EMILE JAQUES-DALCROZE' S INFLUENCE

ON FRANK MARTIN: 1924-1937

DANIEL I. RUBINOFF

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

GRADUATE PROGRAM IN MUSIC

YORK UNIVERSITY

TORONTO, ONTARIO

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While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans in the document page count, their la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu removal does not represent any loss manquant. of content from the thesis. Canada ABSTRACT

The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the creative affinity between Emile

Jaques-Dalcroze (1865-1950) and Frank Martin (1890-1974). Martin publicly downplayed Dalcroze's potentially influential role as his teacher, and thus this research avoids attempting to prove that Dalcroze exerted a direct and indubitable influence on

Martin. Instead, this study investigates how Martin's compositions of the period have an affinity with the exercises that he learned as a student in Dalcroze's Eurhythmies classes and employed in his own teaching. The dissertation's chief aim is to explore the creative rapport between these two musicians, which is principally found in their similiar approaches to certain rhythmic procedures.

Dalcroze was a Swiss pedagogue and composer who started teaching at the Geneva

Conservatoire in 1892. At the turn of the century, he created Eurhythmies, a method of education which consisted of bodily movements that were designed to deepen his students' responses to music's rhythmic and expressive parameters. The method attracted musicians, theatre artists, dancers and educators. By 1920, there were Eurhythmies teachers throughout Europe and in Russia and the United States.1

Martin was already an established Swiss composer in 1924 when he publicly praised

Eurhythmies as an effective method for training young performers and composers. In his

1926 essay, "La notation du rythme", he discussed some aspects of Dalcroze's method in

1 Eurhythmies was started in Canada by Madeleine Boss Lasserre (1901-1998), who began offering courses in 1925 at the Margaret Eaton School in Toronto.

iv the context of his composition, Trio sur des melodies populaires irlandaises (1925).

Dalcroze himself praised Martin's orchestral composition, Rythmes (1926), as an example of the rhythmic innovation associated with his method.

Martin's rhythmic focus led him to enroll in the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze (IJD) in

1926.2 After his graduation in 1928, he became a professor of improvisation and rhythmic theory at the IJD and taught there until 1937. During the period of his studies and professorship (1926-1937), he composed a number of works that resembled some rhythmic concepts in Dalcroze's method and pedagogical compositions. These works include Chanson le petit village (1930), Le Coucou (1930), Chanson en canon (1930), La nique a Satan (1931), Quatre pieces breves pour guitare (1933) and Deux pieces faciles

(1937).

This research demonstrates that most of Martin's compositions of the period

(1924-1937) have an affinity with the following Dalcroze Eurhythmies subjects:

1) unequal beats, 2) rhythmic counterpoint, 3) changing metre, 4) polymetre, 5) anacrusic rhythms, 6) syncopation and 7) rhythmic transformation.

2 The abbreviation IJD appears in the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze's promotional literature and on its website (www. dalcroze.ch).

v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to acknowledge three members of the York University Graduate Program in

Music who stimulated my ideas and helped to refine my critical thinking skills. Professor

Jay Rahn was an inspiring and insightful supervisor who gave generously of his time. He provided detailed feedback, encouragement and expertise at every stage of the process.

His eclectic approach to research helped me to investigate Dalcroze Eurhythmies in new ways.

My other supervisory committee members also made valuable contributions to this work. Professor Dorothy DeVal read over the entire dissertation and gave me valuable suggestions. Her PhD research seminar helped me to understand the importance of the social context in music scholarship. Over the years, I have benefitted from our discussions on a wide range of shared interests: dance, Cape Breton fiddle music, music history pedagogy and musicianship. Professor Casey Sokol's classes in piano improvisation offered me new ways of looking at Dalcroze's methods. His eclectic teaching style encompasses a vast array of approaches to creativity. A special thank you to Casey for his support and feedback during my comprehensive examinations.

Although she was not a member of my supervisory committee, Selma Odom's comments and suggestions have been extremely valuable. Her knowledge of historical

Dalcroze research is extraordinary and I am fortunate to have had many long and fruitful conversations with her. Her willingness to share her vast documentary resources saved me untold hours.

vi My two research trips to the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze in Geneva were invaluable. I was fortunate to be granted access to the IJD's Centre international de documentation

(CID) by Sylvia Del Bianco, the institution's artistic director. Her generosity made it possible for me to uncover critical archival material. I was also lucky to have the support and advice of Isabelle Hirt, the head of the IJD's archival department. My meetings with master teachers at the Institut gave me valuable insight into the relationship between past and present approaches to Dalcroze pedagogy. Those teachers included Jean-Marc

Aeschimann, Malou Hatt-Arnold, Marie-Laure Bachmann, Madeleine Duret, Ruth

Gianadda and Christiane Montandon. A special note of gratitude also goes to Jacques

Tchamkerten, Dalcroze historian extraordinaire, for sharing his vast knowledge and enthusiasm. Without the support of travel grants and internal scholarships from York

University, my travels to Geneva would have been impossible.

My journey as a student of Dalcroze Eurhythmies has also influenced my dissertation writing. I will always treasure the excitement of my classes with Donald Himes in

Toronto and Robert Abramson in New York. The wisdom and artistry conveyed by Lisa

Parker and Anne Farber at the Longy School of Music crystallized many of the key elements in Dalcroze's work. My discussions and correspondence with Ruth Alperson and Jack Stevenson also contributed to my understanding of Frank Martin's connection to

Dalcroze and Bernard Reichel. I am also grateful to Laval University professor Louise

Mathieu, a master Dalcroze teacher and dedicated Dalcroze scholar.

vii I wish to thank Maria Martin, the widow of Frank Martin, for her gracious hospitality and willingness to answer all of my questions with patience and wisdom. She welcomed me into the Frank Martin House in Naarden, the Netherlands, and gave me many precious documents that benefitted my research. A huge amount of gratitude goes to Ferry

Joengbloed of the Frank Martin House, who organized my stay in Naarden, introduced me to Amsterdam and helped my research in innumerable ways.

I could not have completed this dissertation without the help of Yildiz Habib, a retired

French-language translator and amateur choral singer who checked many of my translations of Martin's and Dalcroze's essays. Her meticulousness and ability to dig deeply into semantic issues helped me produce accurate translations and also gave me much insight into the language itself.

I wish also to acknowledge the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of

Canada (SSHRC) who awarded me a generous three-year doctoral fellowship in support of this dissertation.

Finally, a special special thanks goes to my wife Heidi and daughter Rose for their encouragement and patience. I dedicate this dissertation to the memory of Donald Himes

(1930-2011), a great Dalcroze teacher, mentor and friend.

viii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract iv

List of Figures xi

Introduction 1

Chapter 1: Emile Jaques-Dalcroze: His Life and Musical Influences 6

Chapter 2: Dalcroze's Eurhythmies Method 16

Chapter 3: Frank Martin: His Life, Music and Early Connection to Dalcroze 36

Chapter 4: Martin Experiments with African-American Rhythms in Paris 52

Chapter 5: Trio sur des melodies populaires irlandaises (1925) 65

Chapter 6: Rythmes (1926) 80

Chapter 7: Dalcroze and Martin in Geneva 96

Chapter 8: Frank Martin's Compositional Activity at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze: 1928-1932 136

Chapter 9: Eurhythmies and the Atonal Influence: 1933-1937 162

Chapter 10: Conclusions 186

ix Epilogue: Etude rythmique

References LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 3.1: Tete de Linotte, mm. 1-9

Figure 3.2: Gloria from Martin's Messe - Choir 1 (mm. 70-77)

Figure 3.3: Oedipe-Roi, 5th mvt., Flute/Harp (Piano Reduction)

Figure 3.4: Oedipe a Colone: Nr. 1 (Prelude), Strings, m. 5-8

Figure 4.1: Louis Mitchell and the Jazz Kings, Chicago

Figure 4.2: Eurhythmic exercise in syncopation

Figure 4.3: Eurhythmic exercise in mixed metre

Figure 4.4: Ouverture, mm. 1-6

Figure 4.5: Le Picoulet rhythm from Martin's essay

Figure 4.6: Unequal beats exercise

Figure 4.7: Martin's notation of the basic rhythm of a foxtrot

Figure 4.8: Foxtrot, mm. 98-103

Figure 5.1: Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, Allegro moderato, mm. 1-12

Figure 5.2: Cello Part, Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, Adagio, mm. 1-15

Figure 5.3: Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, Adagio, mm. 38-49

Figure 5.4: Gigue, Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, mm. 1-5

Figure 5.5: Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, Gigue, mm. 25-28

Figure 5.6: Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, Gigue, mm. 159-164

Figure 5.7: Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, Gigue, mm. 96-103

xi Figure 5.8: Transformation exercises from Dalcroze's La Rythmique

Figure 6.1: Tambour part in Rythmes m. 1

Figure 6.2: Dalcrozian time signatures

Figure 6.3: Anacrusic phrase in winds, mvt. 1, Rythmes mm. 5-8

Figure 6.4: Anacrusic patterns in Dalcroze's La Rythmique (vol. 1)

Figure 6.5: Rythmes, mvt. 2, mm. 1-6

Figure 6.6: Upper Strings, Rythmes, mvt. 3, mm. 97-99

Figure 6.7: Dalcroze's 15/8 rhythm in La Rythmique

Figure 6.8: Woodwinds, Rythmes, mvt. 3, mm. 164-173

Figure 6.9: Trombone part, Rythmes, mvt. 3, mm. 196-197

Figure 7.1: Introduction to Compte-Rendu: premier congres du rythme 1926

Figure 7.2: 6/8 Rhythm variant from Introduction to Compte-Rendu: premier congres du rythme

Figure 7.3: Dalcroze's dotted-note notation

Figure 7.4: Dalcroze's polyrhythmic example

Figure 7.5: Polyrhythmic example from Martin's essay, "La notation du rythme" (1926)

Figure 7.6: Polyrhythm in Trio on Irish Folk Tunes

Figure 7.7: Irregular measure exercise from a 1926 Dalcroze lesson plan

Figure 7.8: Ouverture from Martin's Ouverture et Foxtrot (1924), mm. 1-6

Figure 7.9: Syncopation exercise from a 1926-27 Dalcroze lesson plan

Figure 7.10: Dalcroze Contrepoint exercise in 6/4 metre

xii Figure 7.11: Dalcroze exercise: counterpoint in 3/4 and 6/8 metre

Figure 7.12: Gigue (mvt. 3) from Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, mm. 43-46

Figure 7.13: Dalcroze exercise in dissociation

Figure 7.14: Trio on Irish Folk Tunes (1925), mvt. 1, mm. 9-13

Figure 7.15: Dalcroze exercise in unequal beats (temps inegaux)

Figure 7.16: Dalcroze Transformation exercise

Figure 7.17: Excerpt from Martin's March 16, 1927 lesson plan

Figure 8.1: Chanson Le petit village mm. 1-18

Figure 8.2: Opening section, Martin menait son pourceau (Claudin de Sermisy)

Figure 8.3: Opening section, Flic-Floc, mm. 1-12

Figure 8.4: Chanson le petit village, mm. 19-42

Figure 8.5: Le coucou, mm. 1-24

Figure 8.6: Flic Floe, mm. 13-21

Figure 8.7: Tenor/Bass opening of Chanson en canon (1930)

Figure 8.8: Chanson en canon (1930) excerpts

Figure 8.9: Variation Polymetrique mm. 1-4

Figure 8.10: Variation Polymetrique mm. 9-12

Figure 8.11: Chanson des Beaux Esprits, from La nique a Satan, mm. 1-2

Figure 8.12: Chanson des Beaux Esprits, from La nique a Satan, mm. 2-6

Figure 8.13: Tenor and bass parts and piano, La nique a Satan, mm. 11-20

Figure 8.14: Tenors, basses, piano (reduction), Marche du Cirque, mm. 4-7

xiii Figure 8.15: Dalcroze children's exercise from La jolie musique (1939)

Figure 8.16: Contrepoint exercise in Dalcroze's La Rythmique

Figure 9.1: Prelude, from Quatre pieces breves, mm. 1-7

Figure 9.2: Dalcroze exercise in subdivision from La Rythmique, vol. 1 (1916)

Figure 9.3: Plainte from Quatre pieces breves mm. 1-6

Figure 9.4: Comme une Gigue, from Quatre pieces breves, mm. 1-6

Figure 9.5: Concerto pour piano et orchestre no. 1, mvt. 1, flute solo and accompaniment mm. 1-6

Figure 9.6: Martin's changing metre exercise from his 1927 lesson plan

Figure 9.7: Concerto pour piano et orchestra no. I, mvt. 1, strings, mm. 45-47

Figure 9.8: Dalcroze exercise in complementary rhythm

Figure 9.9: Concerto pour piano et orchestra no. 1, mvt. 3, trumpet and strings, mm. 1-10

Figure 9.10: Concerto pour piano et orchestre no. /, mvt. 3, piano part, mm. 32-34

Figure 9.11: Concerto pour piano et orchestre no. 1, mvt. 3, E-flat clarinet and piano, m. 40

Figure 9.12: Rhapsodie, mvt. 1, mm. 1-7

Figure 9.13: Rhapsodie, mvt. 1, Violin I and II, m. 42

Figure 9.14: Rhapsodie, mm. 74-75

Figure 9.15: Trio a cordes, mvt. 1, mm. 45-48

Figure 9.16: Les Grenouilles, le rossignol et la pluie, Piano II, mm. 1-3

Figure 9.17: Les Grenouilles, le rossignol et la pluie, Piano I, mm. 2-7 Figure 9.18: Petite marche blanche et trio noir, mm. 1-10

Figure 9.19: Petite marche blanche et trio noir, mm. 39-40

Figure 11.1: Etude rythmique, mm. 1-4

Figure 11.2: Etude rythmique, mm. 6-7

Figure 11.3: Etude rythmique, mm. 9-10

Figure 11.4: Etude rythmique, mm. 10-11

XV INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the creative connection between Emile

Jaques-Dalcroze (1865-1950) and Frank Martin (1890-1974). These two Swiss musicians contributed widely to twentieth-century European musical culture as composers, teachers and writers on music. Many scholars agree that Martin is one of the most important modernist composers of his generation and Dalcroze is widely credited with innovations in music education.1 Although there is a substantial amount of research on Dalcroze's pedagogical ideas,2 little has been written about his influence on composers.3

Additionally, Martin's association with Dalcroze has only received cursory scholarly treatment.

Dalcroze began to develop Eurhythmies in the mid-1890s after he became a professor of harmony and ear-training at the Geneva Conservatoire. Eurhythmies exercises included bodily movements that trained the student to feel music's rhythmic and

1 Bernhard Billeter (1999) and Alain Perroux (2001) discuss Martin's importance as a modernist composer. See the bibliography for complete citations.

2 Robert Abramson investigated many aspects of Dalcroze's pedagogy in his chapter, "The Approach of Emile Jaques-Dalcroze," in Teaching Music in the Twenty-First Century, ed. Lois Choksy. 2nd ed. (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 2001), 40-80. Another study is Virginia Hoge Mead's Dalcroze Eurhythmies in Today's Music Classroom (New York: Schott, 1994).

3 In his book, Rhythm and Life (New York: Pendragon Press, 1990) author Irwin Spector briefly discusses Dalcroze's influence on the Genevan composers who studied Eurhythmies. He concludes that Martin was little influenced by Dalcroze, although he concedes that Martin wrote about the method and gained valuable rhythmic insights (330). Spector's comments on Martin, however, are mostly speculative and unsubstantiated. Although his book is an important source of Dalcroze scholarship, there are many biographical errors and misrepresentations. Some of these have been noted by Selma Odom (1991, 128-130) and James Lee (2003, 155-56). 1 expressive parameters. His complete method included exercises in ear-training (i.e. solfege) and improvisation.4 By the early 1920s, the method had spread throughout

Europe and overseas to North America.5

Dalcroze combined his teaching career with his activities as a composer. By 1893 he had achieved a reputation as a composer of popular patriotic songs and large-scale theatrical works (Tchamkerten 2000, xxii). He was also a founding member (in 1900) of

L'Association des Musiciens Suisses. In the early 1900s, with his attention increasingly focused on Eurhythmies, Dalcroze often connected his compositions to his pedagogical ideas. Some years after he created his 1903 pageant, Festival vaudois, Dalcroze reminisced, "it was while preparing the Festival vaudois that I had the chance to study in depth the question of the relationship of body movement and changes in space and time" (Berchtold 2000, 70).6 Other Dalcroze compositions that complemented his

Eurhythmies method included children's songs with movement activities, piano etudes and vocalises. Despite a busy schedule that involved teaching, lecturing, writing and travel, his compositional output was enormous. In addition to his pedagogical

4 Dalcroze also wrote many treatises, including the multi-volume work, Methode Jaques-Dalcroze: Pour le developpement de I'instinct rythmique du sens auditif et du sentiment tonal (Neuchatel: Sandoz, Jobin et Cie, 1906-1908).

5 A 1921 Institut Jaques-Dalcroze brochure listed Dalcroze teachers from England, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the United States. Besides the Geneva Institut, there were nine schools in Switzerland that offered Eurhythmies. In the United States, there were seven schools. The largest number of schools, however, was in England, where there were more than fifty (38-39). The brochure is located in the Centre international de documentation at the Institut Jaques- Dalcroze in Geneva.

6 This quotation also appears in Selma Odom's dissertation, "Dalcroze Eurhythmies in England: History of an Innovation in Music and Movement Education," (University of Surrey, 1991), 54. As noted by Odom, the original quotation is from Dalcroze's article in the Tribune de Lausanne (June 17, 1928). 2 compositions, he wrote numerous song cycles and works for piano, chamber ensembles and orchestra (Tchamkerten 2007,2).

Dalcroze's interests in dance and theatre attracted a diverse community of supporters.

Theatre designer Adolphe Appia (1862-1928) became a close associate and the two worked together on many productions.7 Prominent members of the dance community such as Sergei Diaghilev (1872-1929) and Vaslav Nijinsky (1890-1950) visited

Dalcroze's experimental music school in Hellerau, Germany and later incorporated

Dalcrozian gestures in their staging of Igor Stravinsky's (1882-1971) ballet, Le Sacre du printemps (1913).8

Although Dalcroze's ideas had applications in a variety of fields, the method primarily attracted musicians. In addition to Frank Martin, Dalcroze taught Swiss composers Jean

Binet (1893-1960), Ernest Bloch (1880-1959), Fernande Peyrot (1888-1978) and Bernard

Reichel (1901-92). As well, Georges Auric (1899-1983), Arthur Honegger (1892-1955),

Charles Koechlin (1867-1950) and Albert Roussel (1869-1937) were established Parisian composers who endorsed the rhythmic training in Dalcroze's Eurhythmies. Honegger, who was a fellow Swiss, befriended Dalcroze and sent him several pupils while Dalcroze was living in Paris during the mid-1920s (Brunet-Lecomte 1950, 207). None of these

7 See Richard Beacham's Adolphe Appia: Artist and Visionary of the Modern Theatre (Camberwell, Victoria, Australia: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1994) and Mahmoud Abdel-latif's doctoral dissertation, "Rhythmic Space and Rhythmic Movement: the Adolphe Appia/Jaques-Dalcroze Connection," (The Ohio State University, 1988). See also Edmond Stadler's chapter, "Jaques-Dalcroze et Adolphe Appia," in, Emile Jaques-Dalcroze: I'homme, le compositeur, le crealeur de la rythmique (Neuchatel: de la Baconniere, 1965), 413-459.

8 See Selma Odom's chapter, "Nijinsky a Hellerau," in Ecrits sur Nijinsky, ed. F. Stanciu-Reiss (Paris: Editions Chiron, 1992), 66-77. 3 Parisian composers, however, credited Dalcroze's methods with having an effect on their compositions.

This research focuses on Frank Martin's interaction with Dalcroze, because Martin forged close ties with the Eurhythmies method. In 1926 at the age of thirty-six, he enrolled in Dalcroze's Institut Jaques-Dalcroze in Geneva. He graduated with a Diplome in 1928 and taught there as a professor of improvisation and rhythmic theory until 1937.

Because Martin's early compositional style was heavily informed by tonal harmony, it is probable that Dalcroze's focus on rhythm provided an attractive means of exploring new compositional approaches.9

Martin continued his composing activity while he was a student and a professor at the

Institut. During this twelve-year period, he wrote choral, dramatic, chamber and orchestral music. Although Martin downplayed Dalcroze's influence, this research investigates how Martin's compositions of the period have an affinity with the exercises that he learned as a student in Dalcroze's Eurhythmies classes and employed in his own teaching.

Martin also frequently lectured and wrote on many aspects of Dalcroze Eurhythmies - including its importance for composers, performers and teachers. In some of his writings, he explained Dalcrozian ideas in the context of his own compositions.10 During this

9 For more information on his early harmonic focus, see Mervyn Cooke's article, "Frank Martin's Early Development," The Musical Times 131/1771 (September 1990): 473-478.

10 Most of Martin's writings on eurhythmic subjects appear together in Ecrits sur la rythmique el pour les rythmiciens, les pedagogues et les musiciens (Geneva: Editions Papillon, 1995). 4 period, Dalcroze praised Martin's orchestral composition, Rythmes (1926), as an example of the rhythmic innovation associated with Eurhythmies (Dalcroze 1932, 2).11 Although

Martin left the Institut in 1937 and Geneva in 1946, he and Dalcroze remained close friends.12

In 1965, Martin wrote Etude rythmique as a tribute to the centenary of Dalcroze's birth. This short composition for solo piano is included in this study, even though Martin created it long after the period of his formal association with Dalcroze. Etude rythmique exemplifies an affinity with Eurhythmies because Martin re-created some of the rhythmic challenges that he presented to his improvisation students at the Institut (Frank Martin &

Maria Martin 1984, 142).13 Thus the composition is significant documentary confirmation of Martin's connection to Dalcroze.

