sigurnost i spriječilo svako sumnjivo događanje u javnosti. Na oznakama u videu Hua Gea naprosto piše “nadzor”. Čini se da je redatelj želio naznačiti atmosferu “promatranosti”. Tijekom maoističke revolucije ona je bila simbol uzornih građana, ali čini se da danas nema nikakvo očigledno ideološko značenje, samo praktično. “Koristeći političku terminologiju i birokratski žargon u stilu CCTV-a, Hu nudi vijesti o godišnjem sastanku stanara, gdje se raspravlja o raznim svakodnevnim problemima zajedničkog stanovanja na način koji izražava aktualne društvene probleme u Kini. For- mat emisije i uporaba poznatih klišea i žargona satiričan je komentar na ono što je George Orwell u romanu 1984 (1961.) nazvao “newspeak”, ∫ktivni jezik koji pomaže održavanju sustavne politič- ke kontrole tako što onemogućuje alternativno razmišljanje.”27

Megapopularni video o migrantskom radniku 26 Hu Ge, News on the hour, 2008., 7’24 min. http:// www.youtube.com/ Primjer CCAV-a Hua Gea pomaže nam da razumijemo kontekst slje- watch?v=Pv8JA4mmi_A dećeg video primjera,28 iako se on služi estetikom CCTV-a na druga-

27 Hongmei Li, Parody čiji način. Vidimo ženu kako stoji u lažnom studiju s pozadinskom and Resistance on the Chinese slikom koja prikazuje neku kinesku zgradu. Pogleda uprtog direk- Internet (London: Routledge i tno u kameru, Miao se ljubazno obraća svojim “drugovima” u kine- New York, 2011.), str. 77. skom Odjelu za molbe ( ), zahtijevajući za sebe i svoju “bra- 28 Objavljeno na You- ću poljoprivrednike” skupnu kompenzaciju od 3,5 milijuna RMB kuu s opisnim naslovom “Radnica-migrantica opona- (oko 560.000 američkih dolara) u vezi s nekim projektom izgradnje. ša glasnogovornicu Ministar- Migrantska radnica oponaša jezik glasnogovornice Ministarstva stva vanjskih poslova i na taj način zahtijeva isplatu nadni- vanjskih poslova i na taj način zahtijeva isplatu nadnica. Koristi for- ca”. mulacije koje pripadaju tipičnoj retorici novinske agencije Xinhua.

207 Vera Tollmann Pogled u svijet kineskog interneta Still from Miao Cuhua, Migrant worker imitates a Kadar iz videa “Miao Cuhua, radnica-migrantica spokeswoman for the Foreign Ministry, and in this way oponaša glasnogovornicu Ministarstva vanjskih claims back her wages, China 2012, 4’06 min. poslova i na taj način zahtjeva isplatu nadnica”, Kina 2012., 4’06 min. Radi se o formaliziranom političkom jeziku. Obično bi se radnici poput nje zaputili u Odjel za molbe u Pekingu kako bi tražili svoja prava.29 Ova radnica učinila je svoju molbu javnom tako što je stavila video na Youku, kinesku video platformu nalik na Youtube. U jednom trenutku čujemo zvižduk koji je ohrabruje iz poza- dine. Ta gotovo neprimjetna intervencija pokazuje kako su joj drugi pomogli s pisanjem teksta i snimanjem videa. U intervjuu za Kine- ski nacionalni radio sezonska radnica je izjavila da ne razumije baš svaku riječ koju je izrekla. U knjizi China on Video Paola Voci je napisala sljedeće: “Manji ekrani kao što su DV kamera ili kompjuterski monitor ∞ a unutar njega prozor s internetom ∞ kao i ekran mobitela stvorili su nove javne prostore gdje se ukidaju i transformiraju mnoge dugotrajne razlike između visoke i niske kulture, mainstreama i alternativne kulture, konvencionalnog i eksperimentalnog.”30 Autor bloga Tea Leaf Nation David Wertime primjećuje: “To je umjetnost performansa, parodija, duh društvenih medija i očajnič- ki vrisak ∞ sve u jednom. Ako je nužan bilo kakav dodatni dokaz o moći društvenih medija, eto ga ovdje: neplaćena kineska sezonska radnica napravila je megapopularan video u kojemu oponaša služ- benicu kineskog Ministarstva vanjskih poslova zahtijevajući nei- splaćenu nadnicu koja joj pripada.“ Zatim se pojavljuje muškarac u formi nađene snimke koji glumi novinara iz izmišljene “Novinske agencije za potraživanje nadnica” ( ), stojeći pred digitalnim transparentom na kojemu piše “Neisplaćivanje radničkih nadnica šteti [društvenom] skladu”. 29 Usp. Petition, doku- Novinar postavlja radnici Miao niz unaprijed uvježbanih pitanja. mentarni ∫lm Zhaoa Lianga, Tu bi se ustvari moglo raditi o opozicijskoj uporabi onoga što 2009., 120 min., http://hcl. harvard.edu/ je Joshua Neves nazvao ambijentalnim video kulturama: “Zgusnuti hfa/∫lms/2010janmar/petiti- otisak” video medija, “otisak koji se proteže mnogo dalje od osob- on.html nih računala te streaming i p2p mreža. To uključuje i formalne ili 30 Paola Voci, China on službene signale i ekrane ∞ poput onih u gra∫ci Vision Media ∞ kao i Video. Smaller-Screen Realiti- es (London i New York: Rou- neformalne zone kakve stvaraju on- i off-line video, DV pokreti i tledge, 2010.). razne participacijske kulture. Takav pristup također uzima u obzir način na koji se video prostor isprepliće s prostorima cirkulacije i 31 “In Chinese Migrant Workers’ Viral Video, Glim- uporabe.“31 Ono što Neves kaže o video uputama također vrijedi za mers of Digital Activism’s video sezonske radnice: to nije samo “komunikacija putem videa, Future”, David Wertime (10. 32 listopada 2012.), Tea Leaf nego i sa videom.“ Nation, http://www.tealeafnation.com/2012/10/in-chinese- migrant-workers-viral-video- Mikro∫lm i stvarnost na manjim ekranima glimmers-of-digital-activis- ms-future/ “U stara vremena režiranje ∫lmova bilo je privilegija elite. No digital- 32 Joshua Neves, “Video na tehnologija ukinula je razliku između elite i običnog čovjeka. Theory”, predavanje na Video Sada i oni iz nižih slojeva društva mogu sudjelovati u stvaranju ∫lmo- Vortexu #9, Sveučilište u Lüneburgu, 2013. va, pri čemu ne postoje nikakva stroga pravila vezana uz estetske ili

209 Vera Tollmann Pogled u svijet kineskog interneta Tea Leaf Nation’s writer David Wertime tom can also participate in film 31 Joshua Neves, “Video Theory“, observes, “It’s performance art, parody, social creation, with no strict require- lecture at Video media genius, and a desperate cry for help all ments for aesthetic or technologi- Vortex #9, Lüneburg University, 2013 in one. If any further proof of social media’s cal demands,” commented Shi power were necessary, it’s arrived: An under- Chuan, a professor of film and tel- 32 ibid. paid Chinese migrant worker has made a viral evision at Shanghai University, as 33 Raymond Zhou, video in which she mimics an official in China’s quoted in the state newspaper “Microfilm will be Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) while asking China Daily.33 coming shortly to a screen near you.” for her own unpaid salary.“ Microfilm is literally trans- China Daily, 21 May A man playing a reporter from the imagi- lated from the Chinese name for 2012. http://www. chinadaily.com.cn/ nary “Wage-Seeking News Agency” ( ) this category, “Wei-Dianying.” entertainment/ then appears in a found footage montage-style “Wei” means micro, “dianying” 2012-05/21/ content_15342357. means film. The duration is short, work, standing before a digital banner reading htm "Not Paying Workers Their Wages Harms [So- it usually lasts between 30 sec- China cial] Harmony." The reporter asks Miao, the onds and 5 minutes and tells a 34 Paola Voci, on Video. Smaller worker, a number of rehearsed questions. scripted, mostly funny or roman- Screen Realities, p. This might actually be the oppositional tic story. Microfilms are aimed at 84 use of what Joshua Neves has called ambient entertainment and the profes- 35 Paola Voci, ibid., video culture:. The “thickening footprint” of sionalization of video making. So introduction video media, “a footprint that extends far be- not exactly what the migrant yond personal computers, streaming and p2p worker’s film is about with its hid- networks. This includes both formal or official den tongue-in-cheek tactic. signals and screens — like those captured in the Among the mainstream vid- Vision Media graphic — as well as eos of “self-advertising, another informal zones animated by on- form of what commentators in and offline video, DV movements, China have referred to as wow- and diverse participatory cultures. ozhuyi (me-me-ism) or wowow- Such an approach also considers ozhuyi (me, me, me-ism)“34, one how video space, and spaces of can still also find activism and so- circulation and use are intertwi cial engagement as Paola Voci ned.”31 What Neves states about writes. The video featuring a migrant worker is video tutorials could also count proof. It even goes beyond activism and social for the migrant worker’s video: engagement by using visual forms usually “communicating not simply via found in parody videos like CCAV. “Smaller- video, but with video.”32 screen movies rely on a variety of strategies such as preference for genre blending, emphasis on brevity, playfulness, and open-ended Microfilm and Smaller-Screen and fragmented formats.“35 In that sense it can Realities be considered a hybrid video.

“In the old times, filmmaking was the privilege of the elite. But dig- What is Shanzhai? ital technology has blurred the line between the elite and the In China, “original” means a constant rear-

Vera Tollmann Screenshots of China’s Internet grassroots. Now, those at the bot- rangement and rewriting, continual change.

210 tehnološke zahtjeve”, izjavio je Shi Chuan, profesor ∫lma i televizije na Sveučilištu u Šangaju prema navodu u državnim novinama.33 “Mikro∫lm” je doslovni prijevod kineskog termina koji se koristi za tu kategoriju: “Wei-Dianying”. “Wei” znači “mikro”, a “dianying” znači ∫lm. Takav ∫lm traje kratko, obično između 30 sekundi i 5 minuta, i prenosi uglavnom neku smiješnu ili romantič- nu priču zasnovanu na scenariju. Svrha mikro∫lmova obično je za- baviti ili profesionalizirati video umjetnost. Dakle, to nije baš ono o čemu se radi u slučaju ∫lma sezonske radnice i njegove prikriveno ironične taktike. Ipak, među mainstream videima “samoreklamiranja, još jednog oblika onoga što su komentatori u Kini nazvali wowozhuyi (ja- ja-izam) ili wowowozhuyi (ja, ja, ja-izam)”,34 nalazimo i aktivizam i društveni angažman, kako piše Paola Voci. Video sa sezonskom radnicom može se smatrati dokazom. On čak nadilazi aktivizam i društveni angažman, budući da koristi vizualne forme koje se obič- no mogu naći u parodijskom videu kao što je CCAV. “Filmovi za manje ekrane oslanjaju se na niz strategija kao što su preferiranje mje- šavine žanrova, naglasak na kratkoći, zaigranost, otvoreni kraj i fra- gmentirani formati.“35 U tom smislu oni se mogu smatrati hibridnim videom.

Što je to Shanzhai

U Kini originalno znači neprestano preslagivanje i prerađivanje, neprestana promjena. Kineske umjetničke tehnike de∫nirane su modularnošću te je i kinesko slikarstvo modularno. Shanzhai je kineska ekonomska (pa stoga i kulturna) tehnika koja se uglavnom odnosi na tržište kreativnih krivotvorenih proizvoda, ali i na nekomercijalne projekte kao što su video parodije na službeni višesatni novogodišnji program na kineskoj televiziji, koji ima najviši rejting (što je uglavnom rezultat velikog broja kineskih TV gledatelja, ali ipak govori o popularnosti koju taj zabavni program ima među gledateljstvom i o važnosti koju ima u ritualu pro- 33 Raymond Zhou, slave Nove godine). To je također napad na kontrolu državnih medi- “Micro∫lm will be coming ja, subverzivan čin usmjeren protiv monopola i staromodnog stila shortly to a screen near you”, China Daily (21. svibnja (u emisiji su: vojnici, epizode u autobusu, skečevi). 2012.), http://www.china- Evo nekih primjera: među krivotvorinama koje možete prona- daily.com.cn/ entertainment/2012-05/21/ ći na tržnicama i u malim trgovinama nalaze se sve moguće vrste content_15342357.htm iPhonea s natpisima kao što su “Made in Shenzhen” ili “Designed

34 Paola Voci, str. 84. by Apple”, zatim “iPhone 5” u vrijeme dok je Apple još uvijek proda- vao “iPhone 4” i tek dizajnirao “iPhone 5”, ili pak “iPhone Air” za 35 Paola Voci, China on koji ne postoji originalna verzija, a u pogledu dizajna oslanja se na Video. Smaller-Screen Realiti- es, uvod. dizajn modela Appleova prijenosnika s početka 21. stoljeća. Kineski

211 Vera Tollmann Pogled u svijet kineskog interneta Chinese techniques of creation are de- ed to the decline of ’Shanzhai’. 36 “China‘s innovation drive in a ‘post- fined by modules, Chinese painting is modular. But the heaviest blow came from Shanzhai’ era“, Shanzhai is a Chinese economic (and cul- China‘s determination to enhance Xinhua News, 11. ožujka 2011., http:// tural) technique and mainly describes the mar- IPR protection and develop indig- news.xinhuanet. ket for creative fake products, but also non- enous innovation, said Tang.“36 com/english2010/ commercial projects such as video parodies of (Tang Ruijin, the secretary general indepth/2011-03- /11/c_13772769. the official annual hours-long New Year show of Shenzhen Mobile Communica- htm on Chinese television, which has the highest tion Association.) ratings (primarily due to the large TV audience in China though it still underlines the popularity of this show among viewers and how much Shanzhai — radical economy? it seems to belong to the New Year ritual). These parodies are also an attack on the con- In 2011 photos of fake Apple trol of state media, a subversive act directed stores caused excitement among against the monopoly and old-fashioned style. Western internet users (and Apple Among the fakes you will find in the mar- clients). A brand-loyal female con- kets and small shops are many versions of the sumer from the U.S. discovered iPhone with inscriptions like “Made in Shen- the shops in the southern Chinese zhen” or “Designed by Apple”, the city of Kunming and posted pho- “iPhone 5”, when Apple was still tos on her blog. Under the head- selling “iPhone 4” and designing line “Are you listening, Steve “iPhone 5”, or the “iPhone Air” of Jobs” the zealous American had which there is no original. The de- betrayed the shops to the one she sign references that of an Apple calls the “manufacturer God”. laptop from the early 2000s. Chi- Only small details such as the shop nese users are ahead of their time. window caption “Apple Store” People who cannot afford a smart- and the poor structural condition phone use their mobile phones to of the stores made the blogger, by the name of connect to the internet, Shanzhai Bird Abroad, sceptical. Otherwise, everything products being cheap and adapta- was right: the wood of the store furniture, the ble to local needs. For example, blue of the vendors‘ T-shirts, materials and the most mobile phones have slots for functions of the products. two SIM cards and corresponding- The American blogger living in China was ly two keys to answer incoming entirely familiar with Shanzhai and the Chinese telephone calls. China has no mo- understanding of what copies could stand for. bile phone network covering the The next step would be to recognize those whole country, so many commut- non-licensed “Apple Stores” as part of the ers, for example migrant workers, Shanzhai phone industry: counterfeit shops need two SIM cards. complete the marketing for successful fake In 2011 Xinhuanet had al- products in China. ready proclaimed a “post-Shan Why is it possible to produce Shanzhai zhai era”. “The price cut of brand- phones? This is due to the Chinese Ministry of ed cell phones and the public‘s Industry and Information Technology which growing intellectual property pro- abolished the licensing of portable devices