11 Dalcroze's praised Martin's Rythmes in a 1932 article, "Rythmes irreguliers," Journal de Geneve (November 7, 1932): 2.

12 Some of the correspondence between Martin and Dalcroze is reproduced in, Frank Martin: L 'univers d'un compositeur (Boudiy, Switzerland: Editions de la Baconniere, 1984).The book was published by the Societe Frank Martin.

13 Maria Martin, the widow of the composer, collected Martin's writings on his compositions and published the book, A propos de... Commentaires de Frank Martin sur ses oettvres (Neuchatel: Edition de la Baconniere, 1984). She wrote the short explanation on the background to Etude rythmique. 5 CHAPTER 1 EMILE JAQUES-DALCROZE: HIS LIFE, HIS METHOD AND HIS MUSIC

1.1 Emile Jaques-Dalcroze: Early Years and Education

Emile Jaques-Dalcroze was born Emile-Henri Jaques in Vienna on July 6,1865.14 His father Jules was a businessman who represented the Swiss watch trade in eastern

Europe.15 For three generations before him, Jules' ancestors were Huguenot pastors from the French-speaking Swiss canton of Vaud. Although Dalcroze's father was not a musician, there were several musicians and actors in the family. Dalcroze's mother Julie hailed from the small Swiss town of Yverdon, where Swiss educator Heinrich Pestalozzi

(1746-1827) established a learning centre in 1804.16 Vienna was considered the cultural capital of Europe and it was a convenient location for Jules's work.

The Jaques family lived on the Am Hof square in the city centre and thus they could easily access Vienna's attractions. The music of Johann Strauss Jr. (1825-99) dominated nineteenth-century Vienna, and his waltzes, polkas and operettas helped to create a carefree atmosphere. As Dalcroze's sister Helene related in her biography, Emile Jaques-

14 Although today he is usually known simply as Dalcroze, he did not add Dalcroze to his surname until 1886 when he was in Algiers. He adapted the name Dalcroze from the name of Raymond Valcroze, a childhood friend who was also in Algiers. It was also important for Dalcroze to distinguish himself from another Emile Jaques, who was a composer of polkas from Bordeaux, France. In most European circles, he is commonly referred to as Jaques-Dalcroze. His own students affectionately referred to him as "monsieur Jaques."

15 According to Jean-Claude Mayor, Jules Jaques worked as a sales representative for the Swiss firms Mermod Frdres and Audemars (1996, 9).

16 In his chapter on Dalcroze Eurhythmies in Teaching Music in the Twenty-First Century, Eurhythmies practitioner Robert Abramson (1928-2008) claimed that Dalcroze's mother was trained as a Pestalozzian music teacher. Selma Odom refuted this claim in her doctoral dissertation, "Dalcroze Eurhythmies in England: History of an Innovation in Music and Movement Education," (University of Surrey, 1991), 235. 6 Dalcroze: sa vie et son oeuvre (1950), Strauss's Vienna was the ideal playground for two musical children:

With our housekeeper, we went each day to the Volksgarten, or to the Stadtpark where the genial Johann Strauss directed his unforgettable waltzes. We amused ourselves with our friends who joined us each afternoon, and we were intoxicated by the bewitching music, which, although of rudimentary harmonic means, contained a variety of themes in a stunning invention; the periods were originally cut and the fascinating gaiety even led Richard Wagner to say that Strauss was a genius. (Brunet-Lecomte 1950. 17)

In addition to listening to Strauss's music, the children enjoyed singing and dramatic play.

The young Emile displayed musical talent at an early age. He studied the piano and the violin with local Viennese instructors and composed a march for piano at the age of seven. Although he detested his piano teacher who emphasized only technical exercises, he later reminisced that the negative experience taught him how not to teach.17 One day while hearing Strauss conduct his outdoor orchestra in Vienna, he began conducting the orchestra with a ruler from his father's desk. When Strauss discovered him, he told the

Emile's parents, "That child will be a great musician if you make him work."18

17 Dalcroze elaborated on his boyhood music experiences in the article, "Premiers maitres, premieres oeuvres," Journal de Geneve (Feb. 10, 1942).

18 This story was recounted by Heiene Brunet-Lecomte in Emile Jaques-Dalcroze: sa vie-son oeuvre (Geneva: Editions Jeheber, 1950), 17. 7 In 1875, Dalcroze's family moved to Geneva where he enrolled in the Ecole Privat.

According to Dalcroze biographer Alfred Berchtold, the school's progressive curriculum offered many participatory activities that were designed to make "good citizens and good Swiss who would be useful to their country" (2000, 21). In 1876,

Dalcroze enrolled in the College de Geneve, which was founded by Protestant reformer

Jean Calvin (1509-64). He disliked the school's strict and unimaginative atmosphere. The training in musicianship consisted of the cipher or number notation method of Jean-

Jacques Rousseau (1712-78).19 Dalcroze reminisced about the music classes in his last book, Notes bariolees:

The music was numbered and the rhythms were chanted with the words Ta, Te, Ti - constantly repeated. Not a word about the sonorities of music, about melodies, harmonies, dynamic and tempo accents, no emotion, style, references to beautiful music - in a word, no music. (1948, 22)

He also described his reaction to the method:

I refused to sing with my classmates and when the brave teacher asked about my silence, I melodramatically responded, 'because the exercises are stupid!' I was severely punished and classified as incapable. (1948,22)

Not only did Dalcroze find the curriculum dull, he also felt that the teachers lacked empathy:

19 Rousseau, was, in fact, a progressive educator who emphasized experience before analysis. His book, Emile () revolutionized educational thinking. The cipher notation method was 8 I often suffered at school in certain classes where the teachers made no effort to connect with the spiritual, nervous or emotional aspects of their students. (1948,189)

In spite of his mostly negative schooling experiences, Dalcroze was fortunate to have had some inspiring teachers. One of them was theatre specialist Emile Redard. Years later, in a glowing tribute to Redard, Dalcroze praised him for his ability to instill a love of learning and create a classroom filled with well-behaved students:

I remember ... Professor Emile Redard, who knew how to obtain discipline without asking for it, and without calculation, to address both our spirits and our hearts. (1948,189)

In 1881 Dalcroze joined the Societe Belles-Lettres, whose president was none other than

Redard. It was an inspiring platform for acting, poetry recitations and creative collaboration (Berchtold 2000,24-25).

Dalcroze's childhood training in gymnastics was compulsory for all Swiss children.

According to Selma Odom, he received two hours of formal gymnastics training each week. Odom lists a number of different types of activities that were commonly taught.

They included, "exercises on ladders, ropes, and the horizontal bar; jumping and running; and marching in formation drills" (1991, 36).20 This work might have influenced the development of Dalcroze's Eurhythmies method, which in its earliest stages, was named

20 Many of Odom's articles on historical Dalcroze research appear in the bibliography of this dissertation. 9 Gymnastique rythmique21 With a background that balanced the physical with the intellectual, Dalcroze was well-equipped to explore the connection between movement, music, gesture and improvisation.

1.2 Dalcroze's Early Musical Training

Concurrent with his education at the College de Geneve, Dalcroze also studied at the

Geneva Conservatoire from 1877 to 1883. His favourite harmony teacher was Hugo de

Senger (1835-92), a German-trained choral composer and conductor. Dalcroze flourished under de Senger and his progress as a composer resulted in the two-act comic- opera, La Soubrette (1883). In addition to harmony, Dalcroze trained extensively in soljege and piano.22

After a brief stint at the University of Geneva, he traveled to Paris in 1884 to study acting and music. At this point in his career, he was undecided as to whether to become an actor or a musician. He studied diction at the Paris Conservatoire with the legendary actor and teacher Talbot (1824-1904). Dalcroze also studied the piano with Francois

Marmontel (1816-98) and Felix Le Couppey (1811-87), two important French virtuosi.

Eager to improve his reputation as a composer, Dalcroze showed his compositions to

Gabriel Faure (1845-1924), who was still relatively unknown in the 1880s. He told

Dalcroze that he "knew nothing ... nothing at all," and advised him to enroll in theory

21 Training in gymnastics was widespread throughout Europe at this time. The prevalence of this training undoubtedly aided the spread of Dalcroze's gymnastique rythmique (Eurhythmies).

22 According to scholar Jacques Tchamkerten (2007), Dalcroze studied the piano with Henry Ruegger (1852-1927) and Oscar Schulz (1854-1935). 10 classes at the Paris Conservatoire.23 Dalcroze took Faure's advice and began working with Albert Lavignac (1846-1916), the renowned musicologist and professor of harmony and solfege.

A trip to Algiers in 1886 proved to be decisive. At the invitation of Swiss conductor and composer Ernest Adler (1853-1904), Dalcroze worked as an assistant conductor at the Theatre des Nouveautes. The experience profoundly influenced him because for the first time he heard Arab musicians performing rhythms in a wide variety of metres. He also studied the rhythmic "dissociations of their percussion instruments" (1942, 39).

Dalcroze described the revelatory experience of working with Arab musicians in his book, La musique et nous:

So I can clearly account for the origin of my personal tendencies and also what I may be permitted to call my discoveries. These (I speak of those which consist of humanizing rhythm)... as well as my love for irregular measures and unequal beats... I had the chance to encounter in Algeria where I heard a lot of Arabic music, and was able to attend a festival of the Ai'ssaouahs .... Their rhythms are always binary, but the number of their repetitions is varied. A rhythm of 4 measures in duple metre is followed by a series of 7 [measures] or 11 [measures]. (1945a, 18-19)

23 This quotation appears in Alfred Berchtold's "Entile Jaques-Dalcroze et son temps," in Emile Jaques- Dalcroze: I'homme, le compositeur, le createur de la rythmique (Neuchatel: de la Baconniere, 1965), 38. The English translation is mine. Frank Martin wrote the introduction to this substantial study of Dalcroze's life and music. 11 In 1887, Dalcroze travelled to his birthplace, Vienna, to study with the legendary composer Anton Bruckner (1824-96). He also worked with Robert Fuchs (1847-1927),

Hermann Graedener (1844-1929) and Adolf Prosnitz (1829-1917). Bruckner's harsh treatment of Dalcroze resulted in the old master dismissing him as a "dumb

Frenchman" (Dalcroze 1942a, 41). Although he was disappointed in Bruckner's cantankerousness, Dalcroze learned from him that improvisation should be an integral part of music education. Bruckner often began a class by playing a theme on the organ and then he would ask one of his students to improvise variations. Dalcroze also reported that Bruckner's teaching was "extraordinarily severe, insisting inexorably upon the observation of the rules of classical technique" (1942a, 41). In this regard, it is almost a certainty that the Viennese master's methods helped refine Dalcroze's compositional and improvisational powers.

Dalcroze also learned about the value of improvisation from Adolf Prosnitz.24 He taught Dalcroze the Beethoven piano sonatas and encouraged Dalcroze to learn how to improvise cadenzas in order to deepen his knowledge of a particular composer's musical language:

24 The Czech-born pianist taught in Vienna from 1869 to 1900. He wrote Handbuch der Klavier-literatur (Vienna, 1884) and /Compendium der Musik-geshichte bis zum Ende des XVI Jahrhunderts (Vienna, 1889), Dalcroze does not comment on the teaching styles of organist/composer Hermann Graedener or theorist/ composer Robert Fuchs. Both of these musicians, however, were highly regarded in their day. 12 Prosnitz required each of his students, at the moment of the cadenza, to be inspired by felt emotions in order to express, each in his own way, the feelings awakened in him by the vibrant personality of the author. This sharpened the personal spirit of the interpreter who became for a moment a true collaborator. (Dalcroze 1945a, 192)

1.3 Return to Paris: Lussy, Faure and Delibes

A return trip to Paris in 1889 resulted in study with fellow Swiss musician Mathis

Lussy (1828-1910). His contact with Lussy was crucial to the development of Dalcroze's ideas about musicianship. In empirical fashion, Lussy studied the great piano virtuosi of the late nineteenth century and created a comprehensive theory of musical expression based on their interpretations of masterworks. In his numerous treatises, Lussy claimed that all musicians could perform expressively if they learned his system of accentuation and phrasing rules (Lussy 1874, 2-3). In Le rythme, la musique et I 'education (1920),

Dalcroze stated that Lussy taught him everything to do with expression in music (42).

Perhaps even more importantly, Lussy's ideas linked aspects of music to human physiology. Dalcroze wrote that his studies with Lussy in Paris taught him:

... how everything in music can be reduced to some fundamental physiological laws; how each nuance, each accent has its purpose, and how, finally, a melodic phrase, with its expressive and rhythmic interpretation, forms an organic entity ... (1920, 39)

13 In his treatise, Le rythme musical (1883) Lussy connected metre to respiration. He described the resemblance of inhalation and exhalation to weak and strong beats in music:

In effect, breathing is composed of two physiological movements, inhalation and exhalation. Inhalation personifies action; exhalation represents repose, rest. Exhalation is symbolized by the strong beat of the measure, the thesis [Lussy's emphasis]... the blow; inhalation corresponds with the weak beat, the arsis [Lussy's emphasis], of the measure ... (Lussy 1883, 3)

A decade after his study with Lussy, Dalcroze included breathing exercises in his early

Eurhythmies lessons and method books. Although he focused on developing a comprehensive system of accentuation, phrasing and dynamic rules that would assist in interpreting a musical score, Lussy often speculated on a deeper connection between music and bodily movement:

It would be a curious study to analyze the connection between certain musical structures and the gestures they excite ... it is a fact that certain metrical figures provoke spontaneous gestures and movements. (Lussy 1874, 89)

Dalcroze repeatedly recommended that musicians carefully study Lussy's books (e.g.,

1920, 98). He also listed Lussy's works in the biographical section of Gymnastique rythmique (1906), his first Eurhythmies treatise.

Also during his 1889 stay in Paris, Dalcroze studied with Gabriel Faure and Leo

Delibes (1836-1891). In 1884 Faure had suggested that Dalcroze attend rudimentary

14 theory classes at the Conservatoire. This time, however, he enthusiastically mentored

Dalcroze, who later wrote,

I found serious support from Gabriel Faure ... Thanks to him I felt the growing need to express myself very simply and to control my thoughts and my feelings. (1942, 40)

Dalcroze also benefitted from working with Leo Deiibes, the famous French ballet and opera composer who had begun teaching composition at the Paris Conservatoire in 1881.

He had heard Dalcroze improvise in 1886 at a summer resort in Saint-Gervais-les-Bains and urged him to come to Paris (Brunet-Lecomte 1950,44). Toward the end of his life,

Dalcroze credited Deiibes as having instilled in him the value of composing daily:

Leo Deiibes said to me: Compose every day without respite and I replied: Even on days when I am not up to it? His response was: you must stir up yesterday's [creative] fire and rekindle the fire that is in the process of dying out. (1945a, 260)

Dalcroze combined his Parisian compositional studies with performance activities. A job as a piano accompanist for a voice teacher exposed Dalcroze to the bel canto vocal technique. This experience may have contributed to his future success as a song composer. He also sang occasionally at the Chat Noir, a famous Parisian cabaret in

Montmartre that was a popular meeting place for artists. His early development as a composer, pianist and singer had prepared him well for his future career focus on pedagogy.

15 CHAPTER 2 DALCROZE'S EURHYTHMICS METHOD

2.1 The Beginnings of Eurhythmies

After his studies in Paris and Vienna, Dalcroze returned to Geneva in 1890 and began teaching private piano, solfege and music theory lessons. He also gave a series of public lectures on pre-Baroque keyboard composers (Tchamkerten 2000, xxi). Shortly after the

1892 death of his former teacher Hugo de Senger, Dalcroze was appointed professor of harmony at the Geneva Conservatoire. A year later (in 1893) solfege was added to his teaching duties.

Early in his teaching career, Dalcroze made an important observation. Although some of his students were technically competent musicians, they lacked fundamental skills in solfege - especially the "capacity for inner hearing" (Dalcroze 1898, 6).25 His focus on inner hearing exercises resulted in the solfege treatise, Exercices pratiques d 'intonation (1894).

In keeping with standard nineteenth-century solfege authors, Dalcroze began his book with singing exercises in the key of C-major.26 Unlike conventional pedagogues, he included accentuation markings that were inspired by Lussy's theories of metrical

25 Dalcroze's 1898 essay, "Les Etudes musicales et l'education de Poreille," appeared in his book, Le rythme, l'education et la musique (Lausanne: Jobin et Cie, 1920), 9-13.

26 Lavignac and Fetis were two of the most popular solfege pedagogues in the nineteenth-century. See the bibliography for more information. Dalcroze also learnt the Galin-Paris-Cheve solfege method in his youth in Geneva. The treatise, Methode elementaire de musique vocale (1844) was widely used in conjunction with teaching the method. 16 accentuation. When he wrote a C-major scale in groups of four sixteenth-notes for example, Dalcroze placed an accent mark over the first sixteenth-note to indicate the metrical accent. The treatise also included singing drills on all the intervals from major and minor seconds to the octave. In order to make these exercises more like actual compositions, Dalcroze added breath marks, accents and some articulations. As a complement to the interval exercises, he composed solfege melodies with words (solfege avec paroles) that differed from the usual interval drills that were chanted with solmization syllables.27 These songs marked the beginning of Dalcroze's custom of aligning his compositional activity with his pedagogy.

The manual's most significant feature was Dalcroze's system of one-octave scales from a fixed tone. He recommended that students sing all of the major scales beginning with the notes C, C-sharp or C-flat - depending on the key signature. In F-major, for example, one would sing the notes C, D, E, F, G, A, B-flat and C, rather than the usual series of F, G, A, B-flat, C, D, E and F. Dalcroze reasoned that the singing of scales from tonic to tonic was pedagogically ineffective, because it merely represented a transposition of the original scale. Thus the F-Major scale (from note F) is a transposition of the C-

Major scale (from note C) because the order of tones and semitones is identical. By singing all scales from the position of C (in the appropriate key, since C-sharp and C-flat were also sung to the syllable do), students experienced the natural reordering of tones

27 The seven fixed-do solmization syllables for a C-major scale were: ut, (later changed to do), re, mi, fa, sol, la and si. 17 and semitones that would enable them to have an aural appreciation for each tonality.

Dalcroze claimed that if students could internalize the tone/semitone pattern of each key, then they could acquire absolute pitch. The C-to-C scales were also beneficial for students with limited vocal ranges who may have found tonic-to-tonic scales vocally taxing. The scales also reinforced an absolute experience of sound. Because of their repeated singing of the note C, students eventually memorize the note's sound:

Another advantage of our method is that in a little bit of time it engraves into the memory the sound of C, which students can learn to sing without the use of a tuning fork. (Dalcroze 1896,1)

Dalcroze expanded upon his solfege method in the three-volume treatise, Les gammes et les tonalites, le phrase, et les nuances (1906-07).28 In the introduction to Les gammes,

Dalcroze stated that his first pedagogical objective was to train students to distinguish between tones and semitones. He believed that the ability to sing and aurally identify tones and semitones would provide the foundation for all aspects of ear-training - including the study of scales, harmonies, intervals and modulation:

The first concern of the teacher should be to make the student appreciate the difference between the whole tone and semitone. As long as he continues to grasp this difference with hesitation, whether singing or listening, there can be no question of of approaching another subject of study. (Dalcroze 1906, 1)

The first twenty pages of Les gammes consisted of exercises in aural imagination, hearing and singing that trained the student to distinguish between tones and semitones. The rest

28 Volume 1 of Les gammes was published in 1906, and volumes 2 and 3 in 1907. 18 of the first volume dealt with the C-C scale system and Lussy's rules of accentuation and dynamics. Volumes 2 and 3 explored the decomposition of scales into fragments that

Dalcroze used to create exercises in vocal improvisation.29

Concurrent with the publication of Les gammes was a short treatise devoted to teaching students to read music. In Etude de la portee musicale (1906), Dalcroze created music reading exercises on one line of the staff. By placing notes either on, above or below the staff, he trained the student to implicitly develop the ability to sing both tones and semitones. As the student's vocal and aural proficiency increased, Dalcroze gradually added the rest of the staff lines.30

During the late 1890s, Dalcroze was fortunate to have observed the classes of Marie

Chassevant (1836-1914), a teacher of children's solfege classes at the Geneva

Conservatoire.31 She trained her students to sing using solmization syllables but she included imaginative games, stories and activities that enhanced the solfege curriculum.

In glowing terms, Dalcroze wrote about her work in an article for Le journal musical:

29 For example, Dalcroze used the term dichord, to categorize two-note fragments from a scale. In the C- major scale, the ascending dichord fragments are: C-D, D-E, E-F, F-G, G-A, A-B, B-C. After the student achieved a familiarity with the dichord fragments, Dalcroze created activities that encouraged the improvisation of dichordal melodies.

30 Dalcroze might have been influenced by the Pestalozzian music teachers Hans Georg Nageli (1771 -1836) and Michael Traugott Pfeiffer (1771-1841). Their musical instruction books were widely available in Switzerland and throughout nineteenth-century Europe. Nageli published the large treatise, The Pestalozzian Method of Teaching Music After Pfeiffer in 1809. The treatise contained exercises for teaching children to read music from a two-line stave.