Vera Tollmann Screenshots of China’s Internet tection (IPR) awareness contribut- such as mobile phones in October 2007. At that

212 igrači su ispred svoga vremena. Na taj način na internet se mobil- nim telefonima spajaju oni koji si inače ne bi mogli priuštiti pamet- ni telefon, budući da su shanzhai proizvodi daleko jeftiniji i prila- gođeni lokalnim potrebama. Na primjer, većina ih ima utore za dvije SIM kartice i u skladu s time dvije tipke za odgovaranje na dola- zne pozive. Kina nema mobilne mreže koja bi pokrivala čitavu ze- mlju i mnogi svakodnevni putnici poput sezonskih radnika moraju imati dvije SIM kartice. Xinhuanet je već 2011. obznanio dolazak “post-shanzhaiske ere”. “Pad cijena brendiranih mobitela i sve veća svijest o zaštiti intelektualnog vlasništva u društvu pridonijeli su opadanju popularnosti ‘Shanzhaija’. No najveći udarac zadala je odlučnost Kine da poveća zaštitu autorskih prava i razvije domaću inovaciju, kako je izjavio Tang.”36 (Tang Ruijin, generalni tajnik tvrtke Shenzhen Mo- bile Communication Association.)

Shanzhai ∞ radikalna ekonomija?

Godine 2011. korisnike interneta na zapadu (i kupce Appleovih proizvoda) uzbunile su fotogra∫je lažnih Appleovih dućana. Jedna američka potrošačica odana brendu otkrila je dotične dućane u juž- nokineskom gradu Kunmingu i objavila je fotogra∫je na svome blogu. Pod naslovom “Slušaš li, Steve Jobs” gorljiva Amerikanka odala je dućane “Bogu-proizvođaču”. Samo su malena odstupanja u nat- pisu “Apple Store” na izlogu i bijedno infrastrukturno stanje duća- na pobudile sumnju kod blogerice zvane Bird Abroad. Inače je sve bilo u redu: drveni namještaj u dućanu, plava boja majica na proda- vačima, a svakako i materijali i funkcije proizvoda. Američka blogerica koja živi u Kini bila je u potpunosti upo- znata sa središnjim konceptom kineskog shvaćanja onoga što te kopije predstavljaju: Shanzhai. Iduća misao bila bi priznati te neli- cencirane “Apple Stores” kao iduću razinu shanzhaiske telefonske industrije: krivotvorene trgovine upotpunjuju marketing uspješnih lažnih proizvoda u Kini. Zbog čega je bilo moguće proizvoditi Shanzhai telefone: njihov uspjeh može se zahvaliti kineskom Ministarstvu industrije i informacijske tehnologije, koje je u listopadu 2007. ukinulo licenci- ranje prijenosnih uređaja kao što su mobiteli. Otprilike u isto vrijeme tajvanska tvrtka MediaTek izumila je all-in-one čip za mobitele, što je dovelo do ekstremnog smanjenja troškova proizvodnje. Male- 36 “China’s innovation drive in a ‘post-Shanzhai’ ne i Ωeksibilne Shanzhai tvrtke počele su dijeliti troškove istraživa- era”, Xinhua News, 11 March nja i razvoja ∞ speci∫čnost proizvodnje ovog modela je u tome što se 2011, http://news.xinhuanet. tehnologija tretira kao open source. Tako tvrtke mogu imati dobit com/english2010/indepth/ 2011-03/11/c_13772769.htm čak i ako proizvedu mali broj telefona.

213 Vera Tollmann Pogled u svijet kineskog interneta time, the Taiwanese company MediaTek had A Shanzhai democracy? invented the all-in-one mobile phone chip, which led to a serious reduction in production Byung-Chul Han has a broader costs. Small and flexible Shanzhai companies definition of the Shanzhai con- began to share the costs of research and devel- cept. According to Han, Shanzhai opment — the specific production of this model operates with an intensive forma- is that technology is treated as open source. So tion of hybrids. From his perspec- even with small numbers companies make tive, Maoism was itself a kind of profit. Shanzhai Marxism. Given the lack The point of the Chinese copy is there- of workers and industrial prole- fore an economic one. Shanzhai culture was tariat in China, Mao undertook a first read in Western media as a subversive transformation of the original gesture against state authorities. It has now Marxist doctrine. In its hybrid ca- deployed its international appeal in the eco- pabilities, Chinese communism nomic sector through the open-source philos- has appropriated turbo-capitalism ophy, China-specific applications and a high over the past 30 years. So can we rate of production. The benefit of Shanzhai is also speak of a Shanzhai democ- that ordinary people can use technologies that racy? were previously only available to China’s wealthier citizens because Shanzhai has localized global production. And the further the Shanzhai products move from the original products, the more unique the copies become — until they reach the status of originals — in a Western sense. Vera Tollmann Screenshots of China’s Internet

214 Svrha kineske kopije stoga je ekonomska. Shanzhai kultura isprva se u zapadnim medijima tumačila kao subverzivna gesta protiv državnih vlasti, a sada uživa međunarodne simpatije u ekonomskom sektoru zbog svoje open source ∫lozo∫je, speci∫čno kineskih aplikacija i visoke proizvodne stope. Prednost Shanzhaija je u tome što običan čovjek može koristiti tehnologije koje si mogu dopustiti samo bogataši, budući da je Shanzhai lokalizirao globalnu proizvodnju. I što se više Shanzhai proizvodi udaljuju od izvornih proizvoda, tim neovisnijima postaju njihove kopije ∞ dok ne dose- gnu status originala. U zapadnom smislu te riječi.

Shanzai demokracija?

Byung-Chul Han je iznio širu, sveobuhvatniju de∫niciju koncepta Shanzhai. Prema Hanu, Shanzhai djeluje na način intenzivnog obli- kovanja hibrida. S njegova gledišta, maoizam je i sam bio neka vrsta Shanzai marksizma. Budući da u Kini nije bilo radništva i industrij- skog proletarijata, Mao je transformirao izvorni marksistički nauk. U svojim hibridnim mogućnostima kineski je komunizam usvojio turbo-kapitalizam tijekom posljednjih 30 godina. Pa možemo li onda govoriti i o Shanzai demokraciji?

Prijevod s engleskoga: Marina Miladinov

215 Vera Tollmann Pogled u svijet kineskog interneta

10 Katarina Peović Vuković Dinamika kulture. Što možemo naučiti od Raymonda Williamsa?

Pojam kulture kod Raymonda Williamsa

va su međusobno isključiva načina de∫niranja alternativne kulture. Uobičajeno razumijevanje alternativne kulture de∫niciju zadržava D u okvirima nekonvencionalnog životnog stila, vrste kulturalnog na- sljeđa hipi pokreta, reΩeksije kontra-kulture itd. Takvo razumijevanje alternativne kulture u Hrvatskoj jasno je prisutno u nazivlju koje uvode institucije, prije svih Ministarstvo kulture i Ured za obrazovanje, kulturu i sport grada Zagreba. Dominantna kultura devedesetih alternativnu kulturu opisuje kao “urbanu kulturu”, “kulturu mladih” ili složenim sintagmama poput “popularna kultura i off-programi”. Imenovanje alternativne kulture mehanizam je neu- tralizacije političkih konΩikata prisutnih u različitim de∫nicijama termina “kultura”. Primjerice, na mjesto političkog ili ekonomskog jaza dominantna kultura smiješta generacijski jaz (“kultura mladih”), diskurzivno marginalizira (terminom “off-kultura”) ili pojed- nostavljuje ∞ prikazujući alternativnu kulturu kao životni stil (“urbana kultura”). Antonio Gramsci, talijanski aktivist i ∫lozof, opisao je dinamiku političke hegemonije upravo kao neutralizaciju. U Zapadnim društvima, hegemonija nije nametnuta nasiljem, nego se ona uspostavlja kroz proces pregovora o značenjima (Gramsci, 1971). Revo- lucije su moguće samo kada konsenzus izostaje. “Prirodni”, “nor- malni” poredak ili “spontani” pristanak, tvrdi Gramsci, rezultat je strukturalne dinamike, društvenih pregovora oko općeg smjera društvenog života (Gramsci, 1971:12). Kako bi se premostilo te mehanizme (neutralizaciju i kvazi-normalizaciju vrijednosti), moramo

217 Katarina Peović Vuković Dinamika kulture. Što možemo naučiti od Raymonda Williamsa? 10

Katarina Peovic´ Vukovic´

The dynamics of culture. What can we learn from Raymond Williams?

Raymond Williams’s notion of definitions of the term ‘culture’. culture For example, dominant culture imposes a generational gap in There are two mutually place of a political or economic exclusive ways to define gap (“youth culture”), discursive l an alternative culture. A marginalization (through the term common definition locates it with- off-culture) or simplification by in the parameters of an unconven- presenting alternative culture as a tional lifestyle, a sort of cultural lifestyle (urban culture). heritage of the hippy movement, a Antonio Gramsci, the Italian activist and reflection of counter-culture, etc. philosopher, described the dynamics of politi- Such an understanding of an alter- cal hegemony exactly in terms of neutraliza- native culture in Croatia is clearly tion. In Western society, hegemony is not es- present in the terms imposed by tablished through violent acts, but through a Croatian institutions, primarily the process of negotiations about meanings (Gram Ministry of Culture, and Zagreb’s sci, 1971). Revolutions are possible only when City Office for Education, Culture such consensus is absent. What seems a “natu- and Sport. The dominant culture ral” and “normal” order, or “spontaneous” during the 1990s described alter- consent, claims Gramsci, is the result of a struc- native culture as an “urban cultural dynamic by which the general direction ture”, a “youth culture”, or with of social life is negotiated (Gramsci, 1971:12). compound syntagms such as “pop- In order to bypass these mechanisms (neutrali- ular culture and off-programs”. zation and quazi-normalization of values), we Prescribing names to the alterna- have to activate the second approach towards tive cultures serves as a mecha- alternative culture: the perspective of a Gram- nism for the neutralization of po- scian neo-Marxist understanding of society,

Katarina Peović Vuković The d ynamics of c ulture. What c an w e l earn from R aymond Williams? litical conflicts present in various and insist on a conflictual character of culture.

218 upogoniti drugačije razumijevanje alternative, gramscijansko, neo- marksističko viđenje društva, te ustrajati na konΩiktnom obilježju kulture. Teoretičar i osnivač kulturalnih studija Raymond Williams pristupa alternativnoj kulturi s tog gledišta u eseju “Base and Su- perstructure in Marxist Cultural Theory” (Williams, 1980). Williams nudi važnu de∫niciju kulture kao bojnog polja. No, u svojoj inter- pretaciji, ističe kako se pregovori ne odvijaju u sferi deklarativne politike, nego u sferi zdravog razuma. Williams predlaže formulu socijalnog dinamizma između dominantnih i podređenih skupina. Prema toj formuli u Zapadnim demokracijama sve su skupine u stalnom međusobnom odnosu, čak i one koje igraju ulogu alternativne kulture. Williams razlikuje “rezidualne i emergentne oblike, i to alternativnih i opozicijskih kultura” (1980:40). Rezidualne kulture se “žive i prakticiraju na temelju taloga (ostatka) ∞ kulturalnog i društvenog ∞ neke prethodne društvene formacije” (1980:40). Gdje bi klasični marksizam insisti- rao na dvama oblicima kulture, dominantnoj i podređenoj, Willi- ams predlaže udvajanje podređenih kultura, koje naziva “emergen- tnima”. Razlika između dviju vrsta emergentnih kultura je ključna.

01 Ova intervencija Dok opozicijske emergentne kulture neprestano stvaraju “nova kritičke teorije, Gramscija, značenja i vrijednosti, nove prakse, nova znamenja i iskustva”, a Luisa Althussera, kulturalnih studija, u sukobu je s marksi- kako bi promijenile društveni poredak i stekle moć; alternativne stičkom interpretacijom kulture stvaraju “drugačiji način života” no kako bi “ih se ostavilo ideologije koja se čita iz Marxove teorije odraza (a na miru”. Bez obzira na snagu sukoba između opozicijskih i vlada- koju postavlja u Predgovoru jućih, opozicijske kulture nikada neće “prijeći granice središnjih za ‘Prilog kritici političke djelatnih i vladajućih de∫nicija” (Williams, 1980:31∞49). Drugim ekonomije’), prema kojoj je ono što se zbiva u nadgradnji riječima, dok opozicijska kultura cilja smijeniti vladajuće, alternati- samo odraz onoga što se va nudi sasvim drugačiji oblik kulture. zbiva u bazi (sredstvima za proizvodnju i proizvodnim Gramscijanska teorija ideologije smjestila je alternativne i klasnim odnosima). U Nje- opozicijske kulture u središte društvenog dinamizma. Teorija ideo- mačkoj ideologiji stoji: “Misli vladajuće klase u svakoj su logije kulturu de∫nira kao dinamičko polje u kapitalističkom druš- epohi vladajuće misli, tj. tvu. Proces kooptacije, aproprijacije alternativnih oblika tako po- klasa koja je vladajuća mate- 01 rijalna sila društva, istovre- staje važan dio dinamike kapitalizma . Taj je proces pogonska sna- meno je njegova vladajuća ga dominantnog oblika ideologije danas. Kako bi bila učinkovita, duhovna sila.” Louis Althu- primjećuje Žižek, svaka hegemonijska univerzalnost treba uključiti sser (francuski ∫lozof koji je svoja najvažnija djela napisao barem dva partikularna sadržaja: “‘autentični’ popularni sadržaj i šezdesetih i sedamdesetih njegovu ‘distorziju’ putem odnosa prema dominaciji i eksploataci- godina), naprotiv, naglasak stavlja na “relativno neovi- ji” (1999:194). Alternativna kultura, u svojem najčišćem obliku sni” ideološki aparat države, predstavlja onaj kulturalni višak koji ne može biti asimiliran ili ne- dakle na nadgradnju. Ideolo- gija je relativno neovisna od utraliziran. Ipak, alternativna kultura, kao emergentna snaga domi- baze, jer je ideologija, kao nantnog poretka, biva asimilirana u obliku emergentnih opozicij- lažna svijest, prije svega imaginarna identi∫kacija. skih kultura. Tako opozicijska emergentna kultura prisvaja neke Takva imaginarna elemente alternativne kulture, ali u obliku koji je dominantnom identi∫kacija, koju Althusser sustavu manje-više prihvatljiv. S obzirom na ovaj dinamizam, ne- naziva interpelacijom, je rezultat nadgradnje. prestanu rede∫niciju odnosa između dviju kulturalnih skupina,

219 Katarina Peović Vuković Dinamika kulture. Što možemo naučiti od Raymonda Williamsa? A theoretician and founder of cultural studies, aims at overthrowing the ruling 01 This intervention of critical theo- Raymond Williams approaches alternative cul- culture, the alternative offers ry, Gramsci, Louis ture from this point of view in his essay Base completely different forms of cul- Althusser, and other cultural studies, is and Superstructure in Marxist Cultural Theory ture. confronted with a (Williams, 1980). In his interpretation, Wil- Gramscian theory of ideolo- Marxist interpreta- liams pointed out that negotiations are not gy positioned the alternative and tion of ideology, foremost Marx’s taking place in the sphere of declaratory poli- oppositional cultures at the cent- reflection theory tics, but in a sphere of common sense. er of social dynamism. The theory (elaborated in the Introduction to a Williams proposes a formula for social of ideology defined culture in Critique of Political dynamism between the dominant and subordi- capitalism as a dynamic field. The Economy). According to this theory, what nated groups. According to his formula all process of co-optation and appro- happens in the groups in Western democracies are always re- priation of alternative forms of superstructure is only a reflection of lated to each other, even if they play the role of life became an important part of the base (productive an alternative culture. Williams distinguishes the dynamic of capitalism.01 Slavoj forces and class between the “residual and emergent forms, Žižek in his hegelian-lacanian relations in production). In The German both of an alternative and of an oppositional elaboration of hegemony detects Ideology Marx and culture” (1980:40). The residual cultures are the process as a driving force of Engels write: “The ideas of the ruling “lived and practiced on the basis of the residue today’s dominant mode of ideol- class are in every — cultural as well as social — of ogy. In order to be effective, epoch the ruling ideas, i.e. the class some previous social formation” writes Žižek, every hegemonic which is the ruling (1980:40). Where classical Marx- universality has to incorporate at material force of society, is at the ism would have only seen two least two particular contents: “the same time its ruling types of cultures, the dominant ‘authentic’ popular content and intellectual force.” and the subordinate, Williams pro- its ‘distortion’ by the relations of Louis Althusser (the French philosopher poses a duplication of subordinate domination and exploitation” who wrote his most cultures, which he defines as (1999:194). important works during the 1960s and “emergent cultures”. The differ- An alternative culture, in its 1970s), on the other ence between two types of emer- purest form, is a cultural surplus hand, emphasizes the “relative autono- gent cultures is crucial. While op- that cannot be assimilated or neu- mous” ideological positional emergent cultures con- tralized. However, an alternative state apparatus, i.e. superstructure. stantly create “new meanings and culture, as an emergent force of Ideology is relatively values, new practices, new signifi- dominant order, is assimilated in a autonomous from cances and experiences” for the form of emergent oppositional the base, because the ideology, as sake of changing the social order cultures. Thus, oppositional emer- false consciousness, and gaining power, an alternative gent culture appropriates some is first and foremost imaginary identifica- culture creates “a different way of elements of an alternative culture, tion. That imaginary life” in order to “be left alone”. Re- but in a form that is more or less identification, Al- thusser calls it “in- gardless of the degree of internal adoptable by the system. Due to terpellation”, is a conflict between the oppositional dynamism and constant re-defini- result of the superstructure. and dominant cultures, opposition of the relations between ex- tional culture will never “go be- isting cultural groups, it is not yond the limits of the central ef- possible to define any culture as a constant au- fective and dominant definitions” thentic alternative. While an alternative cul- (Williams, 1980:31—49). In other ture carries an authentic subversive force, it

Katarina Peović Vuković The d ynamics of c ulture. What c an w e l earn from R aymond Williams? words, while oppositional culture also concurrently has the potential for re-eval-

220 nemoguće je de∫nirati bilo koju kulturu kao konstantnu autentič- nu alternativu. Iako je alternativna kultura subverzivna, ona je isto tako stalno vrelo preoblikovanja, nove reteritorijalizacije vladajućeg poretka. Ipak, aproprijacija alternativne kulture može se odviti samo u obliku distorzije temeljnih alternativnih pozicija. Emergen- tne opozicijske kulture nikada ne preispituju temelje dominantne kulture. Takav je poredak jedino moguć u navodno “post-ideologij- skom” univerzumu kasnog kapitalizma. U tom poretku hegemonija je “pojavni oblik, formalna distorzija/premještanje ne-ideologije” (Žižek, 1999:185). Te distorzije osnažuju postojeći hegemonijski poredak Zapadnih demokracija. Tako temeljni materijal kapitali- stičke entropije, koja kako bi osigurala status quo traži stalnu refor- maciju i inovaciju, paradoksalno postaju ne rezidualne već novona- stajuće kulture, koje imaju osigurati da se u zapadnim neoliberalnim društvima ništa supstancijalno ne mijenja.

Novi društveni pokreti i neoliberalna država

Situacija u Hrvatskoj primjer je socijalnog dinamizma između razli- čitih kultura. Za vrijeme devedesetih alternativna je kultura de∫nirana u odnosu na opozicijske i dominantne kulture. Naciona- lizam i rat drže alternativnu kulturu u poziciji autentične margine. No prije je potrebno opisati situaciju u zapadno-europskim društvi- ma, jer će tu matricu slijediti i Hrvatska. U to se vrijeme tzv. novi društveni pokreti (feminističke grupe, ekološke grupe, skvoteri, mirovne grupe i drugi), oblikovani početkom osamdesetih, već in- korporiraju u dominantne kulture zapadno-europskih društava (Tomić-Kolodrović, 1993). One se pak također reformiraju prema određenim društvenim, poetičkim, političkim i ekonomskim ciljevima emergentnih kultura. Ipak, postoji ogroman jaz između dekla- rativnih i pragmatičnih ciljeva. Deklarativni ciljevi su demokratizacija ∞ povećavanje broja sudionika, popularizacija kulture, uključi- vanje periferije i nerazvijenih urbanih zajednica, socijalizacija manjina itd. Središte inkluzivnih politika su rodne, nacionalne i klasne razlike. (Isti će se ciljevi u hrvatskim kulturnim strategijama pojaviti tek nakon 2000. godine.) Primjerice, 2000. nizozemska kulturna strategija naslovljena Kultura kao konfrontacija (Cultuur als confrontatie) već ima duboko ukorijenjene ciljeve koji se tada u hrvatskoj politici tek pojavljuju na horizontu. Propagira se humanističke ideje ∞ prije svega pluralizam i participativnost (Council of Europe/ERICarts, 2001). Ipak, inkorporacija emergentnog pluralizma je artikulirana vokabularom ekonomske stabilnosti. Ta je inkluzija de∫nirana kao potreba da se oblikuju “samoodržive” kulture. Istraživanja pokazuju kako je veća

221 Katarina Peović Vuković Dinamika kulture. Što možemo naučiti od Raymonda Williamsa? uation and re-territorialization of the domi- reformed according to the specif- nant order. Nevertheless, appropriation of an ic social, poetical, political and alternative culture can only be done in the form economic goals of the emergent of a distortion of fundamental alternative po- culture. However, a huge gap ex- sitions. The emergent oppositional cultures ists between declarative and never question the fundaments of dominant pragmatic goals. The declarative culture. It is the only possible order in the new- goal was democratization — in- ly established late capitalist society. In this or- creasing the number of partici- der hegemony is a “form of appearance, the pants, the popularization of cul- formal distortion/ displacement, of non-ideol- ture, the inclusion of marginalized ogy” (Žižek, 1999:185). These distortions and under-developed urban com- straighten an existing hegemonic order in munities, the socialization of mi- Western democracies. What have become the nority groups and others. Gender, material of capitalist entropy, which in order national, and class differences be- to retain the status quo needs constant refor- came the focus of inclusive poli- mation and innovation, are not residual cul- tics. (The same goals would be- tures, but emergent cultures reassuring us that come important in Croatian cul- in Western neoliberal societies nothing will tural strategies only after 2000.) change. For example, in 2000 the Dutch cultural strategy titled Cul- ture as Confrontation [Cultuur als New social movements and the confrontatie] already included neoliberal state emergent goals. It propagated humanist ideals — mainly plural- The situation in Croatia is an ex- ism and participation (Council of ample of social dynamism between Europe/ERICarts, 2001). Howev- different cultures. During the er, the inclusion of emergent plu- nineties alternative culture was ralism was articulated using the vocabulary of defined through its relation to op- economic stability. This inclusiveness is formu- positional and residual cultures. lated as the need to structure “self-sustain- Nationalism and war held alterna- able” culture. Research has shown that the tive culture in the position of an subject that participates in some form of ama- authentic margin. But first of all, it teur culture is more likely to be an energetic is important to describe the situa- consumer of culture. At that time in the Neth- tion in Western European societ- erlands, around six million people participated ies, since Croatia will follow that in some sort of amateur culture. For example, matrix. In Western Europe so- the organization Netherlands Association for called new social movements (fe Amateur Theatre had around 2000 groups. minist groups, ecological groups, In other words, removing the boundaries squatting groups, groups for pe between institutional and non-institutional ace, etc.), which had formed at the culture was an integral part of neoliberal eco- beginning of 1980s were incorpo- nomic policies. Following the downfall of the rated into the mainstream (Tomić- welfare state in the 1980s, Western European Kolodrović, 1993) during the countries underwent a process of commodify-

Katarina Peović Vuković The d ynamics of c ulture. What c an w e l earn from R aymond Williams? 1990s. The mainstream was also ing public space and closing the common. In

222 vjerojatnost da će subjekt koji participira u nekom obliku amaterske kulture biti i agilni konzument kulture. U Nizozemskoj u to doba oko šest milijuna ljudi sudjeluje u nekom obliku amaterske kulture. Nizozemsko udruženje amaterskih kazališta, primjerice, broji oko dvije tisuće skupina. Drugim riječima, brisanje granica između neinstitucionalne i institucionalne kulture dio je neoliberalne ekonomske politike. Nakon krize države blagostanja osamdesetih godina prošlog stolje- ća, zapadno-europske zemlje prolaze kroz proces komodi∫kacije javne sfere. U takvom ekonomskom okviru, emergentne kulture igraju važnu ulogu u legitimaciji tog procesa. Država podupire kulturne programe, a ne institucije, što konačno rezultira jačanjem utjecaja kapitala na kulturu u cjelini. Deklarativan pluralizam insistira na inkorporiranju ideja i kulturalnih normi manjinskih kultura, sve dok te norme i ideje nisu u sukobu s temeljima ekonomske politike. Ta se univerzalizacija desila kao inkorporacija autentičnih alternativnih ideja u obliku opozicijskih kultura. Primjerice, Nizo- zemska u to vrijeme ima sedam godišnjih nagrada za popularnu glazbu, a tri za jazz; Belgija ∫nancira američku turneju svojeg crust- punk sastava Hiatus. U Hrvatskoj Austrijski kulturni forum ∫nancijski podržava medijske umjetničke projekte, dok njemački Goethe institut u suradnji s Centrom za umjetnost i medijske tehnologije iz Karlsruhea (Zentrum für Kunst und Medientechnologie Karlsruhe) predstavlja novo-medijsku umjetnost. Riječ je o heterogenim primjerima koji svi demonstriraju različite stupnjeve opozicijskog an- gažmana koji može postati kasnije dio dominantne kulture. Osamdesetih u Hrvatskoj i u drugim jugoslavenskim republi- kama alternativna kultura ima speci∫čan status. Inga Tomić Kolu- drović naglašava kako tada postoje dvije vrste alternativne kulture. Prva je “atomizirana alternativnost”, individualni oblici otpora. Druga su “alternativne inicijative” koje su se pojavljivale uglavnom u sklopu socijalističkih institucija. U tom se speci∫čnom kontekstu inkorporacija alternative u dominantnu matricu može promatrati 02 Slovenija devedesetih kao speci∫čna dinamika legalnosti i legitimacije. Benjamin Peraso- nasljeđuje bogatu tradiciju vić o odnosu alternativnih organizacija prema socijalističkim insti- sukoba koji su “omekšali” socrealističku paradigmu i tucijama govori kao odnosu legalnosti i legitimnosti ∞ socijalističke banalizirali ideološke ikone: institucije su grupama pružale legalni okvir, dok su grupe Savezu tzv. ljubljanska “afera 4. Reich” ∞ proganjanje snažne socijalističke omladine nudile legitimitet u trenucima poljuljane punk scene zbog navodnih vjerodostojnosti (Perasović, 2001). pronacističkih obilježja; suđenje dvojici urednika Za vrijeme devedesetih alternativne grupe nastavljaju sa svo- Mladine zbog odavanja vojne jim djelovanjem. Postoji određeni kontinuitet u povijesti društve- tajne; skandal sa štafetom čiji dizajneri priznaju utjecaj nih pokreta. To je svakako bio slučaj sa Slovenijom gdje je projekt nacističkih plakata i slika na “demilitarizacije Slovenije” rezultirao otvaranjem jednog od najvaž- njihov rad; kao i grupa Leiba- nijih alternativnih kulturnih centara regije ∞ tzv. Metelkove ∞ kom- ch koja koristi provokativne neonacističke simbole. pleksa koji je nastao u bivšim zgradama kasarni JNA02. U Hrvatskoj