31 In a private conversation, Dalcroze scholar Selma Odom explained Chassevant's influence on Dalcroze. She also refers to Chassevant in her doctoral dissertation, "Dalcroze Eurhythmies in England: History of an Innovation in Music and Movement Education," (University of Surrey, 1991), 48. 19 ... the interest of the child is awakened by the stories of Madame Intonation, Madame Measure, the Beautiful Genie of Nuance." (Dalcroze 1898, 9)

The children imitated the fanciful characters that Chassevant created to explain solfege and music theory concepts. Her imaginative teaching style also contributed to Dalcroze's vision of a music pedagogy based on movement (Odom 1991,48).

2.2 The Rhythms of the Body as the Basis of Eurhythmies

Although Dalcroze's initial pedagogical goal was to refine the student's inner ear, he also maintained that the entire body needed to be sensitized to all musical phenomena. In his 1898 essay, "The Place of Ear Training in Musical Education," he wrote

Not only then should the ear and the voice of the child receive adequate training, but in addition every part of his body that contributes to rhythmic movement, every muscular and nervous element that vibrates, contracts, and relaxes under the pressure of natural impulses ... I look forward to a new system of education in which the body itself shall play the role of intermediary between sounds and thought... (1921b, 12)32

Dalcroze's vocabulary in this essay reveals his burgeoning interest in biology, neurophysiology and other emerging fields in child development.

His friendship with neurologist and child psychologist Dr. Edouard Claparede

(1873-1940) helped him articulate his pedagogy in scientific terms (Berchtold 2000, 99).

Claparede was a professor of psychology at the University of Geneva and founder of the

32 The essay, "The Place of Ear Training in Musical Education," appeared in Dalcroze's 1921 book, Rhythm, Music and Education. (New York and London: G.P. Putnam's Sons), 3-12. 20 Institut Jean-Jacques Rousseau - an institution devoted to experimental research in educational psychology.33 In his correspondence with the renowned psychologist,

Dalcroze said, "Deprived of a scientific mind, I create empirically, but a single word is sometimes enough to create a revolution within me" (Berchtold 2000, 99). Claparede confirmed that Dalcroze's method shared an affinity with his pioneering work in developmental psychology:

It is interesting to note that you have arrived from routes totally different than physiological psychology at the same conception of the psychological importance of movement as a support for intellectual and affective phenomena. (Claparede 1924,41)34

Buoyed by his ability to associate his work with the larger educational movement of the early twentieth century, Dalcroze eventually realized that Eurhythmies was no longer limited to improving musicality - there were broader implications. The method could be promoted as beneficial to anyone who sought to refine the connection between movement and cognition.

The question of what to name the method caused some confusion. Dalcroze began to use the French term gymnastique rythmique as a means of labeling his work. His English colleagues however, used the word Eurhythmies.35 In the preface to The Eurhythmies of

33 Claparede mentored Jean Piaget (1896-1980), the renowned Swiss developmental psychologist.

34 The quotation is an excerpt form a testimonial that Claparede wrote for a special 1924 edition of Dalcroze's journal, Le Rythme (Geneva: Institut Jaques-Dalcroze, 1924), 41.

35 The English translation is good rhythm. 21 Jaques-Dalcroze (1912), Hellerau student and philosopher John W. Harvey (1889-1967) claimed that the association with gymnastics was too limiting. When introducing the term

Eurhythmies, he referred to the method's ancient Greek connection:

Rhythmical gymnastics, in the natural meaning of the word, is part of the Dalcroze training, and not an unimportant part, but it is only one part of a much wider principle; and accordingly ... it must be understood simply as denoting a particular mode of physical drill. But for the principle itself and the total method embodying it, another name is needed, and the term "Eurhythmies" [quotations his] has been coined here for the purpose. The originality of the Dalcroze method, the fact that it is a discovery, gives it a right to a name of its own: it is because it is in a sense also the rediscovery of an old secret that a name has been chosen of such plain reference and derivation. Plato ... has said that the whole of a man's life stands in need of a right rhythm: and it is natural to see some kinship between this Platonic attitude and the claim of Dalcroze that his discovery is not a mere refinement of dancing, nor an improved method of music-teaching, but a principle that must have effect upon every part of life. (Harvey 1912, 5)

According to Dalcroze, rhythm was the most fundamental musical parameter and the ideal musical subject that could be used to develop a kinesthetic response in the body. He believed that "rhythm is at the base of all manifestations of life, of science and of the arts," and that "no artist who has thought and observed will deny that a conscientious study of rhythm in all its forms tends to a more lively understanding of art" (1921, 34).

His Eurhythmies method consisted of a series of movement exercises that were designed to improve his students' responses to metre, tempo, rhythmic patterns, dynamics, and expressive nuance. He reasoned that if the student first learned music through the body.

22 then great improvements in the student's performance, enjoyment and the intellectual understanding of music would follow.

Dalcroze's association with Eugene Ysaye (1858-1931) in the 1890s also profoundly influenced his Eurhythmies method. The legendaiy Belgian violinist engaged Dalcroze as his accompanist on numerous European tours (Berchtold 2000, 49). In his 1942 memoir,

Souvenirs, notes et critiques, Dalcroze described Ysaye's unconventional approach to learning music:

He liked to work on his technique in the darkness or with closed eyes, to better - he said - go back to the source of the physical movements. When on the train he tried to imagine violin strokes while following the cadences and dynamic accents ... and to perform some "rubato" strokes while returning to the first beat every time we passed a telegraph pole. And I often surprised him ... in his room delivering himself of an expressive mime putting his entire body into motion, rhythmically and plastically ... "The sound vibrations," he said, "must penetrate us entirely right down to our viscera and the rhythmic movement must enliven all our muscular system, without resistance or exaggeration. (1942a, 44)

The close relationship between the violinist's physical movements and his musical imagination inspired Dalcroze to explore deeply the possibilities of using movements of the whole body. Ysaye's depiction of rhythm as an enlivener of the muscular system became an important slogan in Dalcroze's later descriptions of his method. Informed by

23 musicians, psychologists and his own power of observation as an educator, Dalcroze was ready to document his research.

His work in Eurhythmies resulted in the two-volume publication, Gymnastique rythmique (1906). In the forward to a second edition of the work, Dalcroze articulated the goals of Eurhythmies:

All the exercises of Eurhythmies aim at strengthening the power of concentration, at keeping the body under control while awaiting orders from the intellect, at turning conscious action into subconscious, and at deliberately training and developing the subconscious faculties. Further, these exercises tend to create more motive habits, new reflexes, to obtain the greatest result with the least effort, and so to tranquilize the spirit to strengthen the will and to establish order and clarity in the organism. (1917, vii-viii)36

By creating a series of automatisms of the body that corresponded to specific musical situations, Dalcroze claimed that Eurhythmies could enlarge the student's repertoire of movement possibilities which helped to foster a more refined sense of musicianship

(Dalcroze 1921a, 125).

The method utilized various types of movement: walking, hopping, skipping, running and jumping. These actions were connected to music that was improvised by Dalcroze, so that the student subconsciously learned the relationship between sound and movement. In addition to locomotor movements, students learned to express different metres by using unorthodox conducting patterns and gesturing with various parts of the body. Often the

36 The second edition of Gymnastique rythmique (1906) was simply titled, La Rythmique (Lausanne: Jobin et Cie, 1916-17). The second edition was shorter than the first. There were no anatomical drawings and fewer written explanations. 24 student combined several movements simultaneously in order to fully express the complexity of a particular musical texture.

The influence of Dutch musician Nina Gorter (1869-1922) was crucial to the creation of Dalcroze's numerous early pedagogical volumes (Odom 1998, 67). Impressed with

Dalcroze's children's songs, the Berlin music teacher re-located to Geneva to work with him directly. He praised her organizational skills in the preface to the 1906 edition of

Gymnastique rythmique:

... Allow me to thank publicly Miss Nina Gorter, our devoted and talented collaborator at our "Geneva school of Eurhythmies" for the valuable contribution that she made in the final classification and presentation of our educational system. (Dalcroze 1906, viii)

Her ability to notate, organize and structure Dalcroze's exercises made possible the publication of a Methode Jaques-Dalcroze, a multi-volume pedagogical series that contributed greatly to the dissemination of the method.

2.3 The Role of Improvisation

In addition to Eurhythmies and solfege, Dalcroze's method focused on improvisational skills. He believed that students could acquire improvisational fluency after gaining a thorough knowledge of movement (through Eurhythmies) and a mastery of ear training

(through solfege). Thus Eurhythmies and solfege acted causally upon improvisation, and aided in the performance of spontaneous musical ideas. Dalcroze believed that improvisation developed cognitive skills such as "rapidity of decision and realization,

25 concentration without effort" (Dalcroze 1933, 34), and helped to establish a connection between the mind and the body. The practice also refined his students' nervous systems and united their auditory and muscular faculties. As Dalcroze continued to develop his method, he utilized aspects of improvisation in both his solfege and Eurhythmies work.

For example, when his students learned to sing major scales, Dalcroze also taught them how to improvise vocally using scale fragments. In Eurhythmies classes, he often performed a short piece and called upon students to improvise gestures to accompany the music.

He also believed that improvisation was an important part of piano pedagogy because it helped to develop a fluency in the performance of harmonic, melodic, rhythmic and formal structures. Further, improvisation helped the student to find a personal approach to creating new sounds and interpreting the music of others. This development of a personal voice naturally led the student to composition (Dalcroze 1933, 35).

There is far less documentation on Dalcroze's improvisation method than on his

Eurhythmies and solfege methods. The treatise, L 'improvisation au piano was planned as the final volume in Dalcroze's series, Methode Jaques-Dalcroze: pour le developpement de I 'instinct rythmique du sens auditif et du sentiment tonal. Unfortunately, Dalcroze did not write the volume. He did teach improvisation at the Institut and he required that all

Eurhythmies teachers possess the ability to improvise at the piano in order to produce a diversity of music for movement activities. In the 1916 treatise, La Rythmique, he stressed the importance of improvisation in the context of Eurhythmies classes: 26 Each teacher of Eurhythmies must study improvisation at the piano and all of the connections between the harmony of sounds and those of movements. He must be capable of translating the rhythms of the body into the rhythms of music and vice versa. (Dalcroze 1916, 7)

Dalcroze's multifaceted approach to musicianship training helped to refine many musical skills, including performance, conducting and improvisation. By forming the various parts of his teaching into the three areas of Eurhythmies, solfege and improvisation, he covered a wide range of musical activity.

2.4 The Method's Influence Grows

Realizing that educationalists were receptive to his work, Dalcroze lectured on and demonstrated his method at music education conferences in Switzerland and throughout

Europe.37 His unconventional teaching style and frequent calls for the reformation of music education in Switzerland made him unpopular in certain circles. In Geneva, for example, the reception of Eurhythmies was mixed. Steeped in its nineteenth-century traditions, the conservative educational climate of the Conservatoire de Geneve was not the ideal environment for such a progressive educator.

In 1905 the Conservatoire authorities began to question the utility of Dalcroze's work.

Dalcroze's colleagues at the Geneva Conservatoire were reluctant to fully support

Dalcroze (Berchtold 2000,44-45). Some Swiss citizens also objected to Dalcroze's

37 An important conference on music education took place in Soleure, Switzerland in 1905. The conference was organized by the organization, L'Association des Musiciens Suisses. Dalcroze lectured and held public demonstrations of the method. 27 classes because, as a lone male teacher, he was in the presence of female students whose loose fitting garments revealed naked legs. He responded to his critics by claiming that

... pure-minded people do not harbour impure thoughts, and that if anyone is incited to evil thoughts by the sight of a naked leg, it is not the leg that must be blamed but rather his own mind, so ready to offer hospitality to unwholesome mental associations. Indeed, the sight and knowledge of the human form has never perturbed the mind of a child whose parents and teachers always regard it as innocent and natural. (Dalcroze 1930, 111)

In 1910, Dalcroze received an attractive offer. Wolf and Harald Dohrn were wealthy

German industrialists connected to the Werkbund, a progressive social movement dedicated to building a progressive community for industrial workers. The two brothers' plans for a Utopian garden city at Hellerau, Germany were inspired by similiar movements in England.38 In 1909, Wolf attended one of Dalcroze's Eurhythmies demonstrations in Germany and concluded that the method complemented the

Werkbund's interests in education, art and progressive societies. They signed Dalcroze to a ten-year contract, that included a promise to build the Bildungsanstalt Jaques-Dalcroze, a carefully constructed arts centre with an elaborate stage, classrooms and other architectural specifications that reflected Dalcroze's ideas. Working closely with his friend Adolphe Appia and with several of his most experienced Genevan students,

38 As James Lee explains in his dissertation, "Dalcroze by any other name: Eurhythmies in Modern Theatre and Dance," (Texas Tech University, 2003), the concept of the garden city originated in England. He identifies the 1898 book, Garden Cities of Tomorrow by Ebenezer Howard, as a possible source for the movement. The book was translated into German in 1907 (2003, 22). 28 Dalcroze taught Eurhythmies classes and experimented with concepts in stage design, lighting and movement.

Hellerau's focus on theatrical concepts resulted in its milestone 1912 presentation of an excerpt from Gluck's opera, Orfeo ed Euridice (1762). By using the principles of

Eurhythmies in the performance of the scene, "Descent into the Underworld," Dalcroze,

Appia and their students created a work that received rave reviews from the hundreds of people who attended the Hellerau Festival that summer. Luminaries like writers Upton

Sinclair (1878-1968) and George Bernard Shaw (1856-1950), chronicled the considerable artistic impact of Dalcroze's productions and classes.39 Famous dancers, actors, musicians and educators flocked to Hellerau to witness how Dalcroze's Eurhythmies method could be used in such an interdisciplinary manner.40

Unfortunately this richly creative period in Dalcroze's career came to a close with the advent of World War I. In 1914, he signed a letter of protest against the German bombing of Reims cathedral. Dalcroze was vilified by the German press and forced to return to

Geneva. Although he remained under contract to Hellerau, Dalcroze never returned and the garden city was used by the Nazis for the war effort.41 Nevertheless, after five years of teaching in Hellerau, Dalcroze's work now had an international audience. Students

39 Upton Sinclair began his 1940 novel, World's End with a scene from Hellerau in which he made reference to Dalcroze's Eurhythmies work. Shaw also wrote about the method. See the collection, Collected Letters 1911-1925. Ed. Dan H. Laurence.(New York: Viking, 1985).

40 Alfred Berchtold discusses Dalcroze's Hellarau period in his book, Emile Jaques-Dalcroze et son temps. (Lausanne: l'Age d'Homme, 2000), 104-134.

41 On September 7, 2006, the Hellerau Festival Theatre was re-opened, and today, Hellerau is once again becoming a leading European cultural centre. 29 from England, Russia and many European countries returned from Hellerau to their homelands and began teaching the method.

2.5 The Institut Jaques-Dalcroze

Upon his return to Geneva in 1914, Dalcroze was invited to teach once more at the

Conservatoire de Geneve. He still believed, however, that the Hellerau problems could eventually be solved, so he declined the Conservatoire's offer and told its officials that his contract with the Hellerau prevented him from accepting employment from another school. Using his own funds, he rented teaching space inside Geneva's Hotel du Lac. The space was inadequate for the method's extensive movement work and Dalcroze attracted few students. Without a regular teaching position, Dalcroze experienced financial difficulty and considered leaving Geneva to start a school in the United States or in

England.

A small group of concerned citizens believed that Dalcroze should have a permanent site in order to freely develop his ideas. Several prominent Genevans formed a committee to persuade the public to support a permanent home for the method. The committee consisted of Edouard Claparede, writer Jacques Cheneviere (1886-1976), engineer and philanthropist Auguste de Morsier and physician Louis Guillermin. In a letter written to solicit financial support, Cheneviere argued that Genevans should take whatever steps were necessary to keep Dalcroze in Geneva:

30 There are institutes [of Eurhythmies] in London, Petrograd, Amsterdam, Stockholm, Brussels and in all of the major cities of Germany. America has also opened numerous schools. Why not Geneva? It has been five years since we let Jaques-Dalcroze leave us. There are some mistakes that do no bear repeating twice. (Brunet-Lecomte 1950, 175 )42

A large number of Genevans supported the project and the committee raised a capital base of 600 000 francs. A building located at 44 rue de la Terrassiere was purchased and work began on transforming its interior into a suitable space. The Institut Jaques-

Dalcroze opened on October 3,1915 and remains to this day as the worldwide focal point of the method. By the mid-1920s, the Institut boasted an international student body and an organized program of teacher certification.43

2.6 The Paris Years and his Final Return to Geneva

By 1915, many French musicians had studied with Dalcroze at his training schools in

Hellerau and in Geneva. The renowned French critic and musicologist Jean d'Udine

(1873-1938) studied at Hellerau from 1907 to 1908. d'Udine, whose real name was

Albert Cozanet, founded the Paris-based Ecole de gymnastique rythmique in 1909.44

After a disagreement with fellow Dalcroze disciple and visual artist Paulet Thevanez

(1891-1921), the Ecole floundered. In 1914, another Paris school named Le Club de

42 An excerpt of Cheneviere's letter is reproduced in Helene Brunet-Lecomte's book, Emile Jaques- Dalcroze: sa vie, son oeuvre (Geneva: Jeheber, 1950).

43 Brochures that detail the certification process from the 1920s and onwards are located in the Centre international de documentation (C1D) at the Institut in Geneva.

44 Later in his career d'Udine developed his own theories based on synesthesia which for him meant a synthesis of the arts. His book, L'Art et le Geste (1910) outlines his ideas. 31 gymnastique rythmique was founded by Emmanuel Couvreux. The school was soon renamed the Ecole de Rythmique de Vaugirard and the principal teacher was Hilda Senff, a German Dalcrozian who had studied in Helierau. Dalcroze himself had visited Paris in

March, 1913 to demonstrate the method at the Congres international d'education physique (Berchtold 2000,167).

Dalcroze's return visits to Paris contributed further to the spread of the work. For example, in 1920 he gave demonstrations at important establishments such as the Ecole

Normale de Musique and at Salle Gaveau, perhaps the most prestigious concert hall in the city. From 1924 to 1926, he taught his method at the Ecole de Rythmique de

Vaugirard. Now more than a decade old, the school's faculty consisted of several

Dalcroze-trained teachers who had earned the Institut's Dipldme. Despite the highly qualified faculty, Dalcroze wanted to better organize the Ecole's curriculum. He also believed that the Eurhythmies movement in Paris needed a focussed, centralized body.45

In an open letter to Dalcrozians in the July 1924 edition of his journal, Le Rythme,

Dalcroze gave his reasons for leaving Geneva to teach in Paris:

I am informing you that I am to take a year sabbatical and spend the 1924-25 season in Paris where I will organize courses and promote our ideas in teaching and artistic circles .... If I go ahead with this decision, it seems to me to be indispensable to spend some time in a very active major centre where one can participate fully in the contemporary pedagogy movement... It is important to group the rhythmicians

45 Both Irwin Spector (1991) and Alfred Berchtold (2000) discuss Dalcroze's desire to maintain stricter standards as a reason for his stay in Paris. See the bibliography. 32 in Paris in the manner that Percy Ingham grouped them in London, to create an environment that unifies diverse forces, multiplies demonstrations to show what is truly our system of education, which is based on music and on its reactions in humans, and also to fight against the many counterfeits of my method and against certain changes that some teachers of Eurhythmies are inflicting on it [the method] certainly with the best of intentions, but who lack experience, and sometimes even the general culture necessary. (Dalcroze 1924, 1)

Dalcroze's plans to organize the French teachers and clarify the method might also have been a reaction against some of the negative press that circulated during the period.

The influential Paris dance critic Andre Levinson (1887-1933) claimed that Dalcroze's work "valuable as it is for the interpretation of musical rhythm, is empty of plastic significance, [and] ignores the resources of organized movement" (Levinson 1924,17).

Dalcroze responded by claiming that Eurhythmies was "only preparation for specialized artistic studies and does not constitute an art in itself' (Levinson 1929, 438). Between the public criticism, the disorganization of the teaching and the confusion over the method, he had plenty of reasons to leave Geneva for Paris.

While there, Dalcroze also promoted his compositions to the musical cognoscenti.

Although he had only a few performances of his works in the French capital, he successfully solicited testimonials from many of the most important French composers and performers, whose comments on his pedagogical method appeared in a special 1924 edition of Le Rythme. The list of contributors included pianist Alfred Cortot (1877-1962) and composers Gabriel Faure (1845-1924), fellow Swiss Arthur Honegger (1892-1955),

33 Vincent d'Indy (1851-1931) and Albert Roussel (1869-1937).46 In spite of his considerable efforts, Dalcroze believed that his two-year stay in Paris failed to achieve the desired results. Biographer Irwin Spector describes Dalcroze's low morale:

His experiences [in Paris] left him with no renewed spirit or satisfaction. He felt that he had accomplished little through his untiring efforts to enhance the position of la rythmique in the world capital.... Paris in 1924 was right for art and understood it; but it was not a right fit for education. (Spector 1991, 263)

Dalcroze's lukewarm reception in Paris did not dampen his determination to create a larger clientele for the method. Gratified by being named a Bourgeois d'honneur by the city of Geneva in 1925, he redoubled his efforts to promote Eurhythmies upon his permanent return to Switzerland in the same year.

With remarkable persistence, Dalcroze continued teaching, lecturing, touring and writing until close to the end of his life. The Institut Jaques-Dalcroze attracted students from around the world and has remained the worldwide headquarters of the method to this day. His writing during this final period included: Souvenirs, notes et critiques

(1942), La musique et nous (1945) and Notes bariolees (1948). Written in a less formal style than many of his previous publications, these books contain aphorisms, reminiscences, observations and speculations on the nature of music, education and his

Eurhythmies method. Increasingly frail in the mid-1940s, Dalcroze substantially decreased his involvement with the Institut. Marguerite Croptier (1901-1990), a devoted

46 Many more celebrated figures in the arts, medicine and psychology offered testimonials as to the effectiveness of the method. 34 pupil, became the director of the Institut in 1948. Dalcroze died on July 1, 1950, surrounded by family and friends. A large funeral was held at St. Peter's Cathedral in

Geneva and tributes arrived from all over the world. In 1958, the city of Geneva re­ named a main street Boulevard Jaques-Dalcroze (Denes 1965, 26). One can find applications of his method in music education, theatre, dance and as a therapeutic intervention for special needs children, the blind and seniors populations (Bachmann

1991,66-69).

35 CHAPTER 3 FRANK MARTIN: HIS LIFE, HIS MUSIC AND HIS EARLY CONNECTION TO DALCROZE

3.1 Martin's Early Life and Influences

Martin was born in Geneva on September 15,1890. He was the tenth child of Charles and Pauline Martin. Charles was a prominent Calvinist pastor, whose ancestors were

French Huguenots. They fled the religious persecutions in France and settled in Geneva in the eighteenth century. Martin's grandfather Charles had been a bassoonist in the

Geneva Orchestra and the treasurer of the Geneva Conservatoire.47

The Martin family lived in a large house in Malagnou, on the outskirts of Geneva.

Martin's parents encouraged their ten children to play together in imaginative ways and

Malagnou's rural spaciousness was an ideal setting.48 Songs and dramas marked the

Martin family's occasions, and young Frank demonstrated a talent for music at an early age. In an 1974 interview for Radio Canada he remarked:

471 am indebted to Meryn Cookes's summary of Martin's life in the article, "Frank Martin's Early Development." The Musical Times 131, no. 1771 (September 1990), 473. Another good biographical source is Alain Perroux's book, Frank Martin (Geneva: Papillon 2001), 10.

48 Maria Martin included a picture and description of the Martin family house in, Frank Martin: I'univers d'un compositeur (Boudry: Editions de la Baconnidre, 1984), 8. In this book, there are also evocative pictures of Martin in many costumes that reflect the Martin children's flair for the dramatic. See pages 6-9. 36 And all my brothers and sisters were musicians, I was the tenth in a family where each one of us sang or played an instrument. In a way, I was sort of bathed in music through my childhood right from my birth. (Maria Martin 1984, 7)49

His first known work, Tete de Linotte (1899), is a charming, whimsical song that is remarkable for the seamless way that the text and the melody fit together:50

Figure 3.1: Tete de Linotte, mm. 1-9

- — pi " 'C—C-T J| Voy-ons si j'ai 1biens dans la tete Tout en mar-chant je le re- pete-

yh -TrgJl rr r T : i.g J—n |in -hi -w—2*—j * .

ML*=k~=L~ I*\j £J"

P • J m Ce iui doit rem -plir mon pa-ni er un po I de ct>n-fi-ture aux porn-tnes un ki - lo de ca-ie gril-ie Ain-5si je ne puis I'ou-bli - er Jill PN j j j in - 3 ^ 3 ** 3—^—dJ +• •m- -4 DDL' fl

49 Radio Canada is the French counterpart of the English-language Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC). Excerpts from Martin's interview appear in the book, Frank Martin: I'univers d'un compositeur (Boudry: Editions de la Baconniere, 1984), 6-7.1 have not been able to locate a transcript of the original interview.

50 An autograph of Tete de Linotte exists in the archival collection at the Frank Martin House in Naarden, the Netherlands. 37 Martin's interest in the rhythmic elements of language and their relationship to the creation of vocal music continued throughout his career. He composed many songs for the numerous family skits that took place in Malagnou, and later in life he would compose many songs and large-scale choral works. The early cultivation of his dramatic imagination and his penchant for creating songs resemble Dalcroze's childhood experiences in Vienna.51 Like Dalcroze, Martin was attracted to the piano early in life. In an interview with Swiss philosopher Jean-Claude Piguet (1924-2000), he reminisced about his early encounters with the instrument:

I was myself attracted to the piano and, as far as I can remember, I was always ... trying things out and playing melodies, which I would harmonize in my own way - first with two voices. (Martin & Piguet 1967,11-12)

During his teenage years, Martin studied piano and music theory with composer

Joseph Lauber (1864-1952). Lauber gave his student a thorough grounding in traditional harmony that reflected the strong influence of eighteenth-century German music in

Switzerland at this time (King 1990, 4).52 At an early age, Martin attended a performance of Bach's St. Matthew Passion (1727) which had an indelible effect upon him:

I cannot say exactly how old I was, ten or eleven, that I heard a performance of the St. Matthew Passion, which remains for me the greatest musical experience

51 For more information on Dalcroze's childhood experiences, see the book, Emile Jaques-Dalcroze: sa vie, son oeuvre (Geneva: Jeheber, 1950), which was written by Helene Brunet-Lecomte, who was Dalcroze's sister.

52 Billeter (1999, 26-27), Cooke (1990,473) and Perroux (2001, 12) have commented on the Germanic influence which dominated Genevan musical life in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century. See the bibliography for complete citations. 38 of my life. I followed it from beginning to end without knowing where I was: I was no longer in the room and didn't recognize anyone, I was transported to heaven. (Martin & Piguet 1967, 114)

Interestingly, Martin did not study composition with Lauber or any other Genevan composer. In an autodidactic manner, he learned orchestration by attending rehearsals of the Orchestre Symphonique de Geneve (Cooke 1990,473).53 He also devoted many hours to researching harmonic, melodic, contrapuntal and rhythmic aspects of composition.

Martin's brief musical education contrasted significantly with Dalcroze's thorough training at the Geneva Conservatoire and abroad in Paris and Vienna.

Martin's exposure to French music was largely due to the influence of Ernest

Ansermet (1883-1969) (Billeter 1999, 44). The Swiss-born conductor founded the

Orchestre de la Suisse Romande in 1918 and he presented the first performances of many important French orchestral works in Geneva. He also became a champion of Martin's music and premiered most of his orchestral compositions from 1918 onwards.54

Ansermet's support helped Martin achieve a reputation as one of the finest composers of his generation.

53 The orchestra was conducted by the German conductor and pianist Bernhard Stavenhagen (1862-1914), who studied the piano with Franz Liszt. He conducted the Swiss orchestra until his death in 1914.

54 Ansermet's association with Martin's music began with the 1918 premiere of Martin's oratorio, Les Dithyrambes, which was performed as part of the programme for a gathering of the Association of Swiss Musicians in Lausanne, Switzerland. The event took place on June 16, 1918. 39 3.2 Martin as a Young Composer and Performer: 1910-1926

He successfully premiered his Trois poemes paens (Three Pagan Songs) in 1910, and was then invited to join the influential L'Association des Musiciens Suisses. This organization became an important platform for his music throughout his career.55

Martin's parents encouraged him to study physics and mathematics at the University of

Geneva. He was a university student from 1906 to 1908 but he did not finish his studies.

After service in World War I, Martin composed a few chamber works and the cantata, Les

Dithyrambes (1918), for soloists, chorus and orchestra. In a 1951 tribute to Martin, Ernest

Ansermet claimed that the composition was Martin's most convincing early work, and that Martin "presented himself not as a symphonist but as a lyrical composer, an artist whose music is above all songlike, but song with a long breath, stretched partly towards distances partly towards depths" (Perroux 2001,17).56

Martin claimed that the influence of modern French music helped him move away from the traditional Germanic style of his youth. He was particularly drawn to the cyclical form of Cesar Franck (1887-1924) and to the harmonic and textural innovations of Debussy and Ravel (Cooke 1983, 475). His suite, Quatre sonnets a Cassandre (1921) for mezzo soprano, flute, viola and cello, reflected these new influences. Building on his childhood love of language, Martin set several poems of the French Renaissance poet

Ronsard (1524-1585). Bernhard Billeter described the importance of the work:

55 This society began in 1900 and continues to be an important body for the dissemination of Swiss music.

56 This quotation from Ansermet is included in Alain Perroux's monograph, Frank Martin (2001, 17). Ansermet wrote a brief speech to celebrate Martin's 1951 award, Le Prix de la Ville de Geneve. 40 In the Quatre sonnets a Cassandre,... he [Martin] moved to a linear, consciously archaic style, restricted to modal melody and perfect triads and evading the tonal gravitation of Classical and Romantic harmony. (Billeter 2005)57

After brief travels to Zurich and Rome, Martin completed his Messe pour double choeur a cappella (1922-26) in Geneva. He admitted to a reluctance to seek performances of the work, which he referred to as a "private matter between God and me" (Martin 1984, ll).58 He did, however, include it in his list of finished compositions.

In 1963, German conductor Franz Brunnert, conductor of the Bugenhagen-Kantorei, inquired about the work. Martin sent him the score and Brunnert premiered it on

November 2,1963 in Hamburg. It is performed often on today's concert stage.59

Martin adheres to the textural and melodic characteristics of a pre-tonal Mass

(Glasmann 1987, 59). It is probable that he heard much Gregorian chant when he travelled to Rome in 1920. The opportunity to compose some non-metrical music might have been attractive to Martin, who was searching for a departure from the predominantly metrical music that he studied as a youth in Geneva. In his 1927 essay, "La mesure et le rythme," Martin contrasts metrical and non-metrical music as follows:

57 Billeter's online article on Martin for Oxford Music Online is titled, "Martin, Frank." The article is found at: http:// www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed June 7, 2011).

58 Martin's comment appears in A propos de... Commentaires de Frank Martin sur ses oeuvres (Neuchatel: Editions de la Baconniere, 1984), 11. His comments originally appeared in an unnamed concert program note that he wrote in 1970.

59 Robert V. Glasmann explains the history of Martin's Mass in his DMA thesis, "A Conductor's Analysis for Performance of Messe pour double choeur a cappella by Frank Martin," (University of Wisconsin- Madison, 1987), 24-28. 41 Let's see how and why barlines and measures are formed. In music that doesn't use it, like ancient music, plainchant, [and] all exotic music, we find two types of rhythmic activity: one which is based on the rhythm of language - we are talking really about prose - and ... the Gregorian chant, there, we will find unequal values, accented notes, prolonged notes, others light or shortened, without regularity or arithmetical periodicity. There is nothing in this music which would lead us to the knowledge that it has a regular barline. (1927, 2)

His description of chant is revealing because he lists many of the rhythmic components associated with its performance practice - including the variety of note durations, accents and other nuances. Like many composers before and after him, Martin's study of pre-

Baroque music helped him achieve a freer compositional style. His insights into various aspects of rhythm resembled Dalcroze's habit of discussing the rhythmic characteristics of compositions in the Western European concert repertoire. In what was presumably an approving gesture, Dalcroze published Martin's essay in the March, 1927 issue of his journal, Le Rythme.

Throughout his Mass, Martin frequently changes metres in an effort to achieve the proper syllabic stress of the Latin text. Metrical changes also help accommodate the various lengths of phrases in the Latin text and allow Martin to use a wide variety of note durations in his setting of the text. The following example from the Gloria employs 2/4,

3/4 and 4/4 metre in quick succession:

42 Figure 3.2 Gloria from Martin's Messe - Choir 1 (mm. 70-77)

avec plus d'insistance 9 j» |^ - —If* m m f f 1IHW; p IB * f 1 SOPRANO \h i J if IV J r fa. P r r *J |tr rJ Qui tol - lis pec - ca - ta mun - di sue - ci - pe de-pre-ca-ti - o - nem no-stram

ALTO ¥ Qui tol - lis pec - ca-ta mun - di sue - ci - pe de-pre-ca-ti - o - nem no-stram

TENOR XJJ uTTi,.. . ' B,xr. m Qui tol - lis pec - ca-ta mun - di sue - ci - pe de-pre-ca-ti - o- nem no-stram

BASS ttftf r^r

Qui tol - lis pec - ca-ta mun - di sue - ci - pe de-pre-ca-ti - o - nem no-stram

Frequent metric changes were also an important part of Dalcroze's ideas in his

Eurhythmies method. In Dalcroze's 1906 treatise, Gymnastique rythmique, he frequently asked the student to perform successive measures of 2/4, 3/4 and 4/4 metre.60

3.3 The Influence of Greek Ideas on Rhythm

Perhaps because of his childhood love of dramatic play, Martin became increasingly involved in Swiss theatre during the early 1920s. After his return to Geneva from Zurich and Rome in 1921, he was commissioned by the Comedie de Geneve to write incidental music for a French-language production of two Sophocles plays: Oedipe-Roi (1922) and

Oedipe a Colone (1923). As Martin scholars Mervyn Cooke and Alain Perroux suggest, these compositions provided him with the opportunity to study ancient Greek rhythmic

60 Examples of Dalcroze's successive metre exercises appear in volume one of Gymnastique rythmique (Neuchatel: Sandoz, Jobin et Cie, 1906), 39. More detailed discussions of Dalcroze's exercises appear in chapters 3-5. 43 theory.61 Perroux describes the challenge Martin faced in creating music for the French translation of the original Greek text:

The difficulties posed by the prosody of French translations from the ancient [Greek] encouraged him to look at the nature of rhythm which fed his quest for several years. (Perroux 2001,20)

In his essay, "La mesure et le rythme," Martin analyzes aspects of ancient Greek prosody:

... a rhythmic music, essentially dance music, whose most simple rhythms lead us to more complicated ones by the addition of different values and most often simple or duple rhythms. It's the principle of the long and short from the Greeks which one finds a little bit everywhere. Are there really measures in this type of rhythmic activity? I don't believe so. (1927,2)

Like Martin, Dalcroze was also attracted to ancient Greek rhythmic concepts. Scholar

Stephen Moore claimed that Dalcroze's friendship with the French composer and Greek music scholar Maurice Emmanuel (1862-1938) helped him to understand the interrelationships between ancient Greek music, dance and speech (Moore 1992,40).62

Emmanuel's 1895 book, Essai sur I 'orchestique Grecque, contained detailed movement analyses of dancers depicted on ancient vases. By studying these figures and researching written references, Emmanuel created a fascinating historical reconstruction. In a tribute to him, Dalcroze emphasized how deeply Emmanuel had influenced his ideas on movement in his Eurhythmies method:

61 See Mervyn Cooke's (article), "The Early Development of Frank Martin," The Musical Times, 131, no. 1771,(1990), 474.

62 Like Dalcroze, Emmanuel studied with Leo Delibes in Paris. 44 He [Emmanuel] described to me the diverse phases of verbal, orchestic and musical rhythm .... He analyzed the diverse modes of activity among the Greek dramatists; creators at once of the movements of words, sounds, and of gestures - poetry, music, and dance. (1947,112)

In the fifth movement of his music for Oedipe-Roi, Martin creates a harp and flute duet which features a sarabande rhythm. His experience with Baroque dance rhythms would have been thorough due to his role as a pianist in the Societe de Musique de

Chambre in Geneva. Interest in Baroque dances was also prevalent among French composers such as Debussy and Ravel - both of whom influenced Martin considerably

(Martin 1975, 8-9; Martin 1977, 97-99).

Martin might also have chosen the sarabande rhythm because of its affinity with

Greek rhythmic theory. Martin's description of "the long and the short" is a classic note duration pattern found in many treatises on Greek musical theory and the basis of the sarabande's rhythmic structure (1927, 2).63 The simple flute melody is accompanied by traditional harmonies in the harp part:

63 See Thomas Matheson's book, Aristides Quintilianus'On Music (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1983), 102-105. 45 Figure 3.3: Oedipe-Roi, 5th mvt., Flute/Harp (Piano Reduction)64

Mouvement de Sarahande

ijpj'.a 1 n hi :*3=H-^==F =f , M ^ \r14 ' ' poco S

i=& 4 f ^ r * » 9 4- 9 L J 11 a jj 9" 9» :z f —ni •sr

This simplicity of the texture and the deliberate limitations of both melody and harmony probably helped Martin achieve his goal of creating music that, as he said "would fit the drama without calling attention to itself' (Schussler 1996, 32).65 Unfortunately, the music he wrote for the Greek dramas remains unpublished.66

In addition to using alternating long and short values in repetitive patterns, Martin employed the Greek concept of additive rhythm. The additive principle helped him move away from the symmetrical phrasing of his earliest compositions. In his Prelude to

Oedipe a Colone (1923), Martin alternates between quadruple and triple metre measures in the strings. These additive rhythms are a contrast to the simple texture and parallel organum style in the string part:

64 This music example appears in Karen Schilssler's book, Frank Martins Musiktheater. (Kassel, Germany: Gustav Bosse Verlag, 1996), 29.

65 Martin's quote comes from Kerstin Schussler's book, Frank Martins Musiktheater (Kassel, Germany: Gustav Bosse Verlag, 1996).

66 Manuscripts of the Martin's scores for Oedipe-Roi and Oedipe a Colone are located at the Paul Sacher Stiftung in Basel, Switzerland. 46 Figure 3.4: Oedipe a Colone: Nr. 1 (Prelude), Strings, m. 5-867

Violon I

Alto B»r r f f blUii •f r f f »r rff dolce

Perhaps Martin's goal was to adopt a medieval practice to connote the distant past, because he included the key sonic characteristics.

Martin's account of Greek rhythmic theory bears a striking resemblance to Dalcroze's discussion. In the 1932 essay, "Rythmes irreguliers," Dalcroze characterizes the additive rhythm aspect of Greek rhythm that formed a key part of his Eurhythmies method. His words could have been written by Frank Martin:

As we know, the Greeks form rhythms in a madreporic way: that is to say by taking as a point of departure a very short duration, to which they add one, two, three, four, five, etc., beats of the same duration. (Dalcroze 1932,2)

In the same article, Dalcroze criticizes the Western European practice of subdividing notes of long duration:

67 This musical example appears in Kerstin Schtissler's book, Frank Martins Musiktheater (Kassel, Germany: Gustav Bosse Verlag, 1996), 31. 47 In our time, one of the obstacles to the freedom of rhythms is that we take as a unit of time a note of long duration of which the subdivisions have less variation. (1932, 2)

Thus the conventional whole-note that divides into two half-notes, which divide into four quarter-notes, etc., produces a predictable rhythmic symmetry. The additive approach creates richer possibilities because of the potential for unpredictable and asymmetrical rhythmic structures.

In addition to his work as a composer, Martin was also a performer. As a pianist, harpsichordist and conductor, he was interested in the connection between the performer and composer. On a pragmatic level, his performance activities gave him opportunities to study the works of many composers. In 1926, he founded and directed the Societe de musique de chambre de Geneve and performed in the Society's concerts as a pianist and harpsichordist. His vision was to bring to the public rarely-heard late seventeenth- and eighteenth-century works by composers such as Francis Couperin (1668-1733), Marin

Marais (1656-1728) and Jean-Philippe Rameau (1683-1764).68 The Societe often performed these works alongside the then modern works of Faure and Debussy in an attempt to show the connection between music of all eras. Martin's participation in the

Societe increased his exposure to both Baroque and modern French music.

681 am indebted to Martin biographer Alain Perroux for the information on Martin's activities with the Soctet6 de Musique de Chambre de Geneve. For a more complete description of Martin's activities, please see Alain Perroux's book, Frank Martin (Geneva: Papillon, 2001), 21-22. 48 Both Martin and Dalcroze led varied careers prior to their meeting in the early 1920s.

Martin's early career as a performer of chamber music resembled Dalcroze's work as a piano accompanist. Both composers were able to find performances of their works through the auspices of the Association of Swiss Musicians. Dalcroze began to focus on teaching and lecturing in Geneva in his early-thirties, after developing his reputation as a composer of mostly songs and pageants, while early in his career, Martin devoted himself to composing large-scale orchestral and chamber works.

3.4 Martin's Earliest Direct Connection with Dalcroze

As scholar Bernhard Billeter has noted, Frank Martin's research into rhythm contributed to his close ties with his fellow Swiss composer (1999, 59). Martin experienced Dalcroze Eurhythmies as both a student and teacher, and also wrote extensively on the method. In November, 1923, Frank Martin wrote a short testimony to

Dalcroze's work, which was published in a 1924 edition of Dalcroze's journal, Le

Rythme:

Why a special study of rhythm?

1. To direct young composers toward a rhythmic world which is richer, and at the same time more inward and alive. 2. To train performers, who can follow composers in their research, and are thus experienced with all rhythmic difficulties and who, as such, are able to keep a strictly regular tempo or vary it according to their will. (1924, 38)69

69 This quotation appeared in the "Opinions et Critiques" section of Dalcroze's journal, Le Rythme, (February 12, 1924), 38. This particular edition of the journal contained testimonies from many other leading composers such as Arthur Honegger, Gabriel Faure, Vincent d'lndy and others. 49 Martin's comments revealed his interest in rhythmic experimentation, and described the interrelationship between the composer and the performer. As a practicing composer,

Martin viewed rhythm as a musical parameter which warranted new approaches from himself and his colleagues. He also regarded rhythm as a discipline worthy of research, not as an aspect of music inseparably linked to the composer's inspiration and talent. His preoccupation with novel approaches to rhythm resembled the compositional practices of established twentieth-century composers such as Bela Bartok (1881-1945) and Igor

Stravinsky (1892-1972).70

3.5 Martin's Post-Rhythmic Phase

Martin's style continued to evolve after the 1920s. In the early 1930s, he experimented with the 12-tone compositional method associated with Arnold Schoenberg (1874-1951).