223 Katarina Peović Vuković Dinamika kulture. Što možemo naučiti od Raymonda Williamsa? such an economic framework, emergent cul- groups provided legitimacy for 02 Slovenia inherited a tradition of ture played a significant role in legitimizing the already shaken authenticity of conflicts that ‘sof- this process. The state supported cultural pro- the Socialist Youth League (Pera tened’ the socialist paradigm and ideo- grams rather than state institutions, which fi- sović, 2001). logical icons. The nally resulted in increasing the influence of During the nineties ex-Yu- so-called Ljubljana capital on culture as a whole. Declarative plu- goslav alternative groups contin- “4th Reich affair” — included the ralism incorporates the ideas and cultural ued their activities and there was persecution of the norms of minority cultures as long as they do a degree of continuity with his- punk scene for its allegedly pro-Nazi not interfere with the fundamental economics torical social movements. At least character; the pros- of contemporary capitalism. This universaliza- this was the case with Slovenia, ecution of two editors of the journal tion happened through the incorporation of where the project of ‘demilitar- Mladina for revealing alternative ideas in the form of oppositional ization of Slovenia’ resulted in the military secrets; a scandal with design- culture. For example, the Netherlands had sev- opening of Metelkova, one of the ing “štafeta” [Relay en annual prizes for popular music and three most important alternative cen- of Youth baton] for jazz music; the Belgian government fi- ters in the region, in a complex whose designers admitted that they nanced the American tour of its crust punk that occupied former military were under the band Hiatus. The Austrian cultural forum in buildings.02 In Croatia, the ‘work- influence of Nazi posters; the use of Croatia financed media art programs, and Ger- ing group’ Svarun organized pro- provocative neo- many’s Goethe Institute in Zagreb tests against nuclear plants, peti- Nazi symbols by the pop group Laibach. presented their new media arts in tions for bicycle tracks, and raised collaboration with the Zentrum the issue of the conscientious ob- für Kunst und Medientechnologie jector — an individual who has Karlsruhe. These are heterogene claimed the right to refuse to per- ous examples that all demonstrate form military service (Perasović, different levels of oppositional 2001). These actions were directly engagement that can be incorpo- related to 1980s new social move- rated into the mainstream. ments. During the eighties Croatia and others Yugoslav republics had specific forms of alternative cul- The specificity of the 1990s in Croatia ture. Inga Tomić Koludrović stresses the fact that there were two However, to a large extent, emergent cultures types. The first being the “atom- were marginalized during the war, while the ized alternative”, an individual residual cultures related to nation and tradi- form of resistance. The second tion flourished. Croatian emergent cultures of were the “alternative initiatives”, the transitional 1990s had three specific char- part of the socialist institutions. In acteristics. Firstly, Benjamin Perasović stresses this specific context, the inclusion that activism became the most common form of the alternative into a dominant of an alternative culture (green groups, squat- matrix can be analyzed as a specif- ters, movements for minority rights, women’s ic dynamic of legality and legiti- rights, national minorities, the rights of same macy. Benjamin Perasović ex- sex couples, etc.). plained how socialist institutions Secondly, in the 1990s oppositional cul- provided the legal framework for ture in Croatia lost its ground. After the Social-

Katarina Peović Vuković The d ynamics of c ulture. What c an w e l earn from R aymond Williams? alternative groups, while these ist Youth League of Croatia ceased to exist,

224 u to vrijeme postoji “radna grupa” Svarun koja je organizirala prosvjede protiv gradnje atomskih centrala, peticije za biciklističke staze, a po prvi puta je u nas uvela pitanje “prigovora savjesti” (Pera- sović, 2001). Takvi su primjeri izravno povezani s novim društvenim pokretima osamdesetih.

Speci∫čnost devedesetih u Hrvatskoj

Ipak, u najvećoj mjeri, emergentne su kulture marginalizirane u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme rata, dok su rezidualne kulture povezane s na- cijom i tradicijom cvjetale. Tri su speci∫čna obilježja hrvatskih emergentnih kultura za vrijeme tranzicijskih devedesetih. Prvo, kako ističe Benjamin Perasović, aktivizam je najčešći oblik alternativnih kultura (zeleni, skvoteri, pokreti za prava manjina ∞ ženska prava, prava istospolnih zajednica, nacionalnih manjina itd.) Drugo, za vrijeme devedesetih u Hrvatskoj, opozicijske kulture gube temelje. Nakon rasformiranja Socijalističkog saveza omladine Hrvatske, ne postoji jaka organizacija koja bi bila u mogućno- sti štititi alternativnu kulturu. Alternativne skupine nastavljaju sa svojim djelovanjem organizirajući bene∫t koncerte i skupljajući članarinu. Veliki dio sredstava dolazi iz stranih organizacija (najče- šće Instituta Otvoreno društvo). Tako je drugo temeljno obilježje alternative devedesetih, priključivanje do tada opozicijskih skupina. Mnoge su opozicijske grupe marginalizirane, pa postaju alternativne. Iako je riječ o projektima mainstream poetika. Primjerice projekti Damira Bartola Indoša03, projekti Centra za dramsku umjetnost poput Akcije Frakcije, kazališna skupina BADco., festival Earwing No Jazz, te kompletna strip scena su marginalizirani do te mjere da se više ne mogu oblikovati kao opozicijske kulture. Opozi- cijske skupine poput SCCA (Centar za suvremenu umjetnost), CDU (Centar za dramsku umjetnost), Faktuma, i drugih, oblikuju “para- lelne institucije” koje djeluju kao alternativa dominantnoj kulturi. Takve alter-institucije (termin je naravno oksimoronski) čuvaju i promoviraju suvremene umjetničke izričaje, u vremenu kada rezidualne kulture intenziviraju djelovanje. Opozicijske kulture nisu funkcionirale kao opozicijske u doslovnom smislu Williamsova termina, s obzirom da su one štitile ono što bi se jednostavno moglo de∫nirati kao suvremena umjetnost u Hrvatskoj. Ipak, to su al-

03 Indošev Parainstitut ternativne vrijednosti u vrijeme kada vlada nacionalizam, patrijar- počinje djelovati tek nakon hat, konzumerizam. dvije tisućite, no devedesetih Indoš djeluje s nekim drugim Treće je obilježje emergentnih kultura tek kasnije postalo vid- projektima (kao npr. njegova ljivo. Riječ je o održavanju javne sfere, koja je danas ugroženija frakcija Kugla glumišta, kao i Kuća ekstremnog muzičkog nego što je bila devedesetih. Iako je to bilo vrijeme utemeljenja li- kazališta). beralizma u ekonomiji koje se zbivalo velikim dijelom u obliku pri-

225 Katarina Peović Vuković Dinamika kulture. Što možemo naučiti od Raymonda Williamsa? there was no other financially powerful organi- eral economic models through the 03 Indoš’s Parain- stitute opened only zation to protect alternative culture. Alterna- privatization of the public sphere. after 2000, but Indoš tive groups continued to exist by organizing Unintentionally, the positive re- was active throughout the 1990s benefit concerts and collecting membership sult of the marginalization of cul- through other fees. The majority of funding came from for- ture was the preservation of cul- projects (e.g. his eign organizations (mostly the Open Society tural institutions established in faction of Kugla- theatre and DB Indoš Institute). socialist Yugoslavia. - House of Extreme Some of the oppositional groups were In 2001, the ratio of finan- Music). marginalized, and became alternative, al- cial support between cultural in- though they had a mainstream ethos. For ex- stitutions in the city of Zagreb ample, projects by Damir Bartol Indoš,03 proj- (wages, maintenance, etc.) and ects by Centre for Drama Art such as Akcija cultural projects was 76 to 24, Frakcija, theatre group BADco., Earwing No Jazz which shows a level of institution- festival and the entire comic book scene were al stability in relation to other all marginalized to such an extent that they Western European models (Stra- could no longer organize themselves as oppo- tegy for cultural development, sitional. Oppositional groups such as the SCCA 2001). Today the Croatian govern- (Center for Contemporary Art), CDU (Centre ment is finally limiting the public for Drama Art), Faktum, and oth- sector, applying the same model ers, created “parallel institutions” of capitalist restructuring as that that functioned as an alternative used in other European countries dominant culture. Such alter-insti- during the eighties and nineties. tutions (the term itself is an oxy- The Zagreb Student center is the moron) preserved and promoted most obvious example. The cen- contemporary artistic expression ter was devastated (its cultural in the years when residual cultures program was limited, workers lost intensified their activities. The op- their jobs), but structurally this positional cultures did not func- cultural sector was conserved as the best relict tion as oppositional in the precise of socialism. Emergent cultures play an impor- sense of Williams’s use of the tant role in the process of liberalizing cultural term, as they protected what institutions, as well as other institutions that could be defined simply as con- were preserved during the nineties (primarily temporary Croatian art. Neverthe- educational institutions). In today’s Croatia less, those were the alternative public-private partnerships limit the public values at a time of nationalism, pa- sector. For cultural institutions this takes the triarchal relations, and the promo- form of outsourcing programs, and forcing tion of consumerist culture. The partnerships with organizations that are self- third specific characteristic of sustainable, in contrast to the socialist policy emergent cultures became visible of maintaining publicly financed institutions much later. This was the preserva- and workers. tion of the public sphere, which is Paradoxically, some groups that were threatened today more than it was oppositional during the 1990s (that is, more or in the 1990s when ‘primitive accu- less alternative, and participated in the resto- mulation’ of capital took place. ration of contemporary values in art), now par-

Katarina Peović Vuković The d ynamics of c ulture. What c an w e l earn from R aymond Williams? This was a time of establishing lib- ticipate in a commodification of culture (fol-

226 vatizacije, u vrijeme kada je ipak provedena “prvotna akumulacija kapitala” u Hrvatskoj, nenamjerno, kao pozitivna posljedica margi- nalizacije kulture neke kulturne institucije utemeljene u socijali- stičkoj Jugoslaviji, ostaju očuvane. Omjer ∫nancijske pomoći izme- đu ∫nanciranja kulturnih institucija u gradu Zagrebu (plaće, održa- vanje, itd.) i programa 2001. godine je 76 naprema 24, što pokazuje stabilnost javnog sektora u odnosu na zapadno-europske zemlje (Strategija kulturnog razvitka, 2001.). Danas se u Hrvatskoj odvija ona kapitalistička restrukturacija koja se u europskim zemljama već zbivala osamdesetih i devedesetih godina. Zagrebački Studentski centar je najbolji primjer. Studentski centar je devastiran, kulturni program je minimiziran, radnici su otpušteni, ali strukturalno tzv. sektor kulture je konzerviran kao jedan od najvažnijih relikata socijalizma. U procesu liberalizacije kulturnih institucija, kao i drugih institucija koje su sačuvane tijekom devedesetih (prije svega obrazovnih institucija), emergentne kulture igraju važnu ulogu. U Hrvatskoj danas privatno-javno par- tnerstvo ograničava javni sektor. U kulturnim institucijama se to zbiva putem outsourcinga i ustrajavanja na suradnji s institucijama koje su samoodržive, što je u sukobu s konceptom javnog ∫nanciranja institucija i radnika u kulturi. Paradoksalno, neke grupe, koje su devedesetih bile opozicione (a u većoj ili manjoj mjeri i alternativne, poput navedenih skupina koje su inzistirale na vrijednostima suvremene umjetnosti) sada sudjeluju u komodi∫kaciji kulture (sli- jedeći tako zapadno-europske modele, primjerice nizozemski), dok se tradicionalne kulture (poput sektora kulture u Studentskom centru) u progresivnoj liberalizaciji pokazuju tvrdim orahom, opirući se liberalizaciji javnog sektora. Naravno, ne valja zanemariti kako je stabilnost javnog sektora za vrijeme devedesetih jednim dijelom posljedica toga da su ti javni sektori stavljeni u službu legitimacije novonastale nacionalne države, pa su na taj način također legitimi- rali u svoje doba, odnosno odvraćali pažnju od privatizacijske re- distribucije društvenog vlasništva u drugim sektorima ili čak i sami 04 Prvi dokument nasta- sudjelovali u toj redistribuciji. je 1998, riječ je o izvještaju sastavljenom prema zahtjevu Vijeća Europe: Kulturna poli tika Republike Hrvatske: Naci- Nakon 2000. FAKI i/ili FAK? onalni izvještaj. 2001. godine ovaj je dokument dopunjen studijom Strategija kulturnog Nakon 2000. alternativna kultura je po prvi puta uključena u nacio- razvitka ∞ što je dio nacionalnog projekta “Hrvatska u nalnu kulturnu strategiju i sistem javnog ∫nanciranja. Okupljena 21. stoljeću”. Najnoviji do- su vijeća za kulturu, među kojima i Vijeće za medijsku kulturu u kument koji je nastao 2002. godine ∞ Kulturne poli tike u sklopu Ministarstva kulture, a za ∫nanciranje programa alternativ- Europi ∞ Kompendij osnov nih ne kulture. Kultura je preuzela na sebe ulogu promicanja pluraliz- činjenica i trendova, nastao je ma, heterogenosti, demokracije i pro-europske orijentacije. Objav- u sklopu transnacionalnog projekta Vijeća Europe. ljen je i prvi dokument kulturne strategije04 koji po svojem usmjere-

227 Katarina Peović Vuković Dinamika kulture. Što možemo naučiti od Raymonda Williamsa? lowing Western European models, such as that culture was heralded. These top- 04 The first document was released in of the Netherlands), while during the progres- ics reflect a global socio-political 1998. It was a report sive liberalization, traditional cultures (such as shift towards the second phase of produced at the request of the Coun- the cultural sector in the Student center) turn economic and political liberaliza- cil of Europe and was out to be an alternative element that resists tion in Croatia. titled Cultural politics any form of reformation. Of course, it has to be Culture was defined through of the Republic of Croatia: National noted that the stability of the public sector the concept “and-and versus or- report (Kulturna during the 1990s is partially an outcome of the or” (Strategy for cultural develo- politika Republike Hrvatske: Nacionalni fact that this sector was put in the service of pment, 2001). The example of this izvještaj). This docu- legitimizing the newly formed nation state. shift was the Minister of Culture’s ment was supple- mented by the study They also legitimized or masked privatized re- decision in 2003 to fund films by Strategy for cultural distribution of social ownership in other sec- Jakov Sedlar and Dalibor Matanić; development, as part of the national tors, or even took part in that redistribution. the first promotes residual cul- project “Croatia in ture, the latter oppositional cul- the 21st century”. In ture. This eclectic model legiti- 2002 a new document was published After 2000 — FAKI and/or FAK? mized itself through progress and under the title Cul- “modernization” and “inclusive- tural politics in Eu- rope — Compendium In 2000, for the first time alterna- ness” (especially towards dissi- of basic facts and tive culture was incorporated into dents). In such relations authentic trends. This document emerged as the national cultural strategy and alternative models are declara- part of a trans- system of public funding. A num- tively included. national project of the Council of Eu- ber of cultural assemblies were There were two interesting rope. formed, among which the Assem- moments in this liberalization of bly for Media Culture financed al- culture. Firstly, although alterna- ternative programs. Culture as- tive culture received only 1% of sumed the role of legitimizing plu- the cultural budget in 2000 (Stra- rality, heterogeneity, democracy tegy for cultural development, and ‘pro-European’ orientation. 2001), paradoxically, residual culture, pro- The first cultural strategy that was voked by the financial cuts, addressed alterna- published strongly resembled the tive culture, and not emergent oppositional Dutch cultural strategy. The strat- culture as its enemy. Jutarnji List (20.11. 2002) egy of cultural development04 published an abstract of a debate in the city’s stressed cultural pluralism (aes- parliamentary council (Zagreb) under the title: thetic and multicultural) and cre- “HSP and SDP: strict control of Močvara and ative autonomy. The so-called Attack”. The traditionally divided left and “3D” concept was established in right wing parties united as typical residual order to define three aims of cul- cultures in order to criticize alternative culture: deetatization, decentraliza- ture. tion and democratization. Power Secondly, a newly established pluralist shifted from political to profes- and participative movement emerged from op- sional organizations (deetatiza- positional culture (Croatian Writers Associa- tion, the formation of national cul- tions, Motovun Film Festival, etc.). At that tural Assemblies) or from the State time alternative culture shared some values to local institutions (decentraliza- with oppositional culture, primarily pluraliza-