Martin moved in this stylistic direction because he felt that he couldn't add anything new to the harmonic innovations of the French impressionists (Societe Frank Martin 1984,

23). From the 1940s until the end of his life, Martin combined his earlier focus on tonality with the influence of Schoenberg to create music that was highly chromatic - though tonal. Scholars agree that his 1945 orchestral work, Symphonie Concertante, is his best and most well-known work (e.g. Cooke 1990,473; King 1990, 6).

While Martin's assimilation of Switzerland's eclectic musical landscape contributed to a lengthy search for a personal language, it was perhaps an advantageous background,

70 Many scholars have commented on the modernist interest in rhythm, including Bernhard Billeter and others. See bibliography. 50 since in the early decades of the twentieth century, many Western European composers borrowed from disparate musical cultures and eras in their quest to innovate. In any case,

Martin did not receive widespread international recognition until the 1940s. Even today, outside Switzerland, he is an underperformed composer who remains an enigma to a large part of the concert-going public - and even to musicians.

51 CHAPTER 4 MARTIN EXPERIMENTS WITH AFRICAN-AMERICAN RHYTHMS IN PARIS

4.1 Martin's Exposure to Jazz in Paris: 1924-26

Martin's interest in rhythmic experimentation intensified in 1924 when he left Geneva for Paris. The presence of jazz and Asian music there offered new rhythmic possibilities for a composer trained in a strictly Western European manner. His time in Paris resembles

Dalcroze's stay in Algiers, where the elder Swiss composer was exposed to asymmetrical metres and rhythmic ostinatos. Martin was introduced to jazz and Asian music by his close friend Andre Berge (1902-1995), who was a Parisian psychologist and writer. In a

1926 letter to Berge, Martin reminisced: "I miss our good times and friendship, and our listening to jazz and Chinese music ..." (Societe Frank Martin 1984,17)71 Martin biographer Alain Perroux claims that Martin's interest in these musics contributed significantly to the rhythmic complexity in the compositions that he created in Paris

(2001,20).

He would have heard plenty of jazz in Paris during the 1920s. According to Colin

Nettlebeck, African-American jazz musicians came to France as early as 1918. During the early 1920s, Louis Mitchell and the Jazz Kings was the most popular jazz band in

71 Martin's letter to Berge appears in the book, Frank Martin: I'univers d'un compositeur (Boudry, Switzerland: Editions de la Baconniere, 1984), 17. The original letter is dated October 8, 1926, and is located at the Frank Martin House in Naarden, the Netherlands. 52 France.72 Nettlebeck claims that the band's popularity stemmed from their many recordings on the Paris-based Pathe label and their residency at the popular nightspot, Le

Casino de Paris. 73Although Martin never specified what he listened to in Paris, it is highly possible that he heard Louis Mitchell and his band on record or in person. The transcription of the tune Chicago in Figure 4.1 is from Mitchell's 1923 recording - one year before Martin's arrival:

72 See Colin Nettlebeck's Dancing with de Beauvoir. Jazz and the French (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2004). Canadian jazz writer Mark Miller recently wrote, Some Hustling This: Taking Jazz to the World (Toronto: Mercury Press, 2006). His book focuses on Louis Mitchell's performing career in Europe.

73 The nightclub was located at 16 rue de Clichy in Paris and was an important source of jazz music in the city. There is no published record of Martin's Paris address, nor record of his attendance at Le Casino de Paris. 53 Figure 4.1: Louis Mitchell and the Jazz Kings, Chicago (Excerpt from Pathe No. 6598)74

medium swing

Trumpet

Alto Saxophone

Drums

Trumpet

Alto Sax.

Dr.

Trumpet

Alto Sax.

Dr.

In the above excerpt, the individuality of each part creates a rhythmic counterpoint. In mm. 1-2, the incessant quarter-note bass drum part is typical of 1920s jazz (Tirro 1993,

128). The upbeat saxophone swung eighth-notes (grouped in threes) are a contrast to the trumpet's rendition of the main melody, with its Charleston rhythms (popularized by the song Charleston in 1923). The trumpet's two dotted-quarter-/single quarter-note rhythm

74 More audio mp3 examples of Mitchell's original 1920's jazz recordings can be listened to online at: http://www.redhotiazz.com/initcheIIsjk.htm I. Although I cannot be certain that Martin heard Mitchell's music in Paris, many other jazz artists during the 1920s improvised similar rhythmic patterns. As many jazz scholars have noted (Gridley 2006; Schuller 1986), the jazz of the period borrowed heavily from the rhythms of ragtime and the influence of popular American dances, including the Charleston and Foxtrot. Indeed, the trumpet's interpretation of the tune, Chicago (above), imitates the Charleston rhythm (see mm. 1-2 of my transcription above).

54 in mm. 1-2 creates an asymmetrical 3+3+2 eighth-note grouping. The syncopated motives in the trumpet and alto saxophone parts would have been attractive to the classically trained Martin, who might also have heard ragtime pianists creating similiar rhythms. Syncopation and phrases that begin and end on upbeats were rhythmic elements that one finds in several of Martin's compositions from his Paris period.

4.2 Polymetre and Syncopation in Jazz: A Eurhythmic Connection

Like Martin, Dalcroze was also a proponent of rhythmic freedom through the study of syncopation and metrical changes. In his first volume of Gymnastique rythmique (1906),

Dalcroze devoted a whole section to the study of syncopation and instructed his students to perform syncopated rhythms in a variety of metres with one part of the body, while keeping a strict pulse with another.75 In another section, Dalcroze presented some basic rhythmic patterns in 2/4, 3/4 and 4/4 metre. After these simple rhythms, he included some syncopated rhythms. The following example is his notational rendering of a Eurhythmies exercise in 2/4 metre that involved stepping and conducting both regular and syncopated groupings of quarter- and eighth-notes:76

Figure 4.2: Eurhythmic exercise in syncopation from Dalcroze's Gymnastique rythmique (1906, 26)

regular grouping example of syncopated pattern

75 See Dalcroze's treatise, Gymnastique rythmique (Lausanne: Foetish, 1916), 43. There are numerous examples of this type of exercise throughout Dalcroze's writings.

76 Dalcroze did not notate conducting patterns for his students in his lesson plans. 55 In his chapter on quadruple time, Dalcroze gives the student some conventional patterns in 4/4 metre and then challenges the student with a series of mixed measures. Again, the student is required to both step and conduct a sequence of measures:

Figure 4.3: Eurhythmic exercise in mixed metre from Dalcroze's Gymnastique rythmique (1906, 46)

Like Martin, Dalcroze praised jazz orchestras for their rhythmic freedom. In an article published by La Gazette de Lausanne on October 27, 1945, he described the rhythmic freedom of the Southern Syncopated Orchestra, a jazz group that was popular in Europe from 1919 to 1922.77 Coincidentally, Ernest Ansermet heard the orchestra in 1918 and wrote the review, "Sur un orchestre negre," for La Revue Romande (Oct. 15, 1919). His close connection to both Martin and Dalcroze suggests a shared interest in the rhythmic experimentation of the period. Dalcroze wondered why the tradition was so neglected in most classical music education programs:

The members of the 'Syncopated Orchestra' worked together in a brotherly and artistic manner to compose 'ex abrupto' veritable symphonies irresistibly picturesque where they create new rhythms which are extraordinarily evocative and original. Three quarters of today's jazz bands are nothing but pitiful imitators. (Dalcroze 1945b)

77 For more detailed information on the group, see Howard Rye's article, "Southern Syncopated Orchestra," Black Music Research 29/2 (Fall 2009), 153-228. 56 4.3 Martin's Ouverture etfoxtrot (1924)

While in Paris, Martin continued his work in theatre that he had begun in Geneva. In

1924, he became the music director for Les petits comediens des bois, a Parisian marionette troupe which presented original dramatic works at the famous Theatre du

Vieux-Colombier. Julie Sazonowa, the director of the troupe, hired Martin as the composer/arranger and the pianist. He was also given the responsibility of hiring supplementary musicians. This employment was very important to Martin who was supporting his wife Odette Micheli, whom he married in 1918. The couple was also raising their son Renaud (born in 1922). During this period he befriended Marcel

Mihalovici (1898-1985), a Romanian composer who had come to Paris to study with

Vincent d'Indy (1851-1931) and was developing a reputation as a composer of ballets and chamber music. According to Maria Martin, Mihalovici and Martin may have worked together as duo pianists for some of the productions of Les petits comediens de bois.

Martin also assisted Mihalovici in a 1925 performance of his ballet, Karagueuz, Op. 23

(1990, 18).

Martin composed Ouverture et foxtrot (1924) for one of the marionette troupe's comedic productions.78 The composition is scored for two pianos and provides interesting insight into the influence of popular American dance music on a European composer.

Ouverture''s opening is filled with syncopation, and, like his 1922 Messe, frequent metrical changes:

78 I have not been able to locate the production in which Ouverture et foxtrot appeared. 57 Figure 4.4: Ouverture, mm. 1-6

-00- > ffff * f r ltf f f Piano I < i i i ^

Piano II <

— * —a t: a -rTT Pno. < • r ^ | |2«—4. i»

y* =4 Pno.1

In mm. 1-3 of Figure 4.4, the constant quarter-notes in the lower portion of piano 1

resemble Louis Mitchell's bass drum part in Chicago. They also resemble an accompaniment for a New Orleans jazz march. The steady quarter-note underpinning also

highlights syncopations and metrical changes. The metrical shifts from 4/4 to 2/4 to 3/4 are reminiscent of Dalcroze's idea that frequent metrical changes are natural in music and

need to be studied by all musicians. In his essay, "Eurhythmies and Composition,"

Dalcroze wrote:

There is no reason to insist upon regular bar-lengths throughout an entire piece ... It is only in the last two or three centuries that we find a systematic division into regular bars. Far be it from us to object to this classical

58 regularity of barline, but, seeing that every irregularity in a work of art must be the product of an emotion, we suggest that the question of the employment of irregular bars should be the subject of a special analysis on the part of every musician.79 (Dalcroze 1921a, 151)

Martin and Dalcroze's predilection for writing music with frequent metrical changes might be considered fussy.80 In the opening measures of Martin's Ouverture (see Figure

4.4), for example, he could have notated the opening measures in a single metre; however, the effect of the changing metrical accent would be lost.

Martin shared Dalcroze's belief that musicians should take on rhythmic challenges. In his 1923 testimonial in Dalcroze's journal, Le Rythme, he suggested that performers and composers needed to make a "special study of rhythm" (Martin 1923, 38). A few years later, in 1928, Martin wrote the essay, "L'evolution de la Rythmique de M. Jaques-

Dalcroze," which highlighted several of Dalcroze's rhythmic innovations. At the beginning of the article, Martin claimed that Dalcroze's first innovation was

the reinstatement of quintuple metre so natural to the body and so frequent in popular and dance music. (Martin 1928, 20)

He cited the well-known Genevan folksong, Le Picoulet, as an example of a popular song set in 5/4 metre:

79 This essay forms a chapter in Dalcroze's book, Rhythm, Music and Education (London: Dalcroze Society, 1921). Harold Rubenstein translated the book from the original French version which was titled Le rythme, la musique et I 'education (Lausanne: Jobin, 1920).

801 have not been able to find evidence that Martin had read Dalcroze's writings prior to studying with him at the Institut in Geneva. It is curious, however, that they both used the technique of changing metres. 59 Figure 4.5: Le Picoulet rhythm from Martin's essay, "L'evolution de la rythmique de M. Jaques-Dalcroze" (1928, 20)

ii 11—J~~J J—J—iJ~J J~2 J—J—J**J i J

Et c'est ain - si que 1'on dan-sc No-tre joy - eux Pi-cou- let

Martin also emphasized that Dalcroze advocated mixed metre as an important musical device for all musicians to master:

His [Dalcroze's] second conquest was to introduce the freedom to change the measure whenever one desired, according to a piece's expression ... (20)

Perhaps Martin's use of mixed metre in Ouverture could be linked to his desire to imitate the jerky marionette movements associated with the productions of Les petits comediens des bois. Pianist Julie Adam has described the Ouverture as having a

"strident... almost wooden" character that suggests an appropriate setting for a marionette show (2005, 8). Martin might also have wished to satirize the usual seriousness of an overture by creating successive metrical changes. The metrical changes and the frequent syncopations also give Ouverture a jazzy and improvisatory character that sets the stage for the Foxtrot, which Adam has described as having a "tongue-and- cheek quirkiness" (2005, 8). Martin may also have been influenced by Igor Stravinsky's ballet, Petrushka (1911), which depicts the trials of a mechanical puppet. In his score,

Stravinsky often employed metrical shifts and syncopations. He spent many years in

Switzerland and wrote the score for Petrushka in Lausanne. It is quite possible that

Martin knew the work by the time he came to Paris in the 1920s. Stravinsky also wrote

60 works that utilized the syncopation associated with ragtime. These works include:

Histoire du soldat (1918), Ragtime for Eleven Instruments (1918) and Piano Rags (1919).

Each of these works were composed in Switzerland, and it is possible that Martin attended the premiesres of at least one. It was Ernest Ansermet, a close friend of Martin's and Dalcroze's, who gave Igor Stravinsky ragtime piano scores that the latter used as models in the creation of these works.81

In Foxtrot, a steady, stride piano-like bass in piano one (notated in quarter-notes) contrasts with the unequal beat structure in the upper part. As notated in Figure 4.8, the phrases in the upper part form eighth-note subdivision patterns of 2+3+3 and 3+3+2. This asymmetry resembles exercises in a typical Eurhythmies lesson. In his manual, La

Rythmique (1916), Dalcroze created several sets of exercises under the category of temps inegaux or unequal beats. Like Martin, he preferred to use numbers in order to express the unequal distribution of the eighth-note subdivisions. The students were instructed to step each rhythmic pattern and pay particular attention to the difference between two- and three-eighth-note groupings:

Figure 4.6: Unequal beats exercise in Dalcroze's La Rythmique (1916,49)

Temps inegaux 2+3+3

„ J~3 J- J- , .H JT3/XL,

81 For more information on the connection between Stravinsky and ragtime, see Barbara Heyman's article, "Stravinsky and Ragtime," Musical Quarterly 68/4, (October 1982): 543-562. 61 Martin connected Foxtrot to Dalcroze's Eurhythmies method when he discussed the rhythmic challenges of the foxtrot genre in his lecture, "La notation du rythme." He delivered the lecture at Dalcroze's First Congress on Rhythm in Geneva (1926), and it was published in the conference proceedings.82 As part of the lecture, Martin acknowledged the difficulty of maintaining notational clarity when writing polymetric music:

The notation becomes more difficult as soon as we have irregular metres; again we find ourselves in the situation where simple accents are sufficient to be clear to the performer where a polymetric notation would actually be superfluous. The foxtrot... illustrates this problem, where the grouping of notes according to the correct metre leaves us in doubt. (Martin 1926, 89)

In fairly simple cases such as Foxtrot, Martin chose to use accents to set off one rhythmic figure from another. To illustrate his point, he notated the foxtrot's basic rhythm as part of the essay. The upper part's unequal durations contrast with the lower part's simple pattern of successive quarter-notes:

82 The congress papers were edited by Alfred Pfrimmer, and were published under the title, Compte rendu du Ier congres du rythme tenu a Geneve du 16 au 18 aout 1926 (Geneva: Institut Jaques-Dalcroze, 1926).

62 Figure 4.7: Martin's notation of the basic rhythm of a foxtrot from "La notation du rythme"

Martin utilizes this rhythmic blueprint in the actual composition. In Figure 4.8, the steady

4/4 stride-piano bass part, contrasts with the upper part's 2+3+3 and 3+3+2 patterns. He beamed the three eighth-note groups together and added an accented dotted quarter-note, in order to emphasize its asymmetry:

Figure 4.8: Foxtrot, mm. 98-103 «•»- 1 4pl. J. I 1 r Piano I < f -4== f 1 f f = n*4 r j r !• r J r - r a=r w ~: i

I -^T ii i * m T * *^5=—=^3t r r =4 f r r-j Lx#= Piano II < L 1 -.hj—ri v a!r r r r r

1=^4 :•! rrf i LU* ui_r tsLJ irr f Pno. < JUT J r

UUf Pno. < "F

1 t u-u- f W tsr

63 Martin's attraction to the rhythmic idiom of 1920s jazz figures prominently in

Ouverture et foxtrot. The composition received favourable reviews in America when it was praised by Nicolas Slonimsky (1894-1995), the renowned musician and critic. In his

April 20, 1929 article for the Boston Evening Transcript, Slonimsky praised Martin's

Foxtrot as having a distinctly European flavour, even though it displayed the influence of

American jazz:

Another interesting example of European jazz is furnished by the fox trot composed in 1924 by a Swiss, Frank Martin, for Julie Sazonova's Marionette Theatre in Paris. Here is a piece written in the idiom without quotation marks. But it is not any more American for that, and fortunately so. Frank Martin uses the devices of an American jazz band - syncopation, free counterpoint, chromatic meandering around harmonic mainstays and creates a piece which is original and musically interesting. Scored, it contains no saxophone and no percussion thus silencing all charges of imitation. It is almost austere in its minimization and at the same time valuable as an example of early jazz in Europe. (Slonimsky 2004,61)

64 CHAPTER 5 Trio sur des melodies populaires irlandaises (1925)

5.1 Martin's Trio sur des melodies populaires irlandaises (1925): Background and Influences

While in Paris, Martin further experimented with rhythmic textures in his Trio sur des melodies populaires irlandaises (Trio on Irish Folk Tunes). The work was commissioned by an unnamed Irish-American patron who asked Martin to create a piece based on popular Irish folksongs. He responded by choosing several traditional Irish airs and jigs that he found at the Bibliotheque Nationale. Martin's annotations in his notebook reveal that he picked tunes from two well-known collections: Patrick Weston Joyce's Old Irish

Airs and Songs (1909) and Alfred Perceval Graves's The Irish Song Book (1894).83 In a short explanatory commentary on the Trio, Martin wrote eloquently about his intention to preserve the integrity of the Irish folksong material:

While exploiting the rich musical resources of Irish folklore, I tried to submit, as far as possible to its idiosyncratic character. I avoided any abuse of the melodies chosen, always presenting them in their entirety and not over burdening them with any falsifying harmonies. (Frank Martin & Maria Martin 1984, 13)

Of course Martin needed to fulfill the Irish-American commissioner's requirements. As we shall see, Martin was not merely interested in quoting the folksongs - he had a few

83 A notebook containing Martin's notations of these Irish folksongs exists in the archival collection at the Frank Martin House in Naarden, the Netherlands. The notebook contains the following airs: Lamentation of O 'Reiliy's Bride, Roisin Dubh, Cois Taoibh a Chuinn, Thy Fair Bosom, Silent O Moyle, Ding Dong Bell, Pilib Ruadh, Paisdin Fionn, and Princess Royal. Martin also notated the following jigs: Irish Jig, The Swaggering Jig, The Doll at the Hop, Fire on the Mountains, Mo Bhuachailin Ban and Bogadh Faoi Shusa. 65 rhythmic tricks up his sleeve. He chose to use rhythmical devices which effectively acted as a foil to the periodicity of the Irish traditional song.

Trio was first performed in Paris in April, 1926 with Martin as pianist. A violinist named Antal and cellist Jean Reculard completed the trio.84 References to the event are minimal, perhaps because the premiere was early in Martin's career, and in Paris - rather than in his native Geneva. After the performance, his patron complained that the work was too complex and withdrew the commission without paying for it (Perroux 2001,20).

Martin's extensive use of polymetre and rhythmic asymmetry probably distracted the patron, who may have wanted nothing more than a nostalgic medley of traditional music.

Like Martin, Dalcroze was also interested in the musical value of folksongs. In the

1921 book, Rhythm, Music and Education, Dalcroze hoped that

The time will return when the People will express in melody its simple joys and griefs. Children, having re-learnt to sing the old songs that charmed their forefathers, will feel inspired to create new ones, and we shall see the end of that lamentable division of singing at our music competitions into two parts: folksongs and artistic songs. (1921a, 19)

He himself composed approximately twelve-hundred songs that often depicted aspects of daily Swiss life.85 As Dalcroze biographer Irwin Spector notes, Dalcroze's songs were

841 haven't been able to locate any additional information concerning these two musicians. An announcement of the Paris premiere appeared in the Gazette de Lausanne on April 30, 1926.

85 The foremost scholar of Dalcroze's compositions is Jaques Tchamkerten. His discussion of Dalcroze's oeuvre, including his contribution to the tradition of Swiss folksong can be found in his preface to Dalcroze's catalogue of works. See Emile Jaques-Dalcroze: catalogue thematique des chansons, rondes et melodies (Geneva: Editions Papillon, 2000). 66 extremely popular and sung by children and adults alike - long after Dalcroze's death in

1950 (Spector 1991,22).

The creative use of folksong figures prominently in Dalcroze's Eurhythmies method.

In his satirical essay, "The Young Lady of the Conservatoire and the Piano," Dalcroze creates a dialogue between himself and a proud father whose daughter has graduated from the conservatoire, but can play only the piano pieces which she prepared for her exam. To illustrate the importance he placed on knowing common folksongs, Dalcroze questions the father on the daughter's familiarity with them. His answers are telling:

"She can accompany songs, I suppose?" "She's tried her hand at it; but, you know, singers are so difficult to follow." "Can she transpose accompaniments higher or lower at request?" "Not herself. She gets them written out for her." "If you recall a tune of your youth, can she play it by ear?" "You're joking! She's only an amateur, not a real musician." "Still, I suppose she can rattle off, for the benefit of young brothers and sisters, folk-tunes which she doesn't happen to possess in print?" "Oh, we've always the means of buying them." (1921a, 70)

The dialogue emphasizes Dalcroze's belief that the properly trained musician should have the aural skills to play without notation. The universality of the folksong tradition provided an ideal opportunity for the young musician to interact with and participate in

67 general music-making. At the conclusion of his essay, "Premiers maitres, premieres oeuvres," Dalcroze cites folksong as a lasting influence upon his work as a musician:

Among the teachers that I have just mentioned there is another which takes on many forms and offers universal instruction. It is not another human being, but a human composition par excellence - the folksong - a direct emanation of humanity and its wishes aspirations, joys and pain. It is something that crosses the ages and dictates through its rhythms and original melodies the basis of all compositions of all eras and styles. It reveals, in all countries, the true soul of its people. (1942b, 2)

Martin's use of the Irish folksongs in Trio has an affinity with Dalcroze's improvisation methods, because he often assigned simple melodies that students were required to accompany without recourse to notation (Dalcroze 1921a, 142).86 In his lecture notes to a Eurhythmies class that Martin guest taught in 1949, he recommended the use of folksongs as a vehicle for training the student in melodic embellishment and for an appreciation of form in improvisation (Martin 1949, 5).87 Although he did not write folk melodies to be sung by the general Swiss population, Martin valued the international folksong tradition.

In addition to his focus on Irish folksongs, Martin refers to the importance of rhythmic devices in his Trio:

^Although Dalcroze didn't write a formal method on improvisation, he commented on the use of songs as aids to improvisation in several sets of unpublished notes on the teaching of improvisation (see the bibliography). Dalcroze articulated some ideas on improvisation in the chapter, "Rhythm, Solfege and Improvisation," from the book, Rhythm Music and Education (1921).

87 Martin was invited to teach a Eurhythmies class during the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze summer course which took place in July, 1949. Because he had left the Institut in 1937 and had not continued to teach Eurhythmies, he chose to lecture to the students, rather than give an actual class. His lecture notes are located at the Centre international de documentation at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze. 68 It's in the rhythm that the author [Martin] sought the principle of musical form and in the rhythmic combinations, a means of enriching his language. (Frank Martin and Maria Martin 1984,13)

The jazz and Asian music which Martin heard in Paris probably influenced the writing of

Trio. He began writing Trio in 1925 - just one year after he completed his jazz-tinged

Ouverture et Foxtrot. The influence of Asian music also helped to fuel his rhythmic inspiration. By the mid-1920s, European knowledge of exotic music was well- established. In August 1926, Dalcroze convened the First Congress on Rhythm in

Geneva, and Swiss scholar Professor Alfred Cherbuliez's essay, "Polyrythmes exotiques," described the classic Chinese orchestra:

Not only is the accompanying rhythm different than the rhythm of the melody, but again, a plurality of accompanying rhythms are independent among themselves ... We see that many rhythmic lines evolve simultaneously and it's here that one could apply with certainty the description polyrhythmic or paralinear polyrhythmic. (Cherbuliez 1926, 72 )88

One can only guess at what Martin heard on the Asian music recordings which his friend

Andre Berge played for him in Paris.89 In any case, Cherbuliez's description of several accompaniment rhythms that move independently from the rhythm of the melody is a

88 Prof. Cherbuliez's essay appeared in the 1926 publication, Compte rendu du ler congres du rythme (Proceedings of the First Congress on Rhythm) ed. A. Pfrimmer, (Geneva: Institut Jaques-Dalcroze, 1926). Other lecturers who gave papers were Frank Martin, who delivered the talk, "The Notation of Rhythm"; and Emile Jaques-Dalcroze, who delivered the lecture, "Rhythms of the Past, Present and Future."

89 See page 52 of this dissertation for more information on Andre Berge and the influence of jazz and Asian music on Martin's Ouverture et foxtrot. 69 texture that Martin frequently employs in Trio and also in his orchestral work, Rythmes

(1926).90

5.3 Analysis of Trio

The first movement begins with a polymetre. The strings intone the Irish melody,

Lamentation of O'Reilly's Bride in 3/4, and the piano accompanies the tune in 5/4. The texture resembles some of the dissociative Eurhythmic games that Dalcroze created.91

Often, for example, students sang a melody in one metre and were required to step another melody which was played in a different metre. Rather than using different time signatures for each part, Martin groups the piano chords in 5/4 by means of a bracket.

The piano's rhythmic pattern of two half-notes followed by a quarter-note is replaced by a half-note/quarter-note/half note pattern in mm. 8-9. The effect is a subtle destabilization of 3/4, since the piano part only marks the strong first beat of the triple metre every five measures, thus coinciding with the violin's downbeat:

90 Cherbuliez did not include any notated examples of accompaniment rhythms in his essay.

91 Another possible influence on Martin might have been Ravel's Trio pour piano, violon et violoncelle (1914). Ravel experimented with metrical changes and polymetre - especially in the second and fourth movements. 70 Figure 5.1: Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, Allegro moderato, mm. 1-12

Violin

Violoncello

Piano rythmez tres legerement

7

Vln.

Vc.

Pno.

In Martin's essay, "La notation du rythme" (1926), that Dalcroze re-published in his journal, he poses the question: what is the interest in polymetre, and how is it that the opening of Trio, "can represent more than an arbitrary and mechanical superimposition

[of metres]." In answering himself, Martin claims that he could have created a 3/4 accompaniment to the Irish air, but that the 5/4 metre "gives a particular rhythmic colour by which I tinted [je teinte] the melody: the softness of the rhythm in quintuple metre gives the melody a sort of smoothness and suppleness ..." (1926, 88) Thus, according to

Martin, polymetre does not distort or detract from the melody, but can enable the composer to subtly shade it. One might characterize this process as almost dialectical:

71 periodicity countered with polymetre creates a "tinted" melody, which is transformed from its original state.

It is interesting that Martin chose Trio to illustrate concepts that closely resemble

Dalcroze's ideas on polymetre. In an unpublished set of notes titled "Improvisation,"

Dalcroze describes polymetric and polyrhythmic exercises that are integral to his improvisation method. In a section entitled polyrythmie, he advises the piano improviser to

play simultaneously different phrases -2 against 3, 3 against 4, 3 against 5,4 against 4, etc. - study compositions in a slow tempo, making sure to count the [rhythmic] subdivisions, then, at tempo, try to have the muscular sensation of playing two opposing rhythms. (Dalcroze n.d., II)92

Polymetre occurs when composers write music in two (or more) metres which result in a unique rhythmic structure. In Figure 5.1, the piano's slow-moving 5/4 part consists of quarter, tied quarter and half-notes, and is quite separate from the flowing eighth-note melody in the violin and cello parts. Here, Martin chooses to emphasize the separateness of the metres, and creates a texture where the parts coincide only intermittently.

The Irish air in the first movement begins with parallel 15ths in the violin and cello parts. It is a sixteen-bar tune in a traditional AABA structure, which contrasts with the asymmetry of the quintuple metre. The unison strings and the block chords of the piano

92 This set of notes can be found at the Centre international de documentation at the Institut Jaques- Dalcroze in Geneva. They also are listed in Misolette Bablet's Catalogue des ecrits d'Emile Jaques- Dalcroze (Geneva: Institut Jaques-Dalcroze, 1999), 44. The catalogue number for these notes is: BPU 695/13e. 72 combine to create a stark texture - certainly an effective setting for the haunting, modal tune. Perhaps, too, Martin created this texture in order to avoid the potential for counterpoint. He concluded a written commentary on Trio, with a confirmation of this hypothesis: "... this trio hardly draws on harmony and the polyphonic principle of imitation; everything is achieved through the rhythm and melody ..." (1984,14)

The second movement begins with the plaintive Irish air, Princess Royal, in the cello part. The tune is an effective contrast to the first movement's rhythmically energetic conclusion:

Figure 5.2: Cello part, Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, Adagio, mm. 1-15 Adagio

Violoncello

A dance-like solo piano section from mm. 17-38 contrasts with the slow Princess Royal melody in the cello part.93 When the two other instruments return at m. 39, the piano part consists of static, block chords, which merely accentuate the rhythmic structure of the strings' parts. Perhaps Martin is content to pit the dance-like violin part against the cello and piano parts, in a kind of binary texture that runs counter to a polyphonic approach.

93 The dance-like melody in the piano part from mm. 17-38 is probably a rendition of an Irish folksong. In the notebook containing Martin's notation of the Irish folksongs which he found at the Bibliotheque Nationale de France in Paris, there is no direct correspondence between the piano's melody and one of the titled Irish folksongs which he notated. There are, however, some sketches of untitled tunes. One such untitled sketch contains an excerpt of the piano's melody. I have not yet been able to identify the name of this tune. 73 Martin writes in his notes on Trio that the movement is characterized by a "constantly changing melodic and rhythmic base," which is countered by a recurring melody which

"always appears in the same key and register" (1984,13). These rhythms are an effective contrast to the plaintive mood of the tune Princess Royal in the cello part. No wonder the patron was disappointed.

Figure 5.3: Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, Adagio, mm. 38-49

Violin

Violoncello

frf- if f y W pf- f? p f»r ffr if w Piano <

Pno.< Ul UJJ J jtJJ

At the beginning of the third movement titled Gigue, Martin sets a rollicking Irish jig tune (Bogadh Faoi Shusa):

74 Figure 5.4: Gigue, Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, mm. 1-5

Violin

Piano

3

Vln.

Vc.

Pno.

Again, the piano is tonally and rhythmically static and consists of a minor-seventh chord which is tied over several measures. The choice of a 9/8 jig is also interesting (in Irish music circles, this type is known as a "slip jig"), because the 6/8 jig is more common to the tradition.94 Perhaps a triple-metre jig offered more polymetric potential for Martin.

The periodicity of the jig is a contrast, in Martin's own words, to the "superimposing" of several rhythmic motifs which achieve "a metric independence" (Frank Martin &

Maria Martin 1984, 13). Throughout the movement, Martin again makes his polymetric

94 For more information on the rhythmical aspects of the slip jig, see Mark Arrington's short article, "Understanding your Slippery Slip Jigs." (http://mag.diddlyi.com/2009/11 /"slipperv"-slip-jigs-what-are- they-and-why-do-they-seem-so-strange (accessed October 7,2011). 75 intentions clear, when he pits the strings' 9/8 metre against the piano's 3/4. In the opening section (mm. 1-44), there is little metrical friction between the two parts because the piano 3/4 accompaniment consists mostly of quarter- and half-note chords. Without access to the score, the listener might not perceive polymetre:

Figure 5.5: Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, Gigue, mm. 25-28

Violin

Violoncello

Piano

In the middle section, however, Martin creates more rhythmically active 3/4 accompaniment parts in the cello and piano parts. The rhythmic contrast to the 9/8 violin jig tune is a good example of Martin's experiments in polymetre:

76 Figure 5.6: Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, Gigue, mm. 159-164

J-J. sotto voce Violin « uj r L-CLr cx/r p pp Violoncello m Sn^S pp T lHh Hi 11 i' i P ¥ Piano ^ ppp yui' 'Li g" ¥

0 P 0 p -I» P 0 0 f M P— Vln. fiMt f f f f r—pTjn 0 m P

=5=^dtp="> IT . 8?=t=$ Vc. •/ *tt T 1 1 2 \L 2

(Ah 1 1 h '/ h V i I | hi h ^ c "f—:—> > f ii 4 i Pno. l £ i i i—i— r r Lf M * 1

The movement concludes with a superimposition of 2/4 in the cello part against the violin's 6/8. As in the previous movement, the combination of simple (2/4) and compound metre (6/8) creates a rhythmic complexity that is a contrast to the periodicity of most Irish jigs. He also adds accented eighth notes in the piano's upper part and quarter-note accents in the lower part, which create a 5+2+3+2 rhythm. This redistribution generates excitement and rhythmic intricacy, and also is a contrast to the folksong material:

77 Figure 5.7: Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, Gigue, mm. 96-103

Violin frf frr ifTr

r tf f f ^ if rf Violoncello

Vln.

Pno.

i

The relationship between simple and compound metre is also an important component of Dalcroze's Eurhythmies method. He used the term transformation to describe the part of his method that trained the student to perform the same rhythm in both simple and compound metres. For example, in the second volume of the manual, Rythmique gymnastique (1917), Dalcroze created exercises that alternated between 3/4 and 6/8 metre. Students stepped and conducted a passage in either metre and then at Dalcroze's command, they changed to the other metre. The following figure contains some study rhythms from Dalcroze's manual. It is interesting that he employs a bracket to show the

78 6/8 metre grouping in the same way that Martin elected to bracket the piano part in the opening of Trio to show the implied 5/4 metre:

Figure 5.8: Transformation exercises from Dalcroze's La Rythmique vol. 2 (1917, 2)

j—_ jjj |—|— j I j—] |—| r—| _H—J—J—J—J—J—J | J—J—J—J—J—J | J—J—J—J—J—J—|

_fl—J m—m—J 1_J «—«—J 1_J ^ —|

At a more advanced stage, the students stepped a rhythm and produced both metres simultaneously by conducting one metre with one arm and the other metre with the other arm.

Perhaps because of its rhythmic verve, Martin's Trio was very well received at its premiere. On April 30,1926, in its Paris section, Le Journal de Lausanne reported on the debut of Trio:

... a very original piece and very well constructed .. out of which emanated a strong dynamism and a fantastical dreamlike atmosphere, especially the Adagio ... The work was a sure success. (1926, l)95

In the meantime, Trio has been performed and recorded by several well-known chamber groups, including the Osiris Trio.96

951 haven't been able to find a review of Trio from a Parisian journal.

96 See the bibliography for information on recordings of Trio. 79 CHAPTER 6 RYTHMES (1926)

6.1 Background and Reception of Rythmes (1926)

Inspired by his rhythmic experimentation in Trio, Martin began composing Rythmes in

1925 and he finished it a year later while still in Paris. It was premiered in Geneva on

March 12,1927 by Ernest Ansermet and the Orchestre de la Suisse Romande. The work was a tremendous success and helped to solidify the composer's reputation as a serious composer who was capable of creating large-scale works. In a glowing review, the

Journal de Geneve emphasized the composition's innovative qualities:

This composition, founded on the development of pure rhythm and instrumental colour, strikes one as being without an equivalent in the literature of music. What a triumph. I wish to emphasize that Mr. Martin hung on to this [pure rhythm] and succeeded in the tradition of a grand master... This Genevan composer was given lively applause. (1927, 8)

Aloys Mooser (1876-1969), who had a reputation as a severe critic, wrote a mixed review that noted the influence of Dalcroze:

80 The three pieces called Rythmes, by Frank Martin were the final work on this ... concert. In this way of a game of cadence and sound where melodic, happy fragrance of Oriental, is deliberately sidelined, but the orchestra, sounding and always full, shows a remarkable sureness of writing, the author has tried to turn a little artificial to speculation that here are so many examples throughout the work of Jaques-Dalcroze. In this as in this one, the single-minded pursuit of rhythmic combinations, which is in itself arbitrary and forced, in the long run, appears to weaken the power and expressive agogic rhythm. Nevertheless, these three studies are of unquestionable research interest and experience. Considered as such, and not from a strictly musical standpoint, they certainly deserve attention ... (1947, 78-79)

The work's title and date led other observers to conclude that Martin wrote it while under the influence of Dalcroze. The Association of Swiss Musicians chronicled Martin's development as a composer and associated Dalcroze's Eurhythmies method as a direct influence on his Trio and Rythmes. In their commemorative 1950 publication,

L'Association des Musiciens Suisses: 1900-1950, the section on Martin includes the following:

All the same, Martin took the lesson of Jaques-Dalcroze's discoveries in the world of rhythm. He returned to the school of the master [Dalcroze]... The results of his new development were Trio ... Then came Rythmes... (1950, 74)

Responding to those who claimed that Rythmes was created because of Dalcroze's influence, Martin sought to set the record straight. In some program notes for a 1929 performance of Rythmes, he stated:

81 Many believe that it was my meeting with Jaques-Dalcroze which had awoken in me this preoccupation [with rhythm], but the opposite is actually true: I had already written Rythmes by the time I became his student. (Frank Martin & Maria Martin 1984,16)

In the same preface, Martin claimed that "rhythm was in the air" and indeed, many

European composers were embracing rhythmic complexity as a way to break with traditional Western European musical traditions. Frank Martin was a young composer intent on finding an original voice, and it is natural that he might have been reluctant to claim fellow countryman Dalcroze as an influence on his music.

Nonetheless, Dalcroze recognized the affinity of Rythmes with his own ideas. In the article, "Rythmes Irreguliers," which appeared in the Journal de Geneve on November 7,

1932, Dalcroze described the Greek rhythmic practice of building complex rhythms out of a short note value:

We know that the Greeks formed rhythms in a madreporic manner, which is to say that as a point of departure, they take a very short duration, to which they join at their will, one, two, three, four, five, etc., units of the same duration. (1932, 2)

Dalcroze's metaphoric language is striking. The adjective madreporic describes the way whole coral reefs are formed from one small piece of coral. It is an effective metaphor for the Greek concept of additive rhythm which figures prominently in Martin's Rythmes.

Martin, like Dalcroze, frequently mentioned his attraction to the concept of Greek

82 additive rhythm.97 Later in his essay, Dalcroze asserts that an additive approach to rhythm enables the composer to introduce polymetric rhythms, which strike the European ear as quite different than the symmetrical rhythms of most classical music. Dalcroze cites

Martin's Rythmes as an example of rhythmic innovation:

Irregular metre is often placed as a counterpoint to the regular metre of a melody and vice-versa. It is this genre of polymetre that in many passages created the originality of the symphonic suite Rythmes by Mr. Frank Martin. (1932, 2)

6.2 Analysis of Rythmes

Martin made his compositional intentions clear in his program notes to a performance at the Geneva Fete internationale de la societe internationale de musique contemporaine

(SIMC) that took place on April 6,1929. Martin wrote:

The title of this symphonic suite indicates the tendency of the author to search in rhythm for the aesthetic and expressive means that are hardly utilized, which are monodic rhythm in the ancient style or polyrhythm of which the Orientals offer us such striking models. (Frank Martin & Maria Martin 1984,15)98

The first movement of Rythmes begins with a rhythmic ostinato in the tambour part. It is not surprising, given his attraction to ancient Greek ideas, that Martin uses an instrument that is associated with ancient Greek music. The percussion section includes bells, stones and tam-tams that further the effect. The distinctive sound of the tambour

97 See Martin's essays, "La mesure et le rythme" and "Les sources du rythme musical," in the collection of essays, Ecrits sur la rythmique pour les rythmiciens, les pedagogues, les musiciens. (Geneva: Papillon, 1995).

98 Martin's description appears in A propos de... commentaires de Frank Martin sur ses oeuvres (1984), which was published by Maria Martin. 83 helps to emphasize the importance of the metre. An ostinato consisting entirely of eighth- notes is repeated throughout the movement and thus an affinity with the Greek concept of chronos protos, which refers to a short rhythmic unit with which composers build more complex rhythms."

Figure 6.1: Tambour part in Rythmes m. 1

4 Tambours

Martin's choice to begin the work with a clear example of 5/8 metre might also have a connection to Dalcroze. In his 1928 essay, "The Evolution of the Eurhythmies of Jaques-

Dalcroze," Martin wrote that one of Dalcroze's great contributions to rhythmic education was his restoration of quintuple metre to common practice:

His [Dalcroze's] first conquest was the re-introduction of quintuple metre which is natural enough in the body and quite frequent in music and popular dance ... the polyphonists had abandoned this metre because it did not work well in the practice of counterpoint because of its irregular subdivision in 2+3 or 3+2. (Martin 1928, 21 )

His claim that contrapuntal composers eschewed quintuple metre because of its unsuitability for counterpoint is revealing, since Martin himself deliberately avoids contrapuntal texture in Rythmes.

The division of the high and low-pitched tambours suggests an eighth-note grouping of 3+2. Martin would probably have represented this pattern as a dotted-quarter-note

"The Greek musical theorists Aristides and Arixstoxenus refer to the chronos protos in their writings. See the bibliography. 84 followed by a quarter-note. In his essay, "La notation du rythme," he claimed that when dealing with irregular metre, the most important beats were not those of the short values, but those beat by the conductor. In his discussion, Martin suggested that the notation system created by Dalcroze would facilitate the performance of asymmetrical rhythms:

I will begin by proposing some new notation which becomes indispensable, particularly the sign which represents a note held with the length of 5-9 beats. The sign imagined by Mr. Jaques-Dalcroze seems absolutely logical and perfectly practicable:

JJuJ; (Martin 1926, 82)

Dalcroze used double- and triple-dotted notes in order to avoid cumbersome tied notes.

The goal was to simplify the notation of complex rhythms. For example, rhythms consisting of asymmetrical groupings of eighth-notes and/or sixteenth-notes could be simplified for the benefit of conductors, performers and composers. Such a system would no doubt have attracted Martin, who was a young composer intent on experimenting with a freer rhythmic style that appealed to both his listeners and fellow musicians.

Martin also agrees with Dalcroze's method of indicating time signatures. In his system, Dalcroze uses an actual note value to indicate the length of the note that receives a beat, rather than the conventional method of using a number to symbolize the note value. Thus, for the time signatures of 6/8, 3/4 and 4/2, Dalcroze's versions are:

85 Figure 6.2: Dalcrozian time signatures

2/J. 3/ J 4/ J

Dalcroze's plan to simplify notation by replacing a number with an actual note value helps students more easily grasp the meaning of a time signature. It might also allow for easier communication of polymetric music, because performers would have a musical rather than numerical representation of metrical complexity. Such a practice would have been highly beneficial to Martin - especially when one examines the complex polymetre in Rythmes.