Katarina Peović Vuković The d ynamics of c ulture. What c an w e l earn from R aymond Williams? tion), or the democratization of tion and participation. But these newly estab-

228 nju podsjeća na nizozemsku kulturnu strategiju. Strategija kulturnog razvitka naglašavala je kulturalni pluralizam (estetički i multi- kulturalni) i kreativnu autonomiju. U tzv. 3D konceptu deklarirani ciljevi kulturne politike postaju “deetatizacija, decentralizacija i demokratizacija”. Moć se premjestila s političkih na profesionalne organizacije (deetatizacija, okupljanje nacionalnih Vijeća) kao i s državnih na lokalne institucije (decentralizacija), a inzistira se na demokratizaciji kulture. Ovi ciljevi reΩektiraju globalnu socio-poli- tičku promjenu prema drugoj fazi ekonomske i političke liberalizacije u Hrvatskoj. Kultura je de∫nirana tzv. konceptom “i-i nasuprot ili-ili” (Strategija kulturnog razvitka, 2001). Primjer takvog pristupa ilustrira odluka ministra da 2003. godine ∫nancijski podrži ∫lmove Jakova Sedlara i Dalibora Matanića, prvog kao promotora rezidual- nih kultura, a drugog kao predstavnika opozicijskih kultura. Eklek- tičan model se legitimirao “progresom”, kao i “inkluzijom” (pogo- tovu inkluzijom disidenata). U takvim odnosima autentični alterna- tivni modeli su deklarativno inkorporirani. Dva su zanimljiva trenutka ove liberalizacije kulture. Prvo, iako je alternativna kultura 2000. ∫nancirana samo s 1% budžeta za kulturu (Strategija kulturnog razvitka, 2001), paradoksalno, rezidualna kultura, provocirana ∫nancijskim rezovima, alternativnu kulturu, a ne opozicijsku emergentnu, adresira kao svojeg neprijatelja. Tako Jutarnji list od 20.11. 2002. donosi sažetke rasprava skupštinskih odbora grada Zagreba između kojih i odbora za kulturu pod naslovom “HSP i SDP: stroga kontrola Močvare i Attacka”. Uobičajeno nesložne, lijeve i desne stranke, ujedinjuju se u kritici alternative. Druga zanimljivost je da se novoutemeljeni pluralizam i ideja participativne kulture pojavljuje iz redova opozicijskih kultura (Hr- vatsko društvo pisaca, Motovun ∫lm festival, itd.). U tom trenutku alternativna kultura dijeli neke vrijednosti s opozicijskom kulturom, prije svega pluralizam i participaciju. Ali su ove novoustanov- ljene vrijednosti kulture “distorzirane” neoliberalnim imperativi- ma. Prije svega, spektakularizacija i pro∫t direktne su posljedice tih imperativa. Dvije su grupe, vrlo sličnih imena, FAKI i FAK, ilustracija tog jaza. FAKI, Festival alternativnog kazališnog izričaja, se de∫nira srodno Williamsovoj de∫niciji alternativnih kultura. FAKI su “grupe i pojedinci koji prakticiraju kazališni izričaj, a nemoguće ih je svrstati u postojeći pravac”. Cilj je FAKI-ja da “šokira, upozorava ili naprosto komentira dominantnu kulturu kazališnim i srodnim jezicima”.05 S druge strane FAK tvori grupa književnika koji su 2000. organizirali javna čitanja i promovirali suvremenu hrvatsku književ- nost. Bila je to opozicijska skupina koja je promovirala opozicijske, 05 Citirano sa stranica a djelomično i alternativne vrijednosti (što je očito već i odabirom festivala, http://www.attack. hr/faki/index_en.html. imena), no spektakularizacija i festivalizacija dio su neoliberalnog

229 Katarina Peović Vuković Dinamika kulture. Što možemo naučiti od Raymonda Williamsa? lished cultural values were ‘distorted’ by neo- tactical media but also genuinely 05 Quoted from FAKI’s web site liberal imperatives — populism and profit ori- worked on questioning the struc- (http://www.attack. entation being the main consequences. Two ture and principles of the internet hr/faki/index_ en.html). groups, with very similar names, FAKI and FAK, and other such media.06 Re-defin- illustrate this gap: FAKI, Festival for Alterna- ing the fundamental decentral- 06 Igor Marković, tive Theatrical Expression, defines itself in a ized structure of the internet and who established new media theory in way that is similar to Williams’s definition of reaffirming the capitalist logic of Croatia, for example, alternative cultures, as theater that is “impos- centralized production and distri- explored the ways in which cases of pros- sible to fit [into] existing streams, directions bution is a long process that Arkzin ecuting network or movements”. The aim of FAKI is to “shock, anticipated in the early days of activists were manipulated to include warn or simply comment on the dominant cul- the internet. suggestions of ture using the language of theater”.05 On the There are many examples paedophilia and piracy to legitimize other hand FAK is a literary group established that can back up this model and possible restrictions. in 2000 to organize public readings and pro- this second one is also arbitrarily mote contemporary Croatian literature. The chosen. The case of Arkzin clearly latter was an oppositional group that promot- shows that during the 1990s altered oppositional values (and also the alterna- native culture, to some extent, tive values implied by their name) but the pro- promoted values that in Western motion of spectacle and festivals European countries were already is the thrust of the neoliberal un- culturally dominant (liberaliza- derstanding of culture. FAK was a tion, human rights, the promotion group of writers that operated of the internet, the promotion of outside an institutional frame emergent industries, etc.). As an works, with the often-precarious authentic alternative culture, status of working as journalists for Arkzin was never incorporated Croatian newspapers. FAK defined into dominant culture, but its de- Croatian art within the “cultural sign became mainstream, at least dominant of late capitalism” (Post- in an emergent cultural form (the journal God- nikov 2012:37). ine Nove, later Plan-B, and others). Not only is We can also see the transi- design in Croatia influenced by Arkzin, but also tion if we examine the case of the some of the magazine’s content and layout has magazine Arkzin, which began as a been co-opted by mainstream publishing. For fanzine for the anti-war campaign example, Arkzin’s column Gen X presented in 1991 (Vidović, 2012). Arkzin young unconventional individuals from the “questioned and criticized actual scene. Today such a column, with a similar lay- politics, and published contra- out, can be found in the mainstream newspa- information about the violation of per, Jutarnji list. human rights that took place at the time, but was censored in the mainstream media” (Janković, 2010, from Vidović, 2012). Arkzin not only followed international events (such as the important festival Next 5 Minutes that was in-

Katarina Peović Vuković The d ynamics of c ulture. What c an w e l earn from R aymond Williams? visible in Croatia) and promoted

230 Fotogra∫rao Aladin iz Kikinde, iz arhiva Attacka, Photo by Aladin from Kikinda, from Attack’s FAKI 5, 2002. godine archive, FAKI 5, 2002. Bibliography Bibliogra∫ja

Council of Europe/ERICarts (2001), Cultural Council of Europe/ERICarts (2001) Cultural policies in Europe: a compendium of basic facts policies in Europe: a compendium of basic and trends, (URL: http://www. facts and trends, (URL: http://www. culturalpolicies.net). culturalpolicies.net). Gramsci, Antonio (1971), Selections from the Gramsci, Antonio (1971) Selections from the Prison Notebooks, Lawrence & Wishart, Prison Notebooks, Lawrence & Wishart, London London Perasović, Benjamin (2001), Urbana plemena. Perasović, Benjamin (2001) Urbana plemena. Sociologija subkultura u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb: Sociologija subkultura u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb: Hrvatska sveučilišna naklada Hrvatska sveučilišna naklada Postnikov, Boris. 2012. Postjugoslavenska Postnikov, Boris. 2012. Postjugoslavenska književnost? Zagreb: Sandorf. književnost? Zagreb: Sandorf. Tomić-Koludrović, Inga (1993) “Alternativna Tomić-Koludrović, Inga (1993) “Alternativna kultura kao oblik otpora u samoupravnom kultura kao oblik otpora u samoupravnom socijalizmu”, Društvena istraživanja 6-7, 2 socijalizmu”, Društvena istraživanja 6-7, 2 Strategy for cultural development, Croatian (4-5) Ministry of Culture, project Croatia in 21st Strategija kulturnog razvitka (dio projekta century, 2001, Zagreb Hrvatska u 21. stoljeću), Zagreb Vidović, Dea (2012) Development of Emerging Vidović, Dea (2012) Razvoj novonarastajućih Cultures, PhD in Theory and History of kultura, doktorat na poslijediplomskom Literature, Faculty of Humanities and Social studiju Književnosti, izvedbenih Sciences, University of Zagreb umjetnosti, ∫lma i kulture, Filozofski fakultet u Zagrebu Williams, Raymond (1980) “Base and Williams, Raymond (1980) “Base and Superstructure in Marxist Cultural Theory” Superstructure in Marxist Cultural in Problems in Materialism and Culture. Theory.” Problems in Materialism and London: Verso, Rpt. as Culture and Culture. London: Verso, reprint, Culture Materialism. London: Verso, 2005. pp. 31-49 and Materialism. London: Verso, 2005. Žižek, Slavoj (1999), The Ticklish Subject. The 31-49. Absent Centre of Political Ontology, London, Žižek, Slavoj (1999) The Ticklish Subject. The New York: Verso Absent Centre of Political Ontology, London: New York, Verso Katarina Peović Vuković The d ynamics of c ulture. What c an w e l earn from R aymond Williams?

232 razumijevanja kulture. Bila je to grupa pisaca koji su djelovali u ne- institucionalnom okružju, najčešće prekarnog statusa, novinari u hrvatskom tisku. No, kako primjećuje Postnikov, FAK je prije svega de∫nirao hrvatsku umjetnost kao “kulturalnu dominantu kasnog kapitalizma” (Postnikov 2012:37). Drugi primjer, donekle također arbitrarno odabran, no primjera je mnogo, je Arkzin, časopis koji je 1991. godine pokrenut kao fanzin anti-ratne kampanje (Vidović, 2012). Arkzin je “propiti- vao i kritizirao aktualnu politiku te donosio i tzv. kontra-informacije o kršenjima ljudskih prava koja su se događala, a koja su službeni mediji potpuno cenzurirali” (Janković, 2010, iz Vidović, 2012). Ar- kzin nije samo pratio internacionalne događaje (poput primjerice važnog, no u nas potpuno nevidljivog, festivala Next 5 Minutes) i promovirao taktičke medije, već je i autentično djelovao na propiti- vanju strukture i principa interneta i drugih medija.06 Rede∫niranje temeljne decentralizirane strukture interneta i rea∫rmacije kapita- lističke logike centralizirane proizvodnje i distribucije je dugi proces koji je Arkzin anticipirao u rano doba interneta. Slučaj Arkzina jasno pokazuje kako je alternativna kultura, u određenoj mjeri, za vrijeme devedesetih promovirala vrijednosti koje su u zemljama zapadne Europe vrijednosti dominantne kulture (liberalizacija, ljudska prava, promocija interneta, promocija emergentnih indu- strija, itd.). Kao autentična alternativna kultura, sam Arkzin nikad nije inkorporiran u dominantnu kulturu, ali je arkzinovski dizajn postao mainstream, bar u obliku emergentnih kultura (magazin Godine Nove, kasnije Plan-B, itd.). Ne samo da je dizajn u Hrvatskoj pod utjecajem Arkzina, već je i struktura, a djelomično i sadržaj Arkzina ko-optiran u mainstream. Primjerice, Arkzinova kolumna Gen X predstavljala je mlade nekonvencionalne indivudue sa scene. Danas se takva kolumna, slične strukture i sadržaja, može naći u srednjostrujaškim novinama Jutarnji list.

06 Igor Maković koji je uveo novomedijsku teoriju u nas, primjerice, istražuje načine na koje slučajevi proganjanja mrežnih aktivista manipuliraju s pedo∫ lijom i piratstvom kao legiti- macijama mogućih restrikci- ja. (Primjerice, članak, “Lut- her Blissett. Pedo∫lija kao pretekst za lov na vještice”.)

233 Katarina Peović Vuković Dinamika kulture. Što možemo naučiti od Raymonda Williamsa?

11 Ana Peraica Masovni spam

aktički mediji, često se spominje Lovinkovo prvo de∫niranje na konferenciji Next 5 Minutes 1993. u Amsterdamu, predmet su ra- T znih konsenzusa oko značenja. Većina de∫nicija u uporabi, naime, logički obuhvaća teritorij koji je više izvanjski nego imanentan djelovanju. Među taktičke medije najčešće se ubraja se niz formi djelovanja poput reverzibilnog programiranja, backtivizma (u smislu povlačenja podataka zasnovanog na Back Ori∫ceu), haktivizma, digitalne otmice itd. (Raley 2009). U ovom izlaganju osvrnut ću se međutim na nešto jednostavnije i popularnije prakse u novim medijima koje se mogu primijeniti i taktički ∞ i to prvenstveno na spam ∞ te na sustave umrežavanja, dokumentiranja, informiranja i dezinformiranja, no ovoga puta u popularno-komercijalnom obliku društvenih mreža. Zahvatit ću tako i problematiku formiranja grupe i njenu mikrosociologiju, važnu u kontekstu elektroničkog gra- đanskog neposluha (electronic civil disobedience), i to u mreži Face- book, koja je popularna među hrvatskim aktivistima mlađe genera- cije. Preciznije, osvrnut ću se na korištenje različitih zona konsenzusa na osnovu kojega se pro∫lira grupa. U tom pogledu, opisat ću akciju koju je poduzela grupa stanara Dioklecijanove palače u Spli- tu. Nakon opisa akcije analizirat ću socijalnu dinamiku grupe u kontekstu teorije Critical Art Ensemblea o grupnom autoru. Pret- hodno bih željela sumirati neke od svojih teza o masovnom umjet- niku, na koje bi nadovezala ovo izlaganje, posebno stoga što sam slične metode formiranja grupnog autora već locirala upravo na prostoru grada Splita, o kojemu će i sada biti riječ.

235 Ana Peraica Masovni spam 11

Ana Peraica

Mass Spamming

Tactical media, as they upon the issue of group formation seem to have been first and group micro-sociology, which l defined by Lovink at the is important in the context of elec- Next 5 Minutes conference in Am- tronic civil disobedience, espe- sterdam in 1993, have been sub- cially on Facebook, which is so ject to various attempts at achiev- popular among the Croatian activ- ing a consensus about their mean- ists of the younger generation. ing. Most definitions, in fact, quite More precisely, I will discuss the logically cover a territory that is use of various zones of consensus external rather than inherent to on the basis of which a group is their activity. One mostly includes profiled. In this context, I will de- here various forms of activity such scribe an action undertaken by a as reversible programming, back- group of people living in urban in- tivism (in terms of data acquisition fills made onto Diocletian’s Palace based on Back Orifice), hacktiv- in Split. Having described the ac- ism, digital abduction, etc. (Raley tion, I will analyse the social dy- 2009). In this paper, however, I namics of the group in the context will speak of somewhat simpler of Critical Art Ensemble’s theory and more popular practices in the on the group author. But first of new media, which can also be ap- all, I would like to summarise some of my own plied tactically — primarily spam- hypotheses on the mass artist as the basis of ming —, and of the system of net- this paper, especially because I have observed working, documentation, informa- similar methods applied in forming the group tion, and disinformation, for my author in the city of Split. purposes viewed in the popular and commercial context of social

Ana Peraica Mass Spamming networks. I will thus also touch

236 Kolektivno vs. anonimno

U tekstu Anonymous Artist, Nameless Hero, Unknown History, objav- ljenom u sklopu zbornika East Art Map, dala sam pregled razvoja od modernističkih pseudonimnih, preko socijalističkih alternativnih i grupnih radova, sve do pojave masovne umjetnosti, tj. umjetnosti u kojoj autor ne može biti jasno detektiran niti mu je to namjera (Peraica 2006). Prilike socijalističkog sustava na ovim prostorima, uz zakašnjelu recepciju postmodernih teorija autorstva, stvaraju sasvim drugačije efekte od onih koje predviđa postmoderna teorija.01 Naime, za razliku od postmodernog odricanja autorstva ovdje ∞ uvjetovano povijesnim iskustvima radničkih umjetničkih kolektiva ∞ na primjerima iz Hrvatske, a posebno Splita može se otkriti kontinuitet. Upravo to postaje jasno iz splitskog slučaja sta- bla oblijepljenog žvakaćim gumama pred splitskim Kliničko-bolni čkim centrom koji sam obradila u tom tekstu, ili akcijama grupe navijača Torcida splitskog nogometnog prvoligaša Hajduka. Na sli- čan način kao što se formira sporadičan autor, kojeg se ne može detektirati, funkcioniraju i autorstva spamiranja kao kolektivne akcije. Naime, tek rijetke osobe mogu znati tko je poimence sudjelovao u danoj akciji. Ipak, ni te osobe ne mogu znati redi li se o isti- nitim osobama ili avatarima. Ove teze navodim kako bih u ovom izlaganju dala naznake o mogućnosti formiranja Ωeksibilne grupe aktivista / umjetnika, za razliku od ∫ksnih formacija koje de∫nira Critical Art Ensemble u svojem prijedlogu ćelijskih organizacija (cell organisation), koje u kritici s aspekta individualnosti kritizira i Mark Dery (Dery 1999). U narednom dijelu opisati ću socijalnu dinamiku i djelovanje Face book grupe Get Getanima, koja se formirala 2011. No prethodno valja vidjeti gdje postoje raniji primjeri ovakvih akcija.

UNESCO spam

01 Vidi pr.: Barthes, R. (1977). “The Death of the Godine 2011. u kontekstu stvaranja mnogih inicijativa za obranu Author”, u Image - Text - Mu- javnog prostora u Hrvatskim gradovima podigla se i nevelika popu- sic. New York, Hill and Wang; lacija stanara Dioklecijanove palače. Iako je inicijativa zasnovana Foucault, M. (1977). “What is an Author?”, u Language, na obrani de facto privatnog vlasništva, ugroženog od strane kapita- Counter Memory, Practice. la koji potiskuje stare običaje i dobre prakse življenja, Oxfrord, Blackwell. Burke, J. M. (1989). The death and gentri∫cirajući prostor u turistički sadržaj i prostor eksluzivnih vila, return of the author : criticism po pitanju reakcije i nije bilo velikih razlika od inicijativa Za Marjan and subjectivity in Barthes, Foucault and Derrida. Univer- ili Srđ je naš!, osim što su stanari Palače odlučili eksploatirati nove sity of Edinburg; Derrida, J. medije nešto više od drugih grupa. Za razliku od postavljanja jedno- (1995). On the Name. Stan- ford, Stanford University smjerne Facebook stranice, stanari Dioklecijanove palače osnivaju Press. grupu Get Getanima, danas zatvorenu i sa striktnim pravilima po-

237 Ana Peraica Masovni spam Collectively vs. anonymously criticized by Mark Dery from the 01 See e.g. R. Barthes, “The Death perspective of individuality (Dery of the Author,” in: In my article “Anonymous Artist, Nameless 1999). In the continuation of this Image - Text - Music (New York: Hill and East text, I will describe the social dy- Hero, Unknown History,” published in the Wang, 1977); M. Art Map volume, I have offered an overview of namic and activity of a Facebook Foucault, “What is evolution from the modernist pseudonymous group called “Get Getanima,” an Author?” in: Language, Counter artworks to the socialist alternative and group which was formed in 2011. But Memory, Practice ones, all the way down to the emergence of first, I would like to mention some (Oxford: Blackwell, 1977); J.M. Burke, mass art, i.e. art in which the author cannot be of the earlier examples of such ac- The Death and Return clearly identified, and where it is not even their tions. of the Author: Criti- cism and Subjectivity intent (Peraica 2006). The socialist regime in in Barthes, Foucault this region, with its belated reception of the and Derrida (Edin- Spamming UNESCO burgh: University of postmodern theories of authorship, has led to Edinburg, 1989); J. completely different effects from those fore- Derrida On the Name seen by postmodernist theory.01 Namely, un- In 2011, at a moment when nu- (Stanford: Stanford University Press, like the postmodernist rejection of authorship merous initiatives for the protec- 1995). — determined by the historical experience of tion of public space emerged in workers’ art collectives — examples from Croatian cities and towns, a rather Croatia, especially Split, reveal small population of people living certain continuity. It becomes evi- in the area of Diocletian’s Palace dent in the case of a tree covered in Split also raised their voices. in chewing gums in front of the Even though this initiative aimed Clinical and Hospital Centre in at defending private property, Split, which I dealt with in the threatened by capital that sup- aforementioned article, or in ac- presses the old customs and life- tions undertaken by Torcida, a styles, gentrifying the area into a group of football supporters of tourist destination and a district the first-league team Hajduk. The of exclusive villas, the reactions were not much authorship of spamming as a col- different from those of initiatives such as “Za lective action functions in a similar Marjan” or “Srđ je naš!” except that the inhab- way as in the creation of a sporadic itants of Diocletian’s Palace decided to use author, who cannot be detected. new media more intensely as compared to the Only rare individuals will know other groups. Instead of creating a one-direc- who exactly participated in the tional Facebook page, the inhabitants of Dio- given action, and even those can cletian’s Palace initiated an open Facebook never be sure whether the named group called “Get Getanima,” which is nowa- participants are real persons or days closed and observing a strict netiquette. just avatars. Contrary to a Facebook page, where only a sin- I am mentioning these hy- gle person or a small group of people can write, potheses in order to indicate the while others can merely comment, creating a possibilities of forming a flexible group proved more beneficial in terms of par- group of activists/artists, unlike ticipation and discussion of a larger number of the fixed formations as defined by users. Critical Art Ensemble in their pro-

Ana Peraica Mass Spamming posal of cell organization, likewise

238 našanja. Za razliku od stranice, na kojoj samo jedan ili tek nekolici- na piše, a drugi mogu samo komentirati, grupa se pokazuje zani- mljivijom za sudjelovanje i diskusiju većeg broja sudionika.

FOTOGRAFIJE U postovima prednjače fotogra∫je e se iz redova 450 članova grupe pro∫lira najmanje dvadeset, a najviše pedeset stalnih izvjestitelja, koji danonoćno prate i pokrivaju prostor cijele Palače iz raznih ku- tova. Fotogra∫je i videa se često proslijeđuju medijima. Jedan od pamtljivijih slučajeva prijenosa podataka u otvorene medije iz zatvorene grupe je svakako video turista koji upražnjavaju seksualni odnos na javnom mjestu, kojega na naslovnicama prenose gotovo sve dnevne novine.02 No, obzirom da grupa nema urednika, već samo moderatore, događa se da mediji prenose i ulične vijesti koje nisu provjerene ∞ poput smrti jednog od viđenijih Getana ∞ još uvijek živog, Drage Žile, dosežući tako felinijevske razmjere burleske.03

SPAM Get Getanima je također Facebook grupa koja okuplja članove za buduću akciju. No, izbor akcije nikada nije bilo ∫zičko okupljanje. Razlog tome je što su adresati akcije zapravo bile internacionalne organizacije, poput UNESCO-ovog Centra za svjetsku baštinu, čije sjedište je u Parizu, a koji je zatražio od Grada Splita Plan upravljanja starom gradskom jezgrom. Ovu obavezu je Grad Split, po staroj logici maskiranja javnih pitanja, privatnom nagodbom odlučio dati Giori Solaru i Shahar Solar, izraelskim arhitektima koji su za sam 02 “Seks u centru Splita, Torcida nagradila Australi- projekt primili značajna sredstva. No, već po objavi Solarovog rada jance pljeskom”, 24 sata, na stranicama grada, postalo je jasno kako će procesi konzerviranja 17.8.2012., http:// www.24sata.hr/reporteri/ baštine dovesti do konzerviranja, a time i ubijanja života centra gra- seks-u-centru-splita-torcida- da. Prema novim uvjetima, koje predlaže nacrt, život stanara se mo- nagradila-australce-pljeskom-277965 gao umnogome iskomplicirati, prvenstveno u smislu ∫nancijskih obaveza, dok su se prava koja su im se garantirala kao stanarima tj. 03 “Drago Žila je živ, Splićani oplakali omiljenog vlasnicima prostora smanjila. gradskog čistaća ribe no Na predloženi plan prvo je reagirala udruga Građanska inicija- Joško Bačić ima još posla na tiva Split (GIST), odašiljajući niz kritika pismenim putem, ali i otva- peškariji”, Slobodna Dalmaci- ja on-line izdanje, 2.2.2013., rajući prostora diskusije. U namjeri da spriječi prihvaćanje ovakvog http://www.slobodnadalma- Plana Dalibor Popović je na sjednici Gradskog vijeća istaknuo i neu- cija.hr/Split/tabid/72/artic- leType/ArticleView/ ključivanje u izradu nacrta stanara stare gradske jezgre, što su obja- articleId/201240/Default. vili i mediji. Grupa Get Getanima nastaje kao reakcija potaknuta aspx ovom izjavom te u kratkom vremenskom periodu podiže broj stana- 04 Splićane isključujete ra u digitalnom prostoru na nekoliko stotina, a u obranu građan- iz palače, Slobodna Dalmaci- ja, 27.10.2010., http://slobod- skih prava uključuje i temu prava vlasništva, koja ovu inicijativu nadalmacija.hr/Split/ razlikuju od drugih navedenih.04 tabid/72/articleType/Article- Veliki broj članova uputiti će i peticiju direktoru Centra za svjet View/articleId/119581/Defa- ult.aspx sku baštinu UNESCO-a Kishoreu Raou, pozivajući se na aksiome su-

239 Ana Peraica Masovni spam p h o t o g r a p h s that the processes of preserving 02 “Seks u centru Splita, Torcida The Facebook posts are dominated by photo- the heritage would also lead to nagradila Australce graphs. Among the 450 group members, be- the preservation, and thus killing, pljeskom” [Sex in the centre of Split, of life in the city centre. Accord- tween 20 and 50 permanent reporters have Torcida awarded the been profiled, they observe and cover the en- ing to the new regulations fore- Australians with 24 sata tire space of Diocletian’s Palace from various seen by the plan, life of the citi- applause], (August 17, 2012), angles, day and night. Photographs and videos zens would become very compli- http://www.24sata. are often forwarded to the media. One of the cated, primarily in terms of finan- hr/reporteri/seks-u- centru-splita-torc- more prominent cases of forwarding informa- cial burden, while the rights ida-nagradila-aus- tion from a closed group into the mass media granted to them as tenants or tralce-pljeskom- 277965 was certainly that of two tourists having sex in owners of property would be con- a public place, which was published by almost siderably diminished. 03 “Drago Žila je živ, Splićani oplakali all daily newspapers on their cover pages.02 The first to react to the pro- omiljenog gradskog But since the group has no editor, only moder- posed plan was the Civic Initiative čistaća ribe no Joško ators, it can happen that the media publish a Split (GIST), which sent off a Bačić ima još posla na peškariji” [Drago piece of street news that has not been ascer- number of objections in writing, Žila is alive, the tained — such as the death of a popular Getan and also opened up space for dis- citizens of Split mourned after their who is still very much alive, Drago Žila, which cussion. Determined to prevent favourite fish clean- has reached the proportions of a the implementation of the Plan, er, but Joško Bačić still has things to do 03 Felini-type burlesque. Dalibor Popović emphasized at at pescaria], Slo- the meeting of the City Council bodna Dalmacija online edition (Febru- that the citizens living in the old SPAMMING ary 2, 2013), http:// “Get Getanima” is also a Facebook city centre had not been consult- www.slobodnadal- group preparing their members ed in the drafting of the Plan, a macija.hr/Split/ tabid/72/arti- for a future action. However, statement that also appeared in cleType/Arti- physical gathering has never been the media. “Get Getanima” was cleView/ articleId/201240/ their choice of action. One of the created in reaction to that state- Default.aspx reasons is the fact that the action’s ment, and after a short while the 04 “Splićane addressees are actually interna- number of citizens meeting in that isključujete iz tional organizations such as digital space grew to several hun- palače” [You are excluding the citi- UNESCO’s World Heritage Cen- dred, and to defend their civil zens of Split from tre, with its headquarters in Paris, rights they raised the issue of the Palace], Slo- bodna Dalmacija which had demanded from the their property rights too, a cir- (October 27, 2010), City of Split to provide a plan of cumstance that distinguishes this http://slobodnadal- managing the old city centre. The initiative from all the others which macija.hr/Split/ tabid/72/arti- 04 City of Split, following its old logic I have mentioned before. cleType/Arti- of camouflaging public issues, de- A large number of members cleView/ articleId/119581/ cided to award the project with- sent a petition to the director of Default.aspx out a public tender to Giora Solar World Heritage Centre at and Shahar Solar, architects from UNESCO, Kishore Rao, quoting Israel who received a considerable the requirements of citizen participation en- amount of money for the project. dorsed by UNESCO generally, and the protec- However, immediately after So- tion that it grants to the monument that goes lar’s plan was published on the by the motto “1700 years long continuity of