After the tambours establish the rhythmic ostinato in the first few measures, Martin introduces a melodic phrase in the bassoon and horn parts in m. 5. Interestingly, he writes an anacrusic phrase that begins on the fourth eighth-note of the measure:

Figure 6.3: Anacrusic phrase in winds, mvt. 1, Rythmes mm. 5-8

Bassoons ,1. ,,J | i _ } •J- •J- * 5 i: i p solo mf $ B, - j i j ui n I, J kl i - J' " * -r—f— 1 :i Horns in F § ' ] r r 1ft " 8 T «a =1 J: I j i

The above phrase reverses the dotted-quarter/quarter-note pattern established by the tambours and highlights the Greek rhythmic concept of utilizing a mixture of short and long durations. In Martin's written introduction to Rythmes, he wrote: 86 Whereas the first movement makes use of an ancient Greek system of rhythm, with phrases constructed by the succession and addition of long and short values. (1984, 16)

The long/short opening tambour pattern (3+2) inverts to short/long (2+3) when the

French horns and bassoons enter at m. 4. The anacrusic quality of the phrase gives the movement a sense of forward motion.

The study of the anacrusis is an important part of Dalcroze's Eurhythmies method.

The term was exhaustively studied by Mathis Lussy (1828-1910), who was one of

Dalcroze's most influential teachers. It refers to the note or notes that occur before the downbeat of a measure. Inspired by Mathis Lussy's study of rhythm, Dalcroze incorporated Lussy's concepts in his Eurhythmies and solfege manuals. In order to phrase in a musical manner, Lussy often encouraged musicians to add a crescendo from the beginning of the anacrusis to the downbeat. Taking some cues from his teacher, Dalcroze trains the student to step all of the possible anacrusic patterns in 4/4 metre in the manual,

La Rythmique (1916). His notation includes accents that mark the end of each anacrusis and the beginning of the downbeat:

Figure 6.4: Anacrusic patterns in Dalcroze's La Rythmique (vol. 1) (1916,31)

„ J i J J J , J J ,J J i J J J J A /V A

Martin also makes frequent mention of the anacrusis when he discusses Dalcroze's ideas.

In his 1928 essay, "The Evolution of the Eurhythmies of Jaques-Dalcroze," Martin 87 describes Dalcroze's innovative focus on the anacrusis and its benefits to the composer or improviser:

The ... liberty to change the measure at one's will... to permit the enlarging or compression of the anacrusis, to cut or lengthen a motif, a theme, or a musical phrase. (Martin 1928,21)

Of course many other composers create anacrusic phrases. Martin's articulation of the concept in his writings and his use of it in Trio and Rythmes add to his conceptual affinity with Dalcroze.

Movement two is in 3/4 metre and marked Andante. The opening measures feature a rhythmic ostinato pattern that is highly syncopated:

Figure 6.5: Rythmes, mvt. 2, mm. 1-6

Aidult (quarter note»Wi

ft 1 ^ I jl U ' ± ' U jr j, U ± ± ' ' 1 m , , , , , , . , . » " rw j-r 'r 'rO ' li '

p 1 • w r r r r r r r r r n t' " i T i i [i —- S,>h #-11 = 1 r t* i > J r4 f fit * == hd—"fti tJ"•!' "1 $ j it i> ** j j j j' b *i J # -

^ mr •J,| -•! -—- j • 4 — •1 i ' ,1 1,1 { — 1 J "•j:;-- ^ J •' * .1 —

* PP ,1, j] g?.J. 4 —

The passage highlights Martin's interest in creating a rhythmic canvas filled with polymetre and syncopation - both of which he associates with Asian and jazz music. The

88 offbeat quarter-notes in m. 2 and m. 4 of the tympani part are marked with a crescendo/ decrescendo sign which helps to highlight their syncopated quality. The harp solo in measure four consists of quarter- and eighth-notes in pairs. This rhythm strengthens the implication of 6/8 metre that the tympani part begins in m. 2. The repeated quarter-notes in the second harp part reinforce the 3/4 metre and thus there is a metrical fight with harp one's 6/8 metrical structure. Finally, the sustained notes in the percussion, piano and harp parts create a drone-like texture that also gives the movement a static quality that de- emphasizes Martin's preoccupation with polyrhythmic experimentation.

Martin's description of the movement reveals his influences:

One could say that in the second movement... I was inspired by the polyrhythms of the Far East. Here the rhythmic movements are marked throughout by the percussion instruments, each one following its proper path, and accompanying melodies of which again each one is independent. In order to emphasize that I wasn't just imitating Chinese or Japanese music, I introduced here, among other things, a popular melody from Lower Brittany. (1984, 16)

Martin's reason for including the French folksong in second movement of Rythmes is curious. He believed that the addition of a simple folksong to the rhythmic canvas would enable him to avoid a slavish imitation of Asian polymetre. His interest in juxtaposing rhythmic complexity with folksong was no doubt influenced by his Trio, which he completed just a year before he began to work on Rythmes.

89 Martin also detailed the third movement's influences. He anticipated the rhythmic difficulties that might beset the musicians who would probably have been unfamiliar with many of the rhythms:

The third movement is characterized by measures of unequal metre, in which throughout where I use a very rapid and very complex Bulgarian rhythm disturbed by syncopated accents, which pose enough difficult problems of execution for the musicians of our orchestras. (1984,17)

He often changes metre each measure in order to create interest. The different instrumental groups in his orchestra highlight different rhythmic patterns, which create a collage-like texture. In his notes to a 1929 performance of Rythmes, Martin wrote:

The nature of these rhythms almost completely exclude the polyphony of our classic compositions, and the author was, in this way, led to generally organize the orchestra into compact groups. The richness of polyphony was replaced by these superpositions of groups ... each one contributing a complete harmony by themselves and a complete measure. (Frank Martin & Maria Martin 1984, 16)

Martin utilizes the strings as a grouping. The violin and viola parts form a quintal harmony that is highlighted by constantly changing metre. As in other places in Rythmes, he uses the additive rhythm concept that Dalcroze discovered when he heard Arabic and

Eastern European music. In Figure 6.6, the eighth-note pulse provides an element of consistency in the midst of the changing metre:

90 Figure 6.6: Upper Strings, Rythmes, mvt. 3, mm. 97-99

>• >-

Violin 1

PP

Violin II

PP

Viola

PP

The irregular metres and rhythms of Bulgarian music attracted both Martin and

Dalcroze. In his essay, "Rhythms of Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow, and the Teaching of them in Schools of Music," Dalcroze lists Bulgarian rhythms as a source of innovation for the contemporary composer:

... the popular Bulgarian melodies ... constantly written in irregular metre, and often changing with brief measures of 7/8, 5/8, 11/8, etc., are the product of a very refined sensibility ... [that] are not often appreciated by a European ear. (1926, 95-96)

Similarly, Martin discusses the richness of Bulgarian rhythms in his 1927 essay, "La mesure et le rythme." Dalcroze published the essay in the March, 1927 edition of Le

Rythme. In the paper, Martin compares the perception of a complex rhythm by a traditionally trained musician with that of a Bulgarian villager:

If we understand this rhythm as a division of little regular or irregular periods of a long duration, it's that our rhythmic education was formed

91 in such a manner as to consider the long duration and its subdivisions.... But this approach distorts the rhythm. For the Bulgarian villagers, the rhythm is a simple succession of long and short notes, and the accent is displaced in an instant from one note to another. (Martin 1927, 3-4)

The concept of a constantly shifting accent also occurs in the third movement of

Rythmes. Martin's predominant use of the 15/8 metre echoes Dalcroze's description of complex Bulgarian metre. In Dalcroze's 1917 Eurhythmies manual, La Rythmique, he creates an exercise in which students study 15/8 metre. Categorized as a "New Form of the Bar in 3 Time," Daicroze wrote the following rhythm which he titled, "15/8 making 3 time":

Figure 6.7: Dalcroze's 15/8 rhythm in La Rythmique (1917, 59)

Martin explores the 15/8 metre further with a brilliant woodwind passage that is comprised of both short and long note values. Like Daicroze, who often mixed asymmetrical metres in rapid succession, Martin employs 15/8,12/8, 9/8 metres with unpredictable accents:

92 Figure 6.8: Woodwinds, Rythmes, mvt. 3, mm. 164-173

Flute

Clarinets in

f tffr rrp ft P- fYrfr fMr

(«) •i—« . . ^8r if r»r f rH- f r 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 L; fc r . mr r > T ...... ft g t M L.T.J r |T 1 1 1 » •f-C-P-f-T f *— i r i ' i n t rt— s jp it, flf, j jiifU'ii'tf rf~"r"f f rirT f rff rff rT frr f f Wt^LL/ m UJ 1 LLE= r^rrrrrrrrrrrP * -hp—T *T r-vr * frTrrfrrfrrff,. frff frff f=*#=

it,, ,r. 'ftft ffft frf t? M""1—J fv-ir : n; r r ^"f f v •; I, J

93 In the same section of music, Martin writes accompaniment figures in the low brass that are a contrast to the vitality of the woodwind parts. The brass parts are also notated in

5/4 metre and consist of quarter- and half-notes. The trombone part beginning at measure

196 is reminiscent of his description of ancient Greek music with its alternation of short and long notes values:100

Figure 6.9: Trombone part, Rythmes, mvt. 3, mm. 196-197

Trombone I/II Mi p

» m Trombone III

Martin indicates in the score that the quarter-note in 5/4 metre is equal to the dotted- quarter in 15/8. It seems odd that he didn't simply notate the above passage in 15/8 metre.

As a proponent of Eurhythmies, he may have wanted his players to feel the subtle difference between simple quintuple and compound quintuple metre.

Regardless of whether Martin's contact with Dalcroze had any impact on Rythmes, it is clear that the composition shared an affinity with Dalcroze's ideas on rhythm. As his letters to Martin attest, Dalcroze was a keen follower of his disciple's compositional career, and Martin was eager to study and lecture on Dalcroze's method.101 Dalcroze's status as a founding member of the L'Association des Musiciens Suisses was significant,

100 On page 44 of this dissertation I reference Martin's 1926 essay and his insight into ancient Greek music.

101 Most of the existing correspondence between Martin and Dalcroze has been archived at the Frank Martin House in Naarden, the Netherlands, and at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze in Geneva. 94 and Martin would have benefitted from the affiliation with an influential figure whose fame had spread throughout Switzerland and beyond.

95 CHAPTER 7 DALCROZE AND MARTIN IN GENEVA

7.1 Martin Returns to Geneva

After the premiere of Trio sur des melodies irlandais in April, 1926, Martin was without further commissions. The bankruptcy of Julie Sazonova's Parisian theatre troupe,

Les petits comediens de bois, left him without employment.102 He had also used his own meagre funds to pay some guest musicians whom he had hired in his capacity as the troupe's music director. In addition to his financial problems, Martin's marriage to Odette

Michelli had begun to fall apart (Societe Frank Martin 1984, 47). Faced with these difficulties, Martin returned home to Geneva in the spring of 1926. By the autumn,

Martin had separated from his wife and returned to live with his father in the old family home.103 The house was located in the picturesque district of Malagnou, which is approximately one kilometre from the city centre.104 Perhaps the familiar surroundings provided some relief from his personal and financial problems.105

Martin also reconnected with Geneva's musical community by developing his profile as a critic and performer. In 1926 he became the orchestral music critic for the venerable

102 Maria Martin refers to Julie Sazonova and her marionette troupe in her memoir, Souvenirs de ma vie avec Frank Martin (Lausanne: l'Aged'Homme, 1990), 18-19.

103 Odette Michelli moved to Paris and raised the couple's son Renaud. She pursued a career as a literary translator.

104 The Martin family home was built in 1893. The address is 67 route de Malagnou, Geneva.

105 Presumably Martin would have stayed gratis at the family home; however, I have not been able to verify this. 96 Tribune de Geneve. He quickly established a reputation as an insightful writer, whose reviews conveyed an extraordinary understanding of contemporary music. In a 1935 letter that referred to Martin's work as a critic, Dalcroze paid his younger colleague some high compliments:

You [Martin] know how to describe the relationships between the inner and outer aspects of compositions, the coordination of temperaments and styles, indicated by the connections of yesterday's music with today's period, penetrating also the new procedures of expression, all the conscious and unconscious transformations of universal themes, thrust out from the impetus of individual momentum ... all with perfect objectivity and all in a sober and precise language in which words always express the thought. (Societe Frank Martin 1984, 20)106

Dalcroze's praise of Martin's critical gifts revealed his deep admiration. According to

Dalcroze, Martin possessed a comprehensive understanding of music history and a knowledge of both the inner and outer aspects of the compositional process.

Martin had other even more powerful supporters. Ernest Ansermet, the renowned conductor of the Orchestre de la Suisse Romande, championed his orchestral works and also respected Martin the critic. When the Tribune suddenly fired him in 1936, Ansermet protested. In a letter of thanks to Ansermet, Martin revealed the closeness of the relationship:

Dear Ernest, it appears that you have written to the director of the Tribune to protest my brutal and sudden termination ...

106 An excerpt of this letter appears in the book, Frank Martin: L 'univers d'un compositeur (Boudry: Baconniere, 1984), that was published by the Societe Frank Martin. The actual date of the letter is November 21, 1935. The letter is preserved at the Frank Martin House in Naarden, the Netherlands. 97 It is a ... sign of friendship on your part and I am extremely sensitive to the fact that I do not approve of some of your interpretations, but that does not change the friendship I have for you, nor my admiration for the musician you are. (Ansermet & Martin 1976, 20)

In addition to his new career as a critic, Martin began to present public concerts. In

1926 he formed the Societe de musique de chambre de Geneve with fellow Swiss musicians Jean Goering (violin), Nathan Cha'fkan (cello) and Marcel Weltsch (flute).107 In addition to performing works from the French Baroque, the group performed music by modern French masters such as Gabriel Faure (1845-1924) and Maurice Ravel

(1875-1937) (Tappolet 1979, 48-50).108 A review in the Journal de Geneve on March 6,

1930 commented on the group's challenging repertoire and emphasis on modernity:

A very interesting program was presented by this young ensemble, but quite daring for one of the members of the group - the cellist, whose experience and mastery is not quite sufficient for contributing with assurance and success the difficulties of the Sonate by Ravel. The Trio by Frank Martin seemed to also be held up by the bass part. In spite of the presence of the composer at the piano, we did not feel the same vehement ardour that characterized the first hearing last season. (1930)

Martin's experiences with the Societe and his immersion in contemporary orchestral music as a critic were consistent with his own compositional activity. From 1926 to 1929 he composed scores for three theatrical productions: Le Divorce (1928), Fetes du Rhone

107 Cellist Henri Honegger replaced Nathan ChaTkan in 1929.

108 A concert notice in the Journal de Geneve from March 6, 1930 includes Ravel's Sonata for violin and cello (1922) as among the works on the Society's concert program on March 4, 1930. 98 (1929) and Romeo et Juliette (1929).109 Thus, in addition to other professional activities, composition remained a primary focus.

He also continued the rhythmic experimentation that he had begun in Paris. Perhaps this rhythmic focus prompted him to reestablish contact with Dalcroze, who had himself returned to Geneva from Paris in 1926. There is no record of Martin and Dalcroze meeting in Paris, but it was certainly possible. Both musicians traveled in similiar musical circles and both might have attended concerts devoted to Swiss music (Spector

1990, 254).110

Dalcroze's and Martin's attraction to Paris was understandable. In the 1920s, it was the musical and cultural capital of the world. For Dalcroze, Paris had been the city where he had studied with the renowned French composers Gabriel Faure (1845-1924) and Leo

Delibes (1836-91). He had also attended the Paris Conservatoire which was a centre of

European musical excellence. Although Martin did not study in Paris, the city afforded him the opportunity to hear American jazz, Asian music and the latest French concert music. Paris was an obvious choice for French-speaking Genevan musicians who could assimilate more easily than other Europeans.

109 These scores are housed at the Paul Sacher Stiftung in Basel, Switzerland.

110 In his 1990 book, Rhythm and Life: The Work ofEmile Jaques-Dalcroze (New York: Pendragon, 1991), Irwin Spector mentions Dalcroze's attendance at two concerts of music by Swiss composers. The concerts featured the works of Dalcroze and Arthur Honegger. 99 By 1915 ballet dancers associated with the Paris Opera and actors associated with the Theatre Vieux-Colombier took Eurhythmies courses as part of their training.111 It is possible that Frank Martin learned something about the Vieux-Columbier's eurhythmies program when he became the music director of the marionette troupe, Les petits comediens de bois in 1924. The troupe regularly performed at the Vieux-Columbier during the 1924-25 season."2

7.2 Martin's Early Awareness of Dalcroze

Although in 1923 he had written for Dalcroze's journal, Le Rythme, it is probable that

Martin knew the famous pedagogue and his work much earlier. Because he spent his early years exclusively in Geneva, Martin might well have been familiar with Dalcroze's songs. Historian Jacques Tchamkerten asserts that Dalcroze's songs achieved popularity beginning with the 1893 publication of Chansons romandes, and in 1965 Martin reminisced about hearing Dalcroze's songs as a six year-old boy in Geneva in 1896:'13

In his [Dalcroze's] youth at the National Exhibition in Geneva in 1896, he was a singer and, with a few artist friends, he founded the Sapajou cabaret. I was too young then ... to go and hear it, but we hummed his songs ...,l4 (Martin 1965a, 8)

111 In his book, Emile Jaques-Dalcroze et son temps (Lausanne: I'Age d'Homme, 2000), author Alfred Berchtold chronicles Eurhythmies in Paris. See pages 167-181.

112 In the Frank Martin House archive in Naarden, the Netherlands, there is a poster that advertises the troupe's work during the 1924-25 season.

113 See Tchamkerten's introductory essay in the publication, Emile Jaques-Dalcroze: catalogue thematique des chansons, rondes et melodies (Geneva: Papillon, 2000), 32.

114 From Frank Martin's preface to Emile Jaques-Dalcroze: I'homme, le compositeur, le createur de la rythmique (Neuchatel: de la Baconniere, 1965). 100 Martin's reference to the Geneva Exposition reveals the extent of Dalcroze's popularity - the event attracted two million visitors. To celebrate the exhibition, Dalcroze created

Poeme alpestre, which was a festival play or Festspiel. This successful event featured a large choir, orchestra and many songs for both adults and children. His pageant, Festival vaudois (1903) was performed in Lausanne and featured a huge cast of 2500. Conceived as a historical tribute to the canton of Vaud, it was appreciated by thousands of Swiss and helped establish Dalcroze as a household name in Swiss culture.11S

Martin's awareness of Dalcroze probably increased when he became a member of the

Association des Musiciens Suisses in 1910. Dalcroze helped to found the organization in

1900 and spearheaded the Association's educational conference at Soleure in 1905.116 His music was also frequently performed at Association concerts.117 It is likely that Martin would have been familiar with instrumental music by Dalcroze, which was often performed at the Association's concerts in Geneva and elsewhere in La Suisse Romande.

According to Linda Revkin Kyle, Dalcroze was a tireless promoter of Swiss music and

115 The book, La Suisse qui chante (Lausanne: Editions R. Freudweiler-Spiro, 1932) contains much information on the Festival vaudois and other Dalcroze pageants.

116 For further information on his role with the association, see the book, L 'Association des musiciens suisses dans le second quart de siecle de son existence. Volume commemoratifpublie a I 'occasion du jubile 1900-1950. (Zurich: Atlantis, 1950).

117 The book, L 'Association des Musiciens Suisses dans le second quart de siecle de son existence: volume commemoratifpublie a I 'occasion du jubile 1900-1950, (Zurich: Atlantis, 1950), contains many of the concert programs from 1926 to 1950. See pages 283 to 374. There are also descriptions of Dalcroze's earliest involvement in the Association as a founding member and as a composer. See pages 14 to 19. 101 often coordinated concerts under the auspices of the Association.118 Martin's career as a pianist in various chamber music ensembles might also have afforded him opportunities to study and perform Dalcroze's music.

In addition to the Association of Swiss Musicians, Martin and Dalcroze were members of the society, Les Nouvelles Auditions. Founded in 1923 in Geneva by Rene and Edith

Hentsch-Humbert, the organization was dedicated to premiering new chamber music works by local Genevois composers. In his seminal work, La vie musicale a Geneve au vingtieme siecle 1918-1968, Claude Tappolet lists Martin and Dalcroze as among the group of composers on the original planning committee (1979,40).

Martin would also have been aware of Dalcroze's intellectual activity. In addition to his profile as a composer, Dalcroze's reputation as an essayist and lecturer was well- established. It is virtually a certainty that Martin was familiar with many tenets of

Dalcroze's method. Such important Swiss journals as the Gazette de Geneve, the Journal de Geneve and the Gazette de Lausanne regularly published Dalcroze's critiques on music education and other cultural matters. His role as chief editor of La Musique en

Suisse reflected his interest in contemporary trends in Swiss music.119 No doubt Martin would have been familiar with this publication. Dalcroze's frequent public lectures on early music and the history of Swiss music were well attended. Martin may also have

118 See Linda Revkin Kyle's dissertation, "An Historical and Philosophical Inquiry into the Development of Dalcroze Eurhythmies and its Influence on Music Education in the French Cantons of Switzerland," (Northwestern University, 1984).