Ana Peraica Mass Spamming city’s webpage, it became clear life”. But as the President of World Heritage

240 Besides the gentrification process, which has infect- Osim gentri∫kacijskog procesa koji zahvaća veći- ed most cities and towns, Diocletian’s Palace, similar nu gradova, Dioklecijanova palača, slično Veneci- to Venice and Dubrovnik, is additionally subject to a ji i Dubrovniku, prolazi i kroz procese iseljavanja process of emigration that is characteristic of loca- karakteristične za gradove pod zaštitom UNES- tions protected by UNESCO. (photo: Atelier Pera- CO-a. (foto: Atelier Perajica, 2012.) jica, 2012)

241 Ana Peraica Masovni spam Diocletian Palace is a unique monu- Dioklecijanova palača je jedinstveni ment in which people have been living spomenik u kojem život traje 1700 for 1700 years” godina (photo: Atelier Perajica, 2012) (foto: Atelier Perajica, 2012.) djelovanja koje zagovara UNESCO općenito i na zaštitu koju UNESCO daje spomeniku pod de∫nicijom ”1700 godina kontinuiteta života”. No, kako je odgovor predsjednika Centra za svjetsku baštinu kasnio, stanari su se odlučili, uz pomoć drugih inicijativa, srušiti server samoga UNESCO-a šaljući u samo jednoj noći stotine emailova. Niz autora e-mailova, bilo da se radi o pismima ili copy-paste sadržaju, poslao je e-mail istodobno na više adresa u UNESCO-ovu središnjicu. Većina e-mailova koja se vratila bila je copy-paste sadr- žaj istog teksta prevedenog pomoću Google translate, no među onima koja su prošla našla su se i neka pisma. Zanimljivo, ured UNESCO-a je svima poslao potvrdu o primitku e-maila s jednakim odgovorom, te jedan generički email svima koji su pretpostavljeni autori ovog digitalnog događaja. Uvidom u ovaj popis, može se ustvrditi da je među potpisnici- ma sudjelovao ogroman broj aktivista i s područja Zagreba, zajedno sa stanarima Dioklecijanove palače. Među njima se našla i današ- nja ministrica kulture Andreja Zlatar Violić. Isti dan, direktor UNESCO-a je poslao odgovor stanarima zaželjevši im dobrodošlicu. Od toga dana, niz inicijativa i udruga je u stalnom kontaktu sa UNESCO-vim uredom u Parizu, što prije nije bio slučaj.

Mikrosociologija

Zbog ovakve mikrosocijalne klime svakako je lakše reagirati. Poseb- nu pogodnost ovakva grupa našla je u korištenju novih medija, prvenstveno društvene mreže Facebook, no paradoksalno, grupa se 05 Nekoliko članova nije razvila sve dok se od otvorene grupe, koju je mogao čitati bilo pozvano je na obavijesne razgovore vezano uz pisanja tko, nije zatvorila, čime je unijela intimnost i osjećaj povjerenja na grupi. Jedna osoba, isklju- među susjedima. Međutim, zatvaranje grupe dovelo je uskoro do čena iz grupe zbog spamiranja i privatne zlouporabe, problema, vezano uz pojedinačnu, ali i institucionalnu paranoju, policiji je prijavila da joj se upravo na način kako to opisuje CAE (Ensemble 2004).05 prijeti ne bi li time nanijela štetu zajednici. Iako većina potpisnika peticije sasvim sigurno nikada nije čula za Critical Art Ensemble i “taktičke medije”, njihove teorije 06 Tekst objavljen i kao danas su dio institucionalizirane prakse aktivističkog djelovanja. U poglavlje u Critical Art En- selmbe (2004). Digital resi- radnim bilješkama Observations on Collective Cultural Action Criti- stance: explorations in tactical Art Ensemble opisuje upravo ovaj tip akcije i angažmana kroz cal medi., New York, N.Y., 06 Autonomedia ; London : termine mikrosociologije (Ensemble 1998). Autorica Rita Raley do- Pluto. Segmenti teorije mogu datno će obraditi ove teze (Raley 2009). se pronaći i u ranijim radovi- ma Critical Art Enselmbea Mikrosociologija de∫nira male samoorganizacijske jedinice (1994). The electronic distur- koje su sposobne djelovati na način koji nije jednoznačno niti po- bance. Brooklyn, N.Y., Auto- nomedia. Critical Art En- znata politička niti umjetnička akcija. Grupa koja djeluje je jasno selmbe (2003). Electronic civil povezana interakcijom. U slučaju Getana, radi se o ∫zičkoj poveza- disobedience : and other unpo- nosti grupe susjeda koja sa sobom nosi cijeli niz speci∫čnosti za- pular ideas. New York, Auto- nomedia. tvorene zajednice, i to:

243 Ana Peraica Masovni spam Centre delayed in answering, the citizens de- cessible to everyone, into a closed 05 Several members were sum- cided, with the help of other initiatives, to one, which created a sense of trust moned for interroga- crash the server of UNESCO by sending hun- and closeness among the neigh- tion because of what they wrote in the dreds of e-mails in a single night. bours. However, closing the group group. Somebody A number of e-mails, be it original letters soon caused problems, which were who had been ex- or copy-paste content, arrived simultaneously related to individual and also insti- cluded from the group for spamming at several addresses at UNESCO’s headquar- tutional paranoia, precisely in the and abuse for per- ters. Most e-mails that were bounced were the way described by CAE (Ensemble sonal interest, reported being threat- 05 copy-paste versions of the same text, translat- 2004). ened to the police in ed with the help of Google Translate, but Even though most signers of order to harm the community. among those that managed to get through the petition have certainly never there were several genuine letters. It is inter- heard of Critical Art Ensemble and 06 The text was also published as a esting that UNESCO’s office sent the same an- “tactical media,” their theories chapter in Critical swer to everyone, in which it acknowledged are part of the institutionalized Art Ensemble, Digital having received the e-mail, and a generic e- practice of activism. In their work- Resistance: Explora- tions in Tactical mail to those who were the supposed authors ing notes called “Observations on Media (New York: of this digital event. Collective Cultural Action,” CAE Autonomedia; Lon- don: Pluto, 2004). This list reveals that there describe precisely this type of ac- Segments of the was a large number of activists tion and engagement, calling it same theory can also be found in the micro-sociology 06 from the Zagreb area among the (Ensemble 1998). earlier writings of participants, who assisted the in- Rita Raley later elaborated on Critical Art Ensem- ble, such as The habitants of Diocletian’s Palace in their hypotheses (Raley 2009). Electronic Distur- their endeavour. Among them, Micro-sociology defines bance (Brooklyn, NY: one should mention the present small, self-organized units that Autonomedia, 1994) or Electronic Civil Minister of Culture, Andreja Zlatar are capable of action in a way that Disobedience: And Violić. That same day UNESCO’s is neither outspokenly political Other Unpopular Ideas (New York: director sent an answer to the citi- nor artistic. The acting group is Autonomedia, zens, wishing them welcome. From also in manifest interaction. In 2003). that day, a number of initiatives case of the Getani, it is the physi- and associations have been in per- cal connectedness of a group of manent contact with UNESCO’s neighbours, which implies a number of specifi- office in Paris, which had not been cities typical of a closed community, such as: the case before. 1. Physical enclosure of the community within thick walls of the monument complex of Diocletian’s Palace, with common Micro-sociology characteristics of the space within walls such as low ceilings, constructions from In such a micro-social climate it is various epochs, narrow streets — ele- certainly easier to react. A particu- ments that all define the relationship be- lar advantage for such a group is tween public and private, in terms of in- the possibility of using new media, tense use of public space (piazzetas) and primarily Facebook’s social net- the non-existence of privacy (because of work, but paradoxically, this group old building methods and extremely nar- could not evolve before it changed row streets);

Ana Peraica Mass Spamming its status from an open group, ac-

244 1. Fizičke zatvorenosti zajednice debelim zidovima unutar pro- stornog kompleksa Dioklecijanove palače ∞ s posebnim pro- stornim odlikama unutrašnjeg dijela, kao što su gradnje niske katnosti, iz različitih vremenskih slojeva, uske ulice ∞ elementi koji redom de∫niraju odnose privatno-javno, u smislu izra- zitijeg korištenja javnog prostora (pjaceta) te nepostojanja privatnosti (zbog stare gradnje i preuskih ulica); 2. Povijesne zatvorenosti zajednice unutar povijesnog sklopa Dioklecijanove palače u odnosu na stanovništvo izvan zidina ∞ s nizom slojeva (važnim za sam grad, za pokrajinu, za državu, no naposljetku i za svjetsku baštinu, na čijem je popisu), koja se pozitivno etablira u socijalni model prihvaćanjem naziva “Getani”;07 3. Ekonomske vrijednosti koju formira povijesna zatvorenost zajednice (ad2) ∞ u smislu eksploatacije prostora u svrhe turizma, promocije, tržišta nekretnina itd., a koja je supstancijalno različita od ekonomske vrijednosti prostora izvan prostornih okvira Geta (ad1), pri čemu ta ekonomska vrijednost povezuje stanare kako na nivou ponosa vrijednošću, tako i zaštite u slu- čajevima pokušaja invazije; 4. Tradicijskog tipa života ∞ zbog snažne prostorno-vremenske i ekonomske vrijednosti, a naposljetku i stigme koja misti∫cira prethodno navedene karakteristike u niz objeda o životu unutar Palače, koje često završavaju klevetama da stanari nemaju sanitarne čvorove ili da su, najčešće, prostitutke i narkomani.

07 Naziv Get prvotno se Zatvorena zajednica stvara vlastite socijalne odnose, bilo bra- koristio za prostor kojeg su u kom, kumstvima ili nasljeđivanjem.08 XVIII. stoljeću naselili špa- njojski Židovi, u blizini da- našnjeg Židovskog prolaza i Zasnovana na ∫zičkoj povezanosti, povijesnim i ekonomskim veza- ulice Srid Geta. Naziv je preu- ma, grupa se pokazala čvršćom od neke druge grupacije. No, upravo zet iz Venecije, koja također formira Ghetto. No, za razli- kao što je opisano u CAE tezama o elektroničkom građanskom neku od venecijanskog Ghettoa, posluhu, grupa je prolazila krize, prva od kojih je bila postizanje splitski se samo dva puta zatvorio od ostatka grada. kritične mase. Naziv Get se širi tijekom XX. stoljeća kao stigma na cijeli sjeverni prostor Palače (do “KRITIČNA MASA” Stare pjacete), a u posljed- Critical Art Ensemble u navedenom eseju upozorava na problem njim godinama medijski je postizanja kritične mase kao mogućnosti eksplozivnog raspada gru- prišivak i za ostatak prostora Palače. pe: “Problem koji izgleda vječno pogađa kolektivno organiziranja je katastrofa koja nastupa kada grupa dosegne kritičnu masu. Kada 08 Kompilacija članaka se može naći na Del.icio.us grupa dosegne tu točku, ona nasilno aktivno eksplodira dok na kra- https://delicious.com/getani ju ništa ne ostane od organizacije.”09 I uistinu, grupa stanara koja je

09 Critical Art Ensemble potpisivala peticije odvojila se u malu grupu politički angažiranih (1998). “Observations on pojedinaca zainteresiranih za djelovanje u realnom prostoru, a ne Collective Cultural Actions “, u ARt Journal 57(2): 72-85., p. širenje grupe, dok je istodobno, kao reakcija, veličina Facebook gru- 75. pe za dvostruko porasla ∞ s 200 na današnjih gotovo 450 članova,

245 Ana Peraica Masovni spam 2. Historical enclosure of the community “CRITICAL MASS” 07 The name “Get” was first used for the within the ancient complex of Diocle- In the abovementioned essay, area inhabited by tian’s Palace as compared to the housing Critical Art Ensemble indicates the Spanish Jews in the 18th century, in conditions outside the city walls — with a the problem of achieving a critical the vicinity of to- number of layers (important for the city mass as a possibility of explosive day’s Židovski Prolaz as such, the region, the country, and dissolution of the group: “One (Jewish Passage) and Srid Geta (Central eventually for the world heritage, as it is problem that seems to plague col- Ghetto). The name on its list), positively affirmed as a social lective organization is the catas- was borrowed from Venice, which like- model by adopting the name of “Getani” trophe of the group reaching a wise had a ghetto, (“ghetto dwellers”);07 critical mass. When the point is but unlike the Vene- tian one, the ghetto 3. Economic value created by the historical reached, the group violently ac- in Split was only enclosure of the community (ad2) — in tively explodes, and little or noth- twice closed away from the rest of the terms of exploiting the space for tour- 09 ing is left of the organization.” city. The name be- ism, promotion, real-estate market, etc. Indeed, the group of tenants who came popular during th — which is substantially different from were writing the petitions splin- the 20 century as a stigma marking the the economic value of the space beyond tered off into a smaller group of entire northern area the borders of Get (ad1), whereby that politically engaged individuals in- of the Palace (to Stara Pjaceta), and in economic value connects its inhabitants, terested in becoming active in the recent years the both on the level of being proud of the real scpace instead of expanding media have been applying it to the value and in protection against any at- the group, whereas as a reaction, rest of the Palace as tempts of invading the district; the size of the Facebook group well. 4. Traditional way of life — owing to the doubled — from 200 to the 08 A compilation of great spatial-temporal and economic present-day 450 members, mostly articles can be found value, and eventually also the stigma people who live in the Palace. In at Del.icio.us, https://delicious.com/ that mystifies these features into a series the same process, the group getani of libels about the life within the Palace, turned from open into closed, 09 Critical Art such as that its inhabitants live in houses making it possible to achieve an Ensemble, “Obser- without sanitary facilities or that most of intimate social climate. vations on Collective Cultural Actions,” them are prostitutes and drug addicts. The Facebook group has ARt Journal 57/2 An enclosed community is bound to cre- continued to be active in virtual (1998): 72-85, p. 75. ate its own social relations, be it by mar- and real space alike, by organizing riage, godparenthood, or gatherings without direct politi- inheritance.08 cal action. Their activities include various performative actions. Based on that physical closeness, and the historical and economic PERFORMATIVE ACTIONS ties, the group has proved to be The first performative action, which took place more closely interconnected than during one of the “festa” or non-protest tradi- most other communities in the tional gatherings, was the making of a joint city. But as CAE’s hypothesis on family photograph, which included more than electronic civic disobedience eighty tenants positioned around a single ta- would predict, the group has ble. The second, which took place on the same passed through various crises, the day, was the re-enactment of the photographs first of them related to achieving a published earlier by Slobodna Dalmacija, which

Ana Peraica Mass Spamming critical mass. documented the life of people within

246 Autohtono stanovništvo Dioklecijanove palače, tzv. The indigenous population of Diocletian Palace, Getani, jače je socijalno povezano od drugih sredina the so-called Getani, are socially more closely pod udarom gentri∫kacije, prvenstveno stoga što ga connected than most other communities owing od ostatka grada dijele masivne zidine. to the process of gentrification and the fact that foto: Atelier Perajica, 2012. they are separated from the rest of the city by massive walls. photo: Atelier Perajica, 2012

247 Ana Peraica Masovni spam The residents of Diocletian’s Palace are character- Speci∫čnost stanara Dioklecijanove palače je ized by their attachment to the monument, which upravo njihov odnos prema spomeniku, a koji serves as an inspiration for numerous legends and razvija mnoge legende i mitove o pojedinim loka- myths around particular locations, as well as a reason cijama, kao i sasvim različito nazivlje dijelova for very different names of parts of the Palace from Palače od onoga u službenoj uporabi. those in official use. (photo: Atelier Perajica, 2012.) (foto: Atelier Perajica, 2012.) uglavnom stanara. U istom trenutku dok je gupa rasla, iz otvorne je prešla u zatvorenu, što je omogućilo intimni socijalni ambijent. Facebook grupa nastavila je djelovati u medijskom i u realnom prostoru, organizacijama druženja, no ne i aktivnim politič- kim sudjelovanjem. U djelovanju se ističu razne performativne akcije.

PERFORMATIVNE AKCIJE Prva od performativnih akcija, tijekom jedne od “fešta”, nedemon- strativnih tradicionlanih okupljanja, je snimanje zajedničke, obiteljske fotoga∫je, na kojoj sudjeluje preko osamdeset stanara, koji se namještaju oko zajedničkog stola. Druga, koja se odvija u istom danu je ponavljanje fotogra∫ja koje je nekada objavljivala Slobodna Dalmacija, o životu stanara unutar Dioklecijanove palače, dok je treća simulacija milenijskih fotogra∫ja Šime Strikomana, na kojoj stanari svojim tijelima ispisuju naziv svog životnog prostora ∞ Get. Fotogra∫je se putem Facebooka odašiljaju i tagiraju, demisti∫cirajući i dekontaminirajući naziv grupe stanara ∞ Getani. Ipak možda najzanimljivija akcija događa se prigodom gosto- vanja predstavnika Europske komisije Paula Vandorena za vrijeme svečanosti dana grada Splita, odnosno dana zaštitnika Splita Svetog Dujma 2012. godine. Grupa stanara tada organizira omanju “grade- ladu”, točno ispred već postojećih gra∫ta protiv Europske unije, gdje slučajno u protokolarnoj pratnji prolazi i Vandoren. Stanari, vidjevši da ih promatra protokolarni skup, među kojim se našao i predstavnik gradskog ureda za zaštitu stare gradske jezgre, počinju “voltavati,” tj. izvikivati okrenuti leđima, da se ne zna tko izgovara riječi, provociraju prisutne, pritom odabirući taktiku prije nego strategiju.

GRUPNA DINAMIKA Nakon serije događaja, od originalne grupe se razilazi frakcija Dica splitskog Geta, koja se koncentrira na pučke zabave. Ona nastaje upravo kao kritika temeljne grupe koja počinje dobivati strukturu reorganizirajući se u Macchiavelianskom smislu. Manjina postavlja pitanja cilja same grupe, upravo na način koji u kritici CAE sugerira Mark Dery (Dery 1999). Izvorna grupa Get Getanima ostaje vezana uz direktno objavljivanje fotogra∫ja, komentara i kritika i jaku vezu s medijima. No- vonastala grupa je manja i pokretljivija, odnosno brža i efektivnija. Iako, CAE tvrdi da će se veća rasplinuti zbog nedostatka intimnosti i interakcije, što u početku možda i jest problem, posebno kada je suočena s uspješnošću novonastale, dugoročno, situacija se mijenja, upravo zbog stvaranja ćelijske organizacije u moderiranju veće grupe. Nedostatak jasnog programa i cilja te zamor dovodi do goto-

249 Ana Peraica Masovni spam Diocletian Palace, while the third was a simula- maintained a strong link to the tion of the millennial photos by Šime Strikoman, mass media. The newly created in which the tenants used their bodies to form group was smaller and more flexi- the name of their neighbourhood — Get. These ble, and thus also faster and more photographs were disseminated and tagged efficient. Although CAE predicts on Facebook, demystifying and decontaminat- the dissolution of the larger group ing the name of the group — Getani. owing to the lack of closeness and However, perhaps the most interesting interaction, which was indeed action occurred during the visit of the EU rep- their initial problem, especially resentative Paul Vandoren on the occasion of when faced with the success of the feast day of Split’s patron St. Domnio and the newly emerged group, the the celebrations organized by the city in 2012. situation eventually changed ow- A group of tenants organized a small “gradela- ing to the creation of a cell organi- da” exactly in front of the already existing an- zation of its moderators. The ab- ti-EU graffiti, which Vandoren also happened sence of a clear programme and to pass by with his protocol suite. Seeing that goal, as well as the waning of the the guests had noticed them, together with initial enthusiasm, practically de- the representative of the Municipal Office for stroyed the group that focused on the Protection of Old City Centre, popular parties, while the larger the tenants began shouting out group introduced a whole series provocations with their backs of organizational regulations. turned to the observers (action The reasons for these regu- known as “voltavati”) so that it lations are obvious as the group is was not clear who uttered the often subject to market-related and primarily words, thus choosing a tactic over political attacks. Owing to their large number, the strategy. the citizens of Get are often approached as a potential constituency before elections. Here g r o u p d y n a m i c s one can eventually observe the closing of cir- After this series of events, a fac- cuit between the activist and promotional use tion called “Dica splitskog Geta” of spamming. In response to these problems, (Children of Split’s Ghetto) splin- the group has shifted its focus from offensive tered from the original group and to aggressively defensive, endorsing: focused on organizing popular 1. Political autonomy (closed system) parties. It was a critique of the 2. relativism towards political options (fun- original group, which had started damental critique) to acquire a structure reorganized 3. radical critique of a “via via” type, in in a Machiavellian style. A minority which a selected text of another author thus questioned the aims of the is quoted instead of the original, direct group as such, just as suggested speech (use of arguments between the by Mark Dery in CAE’s critique opposed sides in a debate, i.e. additional (Dery 1999). splitting of discourse). The original group of “Get 4. Intense communication with the mass Getanima” remained commited to media. direct posting of photographs,

Ana Peraica Mass Spamming comments, and criticisms, and

250 Nazivom Get se označavao samo dio Dioklecijanove The name Get was originally used only for the palače kojega su od 17. stoljeća naseljavali Židovi. section of Diocletian’s Palace inhabited by the Tijekom 20. stoljeća termin se širi na čitav prostor Jews from the 17th century onwards. In the 20th kojega zatvaraju zidine Dioklecijanove palače, u century, however, it was extended to the entire početku pejorativno. space enclosed by the walls of the Palace, and (foto: Atelier Perajica, 2012.) was at first used pejoratively. (photo: Atelier Pera- jica, 2012) Even though CAE has concluded that the elec- This so far functional model 10 Critical Art Ensemble, Digital tronic civic disobedience should be kept sepa- of contestation against the proc- Resistance: Explora- rate from the mass media, advising: “Use what esses of gentrification, especially tions in Tactical Media (New York: is already available, give the media vultures the one under the protections by Autonomedia; Lon- nothing, and the only option for cooptation UNESCO, leads us to conclude don: Pluto, 2004), left is cannibalism (hence the proliferation of that media activism, i.e. activism 28. retro)”, interaction with the mass media in which includes presence in the terms of informing or even misinforming them media and engagement with the through social networks seems to be of consid- media, functions at the moment erable help to the community of Getani.10 Jour- as a model of resistance, even in nalists open up space in which the community the context of the gentrification participates, presenting their problems and process which many critics con- thus exerting a pressure through the media in sider inescapable (Lees et al., order to have their problems solved, which 2007). again — although only during election campaigns — indeed occasionally leads to solutions. Ana Peraica Mass Spamming

252 vo potpunog nestanka grupe koja je orijentirana na pučke zabave, dok veća grupa unosi čitav niz organizacijskih pravila. Razlog formiranju pravila je očit s obzirom da je velika grupa često predmetom marketinških, no primarno političkih ataka. Na grupu građana, zbog velikog broja, često se adresiraju poruke koje ih žele vrbovati kao birače. I tu, naposljetku, imamo zatvoreni krug aktivističke i marketinške upotrebe spama. Upravo zbog ovakvih problema, grupa mijenja fokus iz ofenzivnoga u agresivno defanziv- ni, zagovarajući: 1. političku neovisnost (zatvorenost sustava), 2. relativizam političkih opcija (temeljitu kritiku), 3. radikalnu kritiku “via via” u kojoj se prenosi odabrani tuđi tekst namjesto izvornog osobnog govora (upotrebljavanje ar- gumenata između strana u diskusiji, odnosno dodatnim raz- dvajanjem diskursa), 4. intenzivno sudjelovanje u radu sa medijima.

Iako CAE zaključuje kako elektronički građanski neposluh treba držati dalje od masovnih medija, rekavši “[k]oristite ono što je već dostupno, ništa ne dajte medijskim grabežljivcima, tako da će jedina opcija za kooptaciju biti kanibalizam (zbog čega je i došlo do širenja retra)”, interakcija s masovnim medijima, u smislu informiranja no i dezinformiranja putem društveni mreža čini se da je od velike pomoći za zajednicu stanara.10 Novinari, naime, otvaraju prostor u kojem stanari sudjeluju, prezentiraju svoje probleme, a time stvaraju i medijski pritisak da se njihove probleme riješi, što opet ∞ no isključivo u vrijeme izbora ∞ donekle i rezultira rješavanjem njihovih problema. Upravo zbog ovog, za sada funkcionalnog modela suočavanja s procesima gentri∫kacije, posebno ovakve pod zaštitom UNESCO-a, može se zaključiti kako medijski aktivizam, koji uklju- čuje medijsku prisutnost i angažman, za sada funkcionira kao model otpora, čak i u okolnostima gent∫rikacije koje u veliki broj autora smatra neminovnom (Lees et al, 2007).

10 Vidi: Critical Art Ensemble (2004). Digital resistance : explorations in tactical media. New York, N.Y., Autonomedia ; London, Pluto. Str. 28.

253 Ana Peraica Masovni spam Bibliography

Barthes, R. “The Death of the Author.” In: Image ______. Digital Resistance: Explorations in — Text — Music. New York: Hill and Wang, Tactical Media. New York: Autonomedia; 1977. London: Pluto, 2004. Burke, J.M. The Death and Return of the Author: Foucault, M. “What is an Author?” In: Language, Criticism and Subjectivity in Barthes, Foucault Counter Memory, Practice. Oxford: Blackwell, and Derrida. Edinburgh: University of 1977. Edinburgh, 1989. Lees et al. (ed.). Gentrification. Routledge, New Derrida, J. On the Name. Stanford: Stanford York, and London, 2007. University Press, 1995. Peraica, A. “Anonymous Artist, Unknown Hero, Dery, M. The Pyrotechnic Insanitarium: American Nameless Histories; Motif of Duchamp’s Culture on the Brink. New York: Grove Press, variable x in Contemporary Croatian Art.” In: 1999. East Art Map Contemporary Art and Eastern Critical Art Ensemble. The Electronic Disturbance. Europe. IRWIN. London: Afterall Publishing Brooklyn, NY: Autonomedia, 1994. MIT Press Distribution, 2006. ______. “Observations on Collective Raley, R. Tactical Media. Minneapolis, MN: Cultural Actions,” ARt Journal 57/2 (1998): University of Minnesota Press, 2009. 72-85. Steyerl, H. “Digital Debris: Spam and Scam,” ______. Electronic Civil Disobedience: And October 138 (Fall 2011): 70-80. Other Unpopular Ideas. New York: Autonomedia. 2003. Ana Peraica Mass Spamming

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Barthes, R. (1977). "The Death of the Author", Critical Art Ensemble (2004). Digital resistance u Image - Text - Music, New York, Hill and : explorations in tactical media. New York, Wang. N.Y., Autonomedia ; London : Pluto. Burke, J. M. (1989). The death and return of the Foucault, M. (1977). "What is an Author?", u author : criticism and subjectivity in Language, Counter Memory, Practice. Barthes, Foucault and Derrida, University Oxford, Blackwell. of Edinburgh. Lees et al. (ur.) (2007). Gentri∫cation. Derrida, J. (1995). On the Name. Stanford, Routledge, New York, London. Stanford University Press. Peraica, A. (2006). "Anonymous Artist, Dery, M. (1999). The pyrotechnic insanitarium: Unknown Hero, Nameless Histories; American culture on the brink. New York, motif of Duchamp's variable x in Grove Press. contemporary Croatian art", u East Art Critical Art Ensemble (1994). The electronic Map Contemporary Art and Eastern disturbance. Brooklyn, N.Y., Autonomedia. Europe. IRWIN. London, Afterall Critical Art Ensemble (1998). "Observations Publishing MIT Press Distribution. on Collective Cultural Actions ", u ARt Raley, R. (2009). Tactical media. Minneapolis, Journal 57(2): 72-85. Minn.; London, University of Minnesota Critical Art Ensemble (2003). Electronic civil Press. disobedience: and other unpopular ideas. Steyerl, H. (2011). "Digital debris: Spam and New York, Autonomedia. Scam." u October jesen (138): 70-80.

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