119 Dalcroze founded this journal in 1902. It was formerly named La Gazette Musicale de Suisse. 102 read Dalcroze's 1906 multi-volume method, Gymnastique rythmique and his book, Le rythme, la musique et I'education (1920). In Martin's 1923 written testimonial to

Dalcroze's work, he used the term gymnastique rythmique, and described the body as the seat of rhythm.120 The description revealed his knowledge of and affinity with Dalcroze's ideas.

It is also probable that Dalcroze knew of Frank Martin's growing reputation as an up- and-coming Swiss composer. Dalcroze was friendly with many of the older generation

Swiss composers - including Joseph Lauber who was Martin's teacher. Dalcroze was also a close friend of Ernest Ansermet, who premiered many of Martin's works. As his reputation grew, Martin's music was featured at concerts sponsored by the Association of

Swiss Musicians.121

Whatever the extent of Martin's contact with Dalcroze, the relationship intensified in

1926. In August of that year, just a few months after his arrival in Geneva, Martin delivered the lecture, "La notation du rythme" at Dalcroze's First Congress on Rhythm.

He also enrolled in Dalcroze's ten-day summer Eurhythmies course which began on

August 19th - one day after the Congress.

120 This testimonial was also discussed in chapter two (see pages 47 to 48). Martin's testimonial originally appeared in a 1924 special edition of Dalcroze's journal, Le Rythme. It was reprinted in the publication Ecrits sur la rythmique et pour les rythmiciens, les pedagogues et les musiciens (Geneva: Editions Papillon, 1995), 5.

121 For further information regarding premiers of Martin's works, see the book, L 'Association des musiciens suisses dans le second quart de siecle de son existence: volume commemoratif publie a I'occasion du jubile 1900-1950. (Zurich: Atlantis, 1950), 255-58. 103 7.3 1926 First Congress on Rhythm

Dalcroze announced in the December 1925 edition of Le Rythme that his Geneva

Institut Jaques-Dalcroze would host an international congress that would explore applications of rhythm in art and in life. The journal's announcement listed the conference's three categories of inquiry:

1. Musical rhythm, its theory, notation, pedagogy and its relationship with body movement. 2. Movement with rhythm and its therapeutic value. 3. Open-ended lectures that touch on some area of rhythm. (1925)

The announcement also stated that the organizing committee sought "eminent personalities from the scientific, artistic and pedagogic fields" (1925).

Some time before 1926, Dalcroze and Paul Boepple Jr. had discussed the idea of an international congress on the subject of musical rhythm.122 Dalcroze's habit of soliciting testimonials for Le Rythme might have inspired him and Boepple to organize such a conference. The summer of 1926 proved to be the ideal time, because Dalcroze was returning to the Institut. An event like a worldwide conference was a suitable way to mark his return and would help shore up the institution's morale after a difficult period during his absence. Not only had Dalcroze endured a disappointing two years in Paris, but the Institut had also suffered from low enrollment and financial difficulties. Boepple, as interim director of the Institut, was probably most responsible for organizing and carrying out the actual event, because the invitations and the organization of the lectures

122 Helene Brunet-Lecomte mentions such a discussion in her book, Emile Jaques-Dalcroze: sa vie-son oeuvre (Geneva: Jehebar, 1950), 235. 104 would have had to have been planned long before Dalcroze's actual return. Helene

Brunet-Lecomte, Dalcroze's sister, recalled that the congress was a welcome-home present for the sixty year-old creator of the method:

When the professors and students at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze in Geneva, who during the two years worked hard to maintain the standards, learned of the return of their master, they wrote excitedly to each other: 'What can we do to celebrate the return of Monsieur Jaques? ... Paul Boepple ... remembered discussing with his master a project in the form of a congress of rhythm. He understood that it would be the perfect opportunity to execute such a project. (Brunet-Lecomte 1950, 235)

The event's purpose was to explore musical rhythm in a myriad of contexts. Albert

Pfrimmer, the compiler of the congress's lecture notes, wrote:

His [Dalcroze's] goal was to reunite all the pedagogues, musicians, literary figures, plastic artists who were interested in the quest of rhythm, and to permit them to have contact and establish certain essential laws, in order to prepare the ground for future experiences, and, in a way, to establish more intimate relations between the diverse manifestations of rhythmic forces in individuals and society. (Pfrimmer 1926, 3)

The Premier Congres du Rythme (First Congress of Rhythm) began on August 16

1926, and concluded on August 18. Over 200 delegates attended and there were thirty- nine lectures. The range of topics was impressive. In addition to purely musical studies of rhythm, there were papers that focussed on pedagogical, psychological, physiological and sociological approaches. The comprehensiveness of the scholarly inquiry reflected

Dalcroze's impact on European intellectual circles.

105 One might also view the conference as an apotheosis of Dalcroze's active career as an essayist, journalist, editor and public lecturer. His most popular book, Le rythme, la musique et I'education (1920) consisted entirely of essays and lectures that he wrote or presented in Switzerland between 1898 and 1919. As a staunch member of the Swiss

Musicians Association, Dalcroze proposed that a conference on music education be created to explore new directions in the field. In 1905, a congress convened at Soieure, a town near Neuchatel, Switzerland. Dalcroze demonstrated his method and was able to attract new supporters.123 From then on, he seized any opportunity to engage with the public as a lecturer and essayist. As a result of his tireless promotion, Dalcroze's method gained strong support in England, Russia, Poland and the United States.124

In 1905 he founded the journal, La Musique en Suisse, in order to champion the work of fellow Swiss composers. He also founded the journal, Le Rythme, in 1909, while giving classes and public demonstrations at his school in Hellerau, Germany. The publication accomplished many important goals for the approximately 200 rhythmicians.

In the first issue of Le Rythme, Paul Boepple Sr. outlined the journal's purpose:

Unfortunately we do not have the occasion to meet amongst ourselves in any kind of normal fashion ... If we want to know and profit from the relationships created between ourselves, it is therefore necessary to have another opportunity to provoke discussion amongst ourselves.

123 For a more complete discussion of the Soieure congress, see Irwin Spector's book, Rhythm and Life. The Work of Emile Jaques-Dalcroze (New York: Pendragon, 1991), 77-80. See also Selma Odom's doctoral dissertation, "Dalcroze Eurhythmies in England: History of an Innovation in Music and Movement Education," (University of Surrey, 1991), 63.

124 See Chapter 10 in Irwin Spector's book, Rhythm and Life (1991) for a discussion on the worldwide growth of Eurhythmies. 106 This means is a journal of correspondence to which each one of us is encouraged to collaborate. (Boepple 1909)

Dalcroze stopped publishing Le Rythme at the beginning of the First World War but he reestablished it in 1916 upon his return to Geneva. He served as its editor until close to the end of his life. The journal provided a forum for his pedagogical ideas and it also chronicled his and his disciples' teaching activities - both in Switzerland and around the world. Between 1926 and 1933, for example, Martin contributed five articles.125 Le

Rythme helped to publicize the method and situate the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze as the worldwide headquarters of Eurhythmies. The last few pages of each issue often consisted of testimonials from leading artists, thinkers and civic leaders. The aim was to demonstrate the method's deep impact on a diversity of spheres. Le Rythme's wide- ranging discussions and its involvement of many thinkers helped to create significant interest in the 1926 congress.

The open-mindedness of Albert Pfrimmer's introduction to the conference proceedings reflected the organic quality of the discourse. He discussed the contribution of the renowned French conductor Rhene Baton (1879-1940), who, upon hearing about the conference, posed two questions concerning the nature of rhythm:

1. What is the speed limit of rhythm in the space that the sound is emitted? 2. What is the speed difference in perception between a rhythm that is visually perceived versus one that is aurally perceived, when the viewer-listener is placed at a certain distance? (Pfrimmer 1926,4)

125 Many of Martin's articles for Le Rythme are re-printed in the publication, Ecrits sur la rythmique et pour les rythmiciens, les pedagogues, les musiciens (Geneva: Papillon, 1995). 107 Rhene Baton's speculative questions were indicative of the conference's scope - scholars lectured on perceptual problems alongside purely musical ones. Pfrimmer's introduction concluded with a discussion of how rhythm related to problems of musical composition.

The difficulties of achieving clarity in rhythmic figures is illustrated by a rhythm in 6/8 metre in which the dotted-rhythm is ambiguous:

Figure 7.1: Introduction to Compte-Rendu: premier congres du rythme 1926

» 3 j j » 5^

Pfrimmer observed that the above rhythm could be perceived by the listener as the following:

Figure 7.2: 6/8 Rhythm variant from introduction to Compte-Rendu: premier congres du rythme 1926 J J J I

The factors affecting one's aural perception of this rhythm were the size of the acoustic space and its resonance, and the performance style of the particular composer who created the rhythm. Pfrimmer concluded by asserting that a perceptual analysis of a rhythmic problem has particular relevance to composers

Martin delivered the paper, "La notation du rythme" on Thursday, August 19. The

Journal de Geneve reported that Martin's talk was "excellent" and that it was followed by

Dalcroze's presentation - presumably Dalcroze was in the audience listening to his colleague.126 Martin began the lecture by summarizing some of the rhythmic innovations

126 The reviewer is unnamed in the Journal de Geneve article. 108 in Dalcroze's method. Even though he had not yet begun to study directly with Dalcroze, his introduction reveals his familiarity with key eurhythmic principles. He was confident enough to discuss Dalcroze's principles publicly and in front of the Dalcroze community.

His first remark was an endorsement of Dalcroze's use of double- and triple-dotted notes to more clearly notate tied quarter-notes:

Figure 7.3: Dalcroze's dotted-note notation excerpted from Martin's lecture, "La notation du rythme" U-i JJl.J: J J. J;

As a composer committed to exploring rhythmical asymmetry and polymetre, Martin publicly acknowledged how Dalcroze's ideas resonated with his own compositional ideas.

Even when he discussed simpler musical problems, Martin used terms associated with

Dalcroze. In the middle of his talk, he defined a beat and a measure:

As such, the beat is a gesture, the gesture of the conductor, and the measure a collection of gestures which reproduce themselves periodically. (Martin 1926, 83)

His description of a beat as corresponding to a conductor's gesture resembled Dalcroze's use of gestures in his Eurhythmies manual, Gymnastique rythmique (1906, 56-58). Rather than abstractly explaining the terms beat and measure, Dalcroze devised conducting and whole body movement exercises in order for students to experience these concepts.

Martin also endorsed Dalcroze's custom of writing time signatures that clearly indicated a metre's most fundamental pulses. He argued that a good conductor would indicate only what was metrically necessary in order to effectively lead his orchestral 109 musicians. Martin cited Dalcroze's custom of notating 6/8 metre by using the number two to indicate a pair of dotted-quarter notes pulsations - rather than writing the number eight to indicate the number of eighth-notes in the measure. An attitude of simplicity, he argued, would prepare the musician when more complex metrical situations arise. He also asserted that the conductor's gesture should be the point of reference when a composer decides how to communicate a complex passage filled with rapid time signature changes:

But perhaps there would be an advantage in leaving the conductor to arbitrarily make a gesture for two eighth notes, or three, during which the musician who makes the gestures quite a bit smaller, with the wrist, the fingers or the tongue, would place the rhythm on the score. I may be told that the experience might yield terrible results, and that the composition might lose its rhythmic character. But it is not simply that our musicians, little familiar with these rhythms, need a conductor to show with his arms, [like many conductors] of amateur choirs, who will only sing quarter notes when their conductor indicates each rhythm with his baton. And what would we do if one day we want to combine several of these irregular rhythms if the orchestras do not know how to themselves? (Martin 1926, 84)

Martin suggested that musicians need to be trained to follow the gestures of a conductor who, in turn, needs an extensive gestural repertory in order to fulfill the demands of a rhythmically complex work. The types of rhythmic complexities in Dalcroze's eurhythmies classes also required a comprehensive system of gestures.

Dalcroze reported on his own investigations into rhythmic complexity when he delivered his congress paper, "The Rhythms of Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow and the

110 Teaching of Them in Music Schools." It was perhaps not a coincidence that Dalcroze followed Martin at the congress. The connection between the two papers was probably evident to many in the audience, because both papers investigated concepts such as unequal metre, the notation of non-Western European rhythms and the differences between rhythm and metre.

Dalcroze began the talk by observing that the study of rhythm was often missing from music schools' curricula, even though the renowned composer Hector Berlioz

(1803-1869) wrote extensively about its importance.127 When discussing contemporary rhythmic trends, Dalcroze listed many devices that Martin investigated in his mid-1920s compositions:

These last [rhythmic devices] are again intimately allied with metrical procedures, and find their originality in the dissociations of movements [italics mine] in the synchronicity of different and opposing themes. The study of 2 against 3, 3 against 4,4 against 5, 7 against 3 and 4, is facilitated by the study of the works of young modern composers ... (Dalcroze 1926, 87)

At the end of Dalcroze's lecture, he discussed rhythms that are derived from Eastern-

European and Arabic cultures. These were the same rhythmic sources that Martin cited in the preface to his orchestral work, Rythmes, which he premiered in 1927. In a section entitled Polyrythmie basee sur des changements de decompositions (polyrhythm based on

127 Dalcroze cites Berlioz's book, A trovers chants (1862) in which Berlioz discusses the nature of rhythm. Please see the bibliography for a complete citation. Ill changes of [metrical] decompositions), Dalcroze gave musical examples that closely resembled musical examples in Martin's lecture:

Figure 7.4: Dalcroze's polyrhythmic example in "The Rhythms of Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow and the Teaching of Them in Music Schools"

8 ^ Jj

-g-j-j j j j

-§. JTTJ ST2-

Jo—j.—j.— Martin also utilized polyrhythmic examples in his lecture. When he discussed how one could create an interesting accompaniment to rhythms in quadruple metre, Martin notated a polyrhythmic example that resembled Dalcroze's rhythm in Figure 7.4. Martin provided the following example as a way to accompany the rhythm of a half-note followed by two quarter-notes:

Figure 7.5: Polyrhythmic example from Martin's essay, "La notation du rythme" (1926)

.i. j...,-a t|J J i1 J ** J .i.i v , • r i i i • f w ff — 9— 9 9 9 9 9 * p— 0- —0—0- -\?W w w ww w p~m — V V V V V V

A A A A A A «)., 1', i * J l> l.» * J J -i « J* *J r A •» -a -s

The continuous eighth-notes in the example's middle voice resemble Dalcroze's subdivision of long note values in his example. Martin's eighth-note chords are

112 characterized by accents that correspond to the example's bass part. The inclusion of up­ beat quarter-notes in the lower part in m. 2 suggest a ternary rhythm that creates a contrast to the prevailing simple metre.

Dalcroze's ideas on rhythm were also closely connected with Martin's mid-1920s composition, Trio on Irish Folk Tunes. As mentioned in chapter 3, Martin discussed measures with unequal beats in the context of his Trio. During his talk, he provided a notated example from Trio that resembled some of Dalcroze's pedagogical exercises that he designed to teach unequal beats:

Figure 7.6: Polyrhythm in Trio on Irish Folk Tunes from Martin's 1926 lecture, "La notation du rythme"

Dalcroze concluded his 1920 book, Le rythme, la musique et I'education with a musical supplement containing notated examples of specific eurhythmic exercises. Under

Example 7, Decomposition des longues dures en groupements irreguliers

(Decomposition of long durations into irregular groupings) he notated the exact rhythm in

Figure 7.6. The intertextual relationship between some of Martin's and Dalcroze's writings emphasizes their shared conceptual and artistic territory.

In addition to giving lectures, Dalcroze and Martin participated in the conference's evening concerts. According to the August 18th edition of the Journal de Geneve, a

113 concert presented on the conference's second evening (Tuesday, August 17) chronicled the historical use of rhythm from the Middle Ages to the present:

Last evening, in the large hall of the Institut, absolutely full, an interesting concert entitled, "Some Illustrations of the History of Rhythm," came together, as Dalcroze said, as a synthesis of rhythm through the ages." (1926)

During the modern music segment, Dalcroze's Quatre danses frivoles (1924) for violin and piano was performed by the violinist Appia and most likely Dalcroze at the piano.

Frank Martin presented his work, Polyrythmies extrait de Rythmes suite pour orchestre

(1926) in a special arrangement for two pianos and six hands.128 As the title indicates, the work was an arrangement of his similarly-titled orchestral 1926 orchestral work

Rythmes,m Joining Martin on piano were Paul Boepple and Ernst Levy (1895-1981), a renowned French pianist and Dalcroze disciple. The Journal commented on Martin's

"brilliant" execution and added, "is it necessary to add that everyone received the most lively and quick success that they deserved?" (1926)130 Because Martin's Rythmes explores mixed metre, polyrhythm, anacrusic phrasing and unequal measures, it was a particularly suitable work to adapt for the conference concert.

Martin's participation as a lecturer, performer and composer at the 1926 congress established his connection with Dalcroze and his disciples. His compositions and ideas on

1281 have been unable to locate the score for Polyrythmes.

129 The printed program for this concert is part of the 1926 First Congress on Rhythm collection which is housed in the archives at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze in Geneva.

130 The reviewer for this concert was anonymous, and could have been someone close to the method. 114 music resembled several components of Dalcroze's eurhythmies method, and his activities began to attract the attention of star Dalcrozians such as Paul Boepple

(1896-1966). In September of 1926, Martin decided to develop the association further when he began to study the method formally at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze.

His friendship and studies with Boepple at the Institut gave Martin access to the inner circle of rhythmicians. Next to Dalcroze himself, Boepple was the most influential

Dalcroze disciple in Geneva. He received his Diplome from the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze in 1919. Boepple's father, Paul Sr., (1867-1917), was one of Dalcroze's first champions, and translated several Dalcroze treatises into German.131 Dalcroze made Paul Boepple Jr. the interim director of the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze while he was in Paris. Even though he left Geneva to head a Eurhythmies program in New York, Boepple remained in close contact with the Geneva Institut and Dalcroze himself.

Years later, in a 1952 article for the New York Times, Boepple described why he and

Martin developed such a close relationship:

Martin and I are old friends .... We found at once many common interests, mostly of a scientific nature ... [we] ended up sharing a studio and a harpsichord which I played in some of Martin's music for the stage. (1952)

In the same article, Boepple commented on how Martin began "to experiment with the ideas of my teacher, Jaques-Dalcroze" (1952).

131 Although he was not a certified Dalcroze instructor, Boepple Sr. did much to advertise the method in German-speaking areas in Switzerland and in Germany itself. Berchtold discusses Boepple's activities in his book, Emile Jaques-Dalcroze et son temps (Lausanne: l'Age d'Homme, 2000), 98-99. 115 After the three-week summer course in August, 1926, Martin studied full-time at the

Institut until 1928. In June 1928, he graduated with the Diplome. It is the highest level of

Eurhythmies certification, and enables one to teach the method to future teachers. His principal teachers were Paul Boepple (1896-1970) and Dalcroze himself. Because he was already a recognized Genevan musician and in his mid-thirties, Martin enjoyed a particularly collegial relationship with the Institut's faculty. The celebrated English

Dalcrozian Mary Seaman recalled studying improvisation with Dalcroze in a class that included Martin. Her comments reveal his stature as a rising star at the Institut:

M. Jaques taught the third year [class] himself... and for myself and one or two others the improvisation lessons were painful, not to say torture on account of the presence of Muriel [Bradford]... and Frank Martin, already a well-known composer. Both were brilliant improvisers, enjoying as it were, [and] sharing with M. Jaques his ideas on improvisation. (Van Maanen 1981a, 52)

Small wonder that he became a professor there upon his graduation in 1928.

In addition to Paul Boepple, Martin befriended Bernard Reichel (1901-92) a fellow

Swiss composer and organist. Reichel studied at the Institut beginning in 1922 and received his Diplome in 1924 - two years before Martin's return to Geneva. He taught improvisation, theory of rhythm, solfege and harmony at the Institut from 1925 to 1968.

In the 1981 book, La Rythmique Jaques-Dalcroze: histoires d'autrefois et d'aujourd'hui,

Reichel described Dalcroze's musical qualities:

He [Dalcroze] had an immense creative strength. At the same time, his classical culture was very complete. His teaching was based

116 on music, not only improvised music, but the music of the great masters. He played Beethoven sonatas admirably and gave brilliant analyses of them. His exercises of'bodily technique' were always accompanied on the piano: he believed that gesture should be imbued with music: he did not like 'gesture for the sake of gesture.' (Van Mannen 1981a, 49)

Both Reichel and Martin shared Dalcroze's penchant for improvisation and composition. As composers and keyboard improvisers, they both quickly became professors after they earned the certification. Their shared Swiss cultural heritage,

Protestant background and similiar musical interests cemented their lifelong friendship.

Spearheaded by Dalcroze, Martin and Reichel, a spirit of fantasy and creativity characterized the Institut during the 1920s. Martin's widow Maria recalled her husband's happy memories in her memoir, Souvenirs de ma vie avec Frank Martin (1990):

It was a place [the Institut] where fantasy and creativity reigned and Frank found there an ideal place for free play suitable to his taste for theatre and music together, and when possible, humour. There he met men like Bernard Reichel (who would become his best friend) Paul Boepple and many others, who were all filled with humour, life and diverse talents just waiting to be realized. They mounted memorable shows (among others I'Escalade de Geneve), for which he and Reichel improvised two-piano compositions. (Maria Martin 1990, 21-22)

Maria Martin's reference to the I'Escalade de Geneve refers to the annual Genevan holiday that celebrates the 1602 defeat of the Duke of Savoyard, who attempted to invade

Geneva. Under the auspices of the Institut, Martin and Reichel improvised the piano accompaniment to a humorous skit entitled, Les Tribulations du due de Savoie, professeur de rythmique, that was created by Jo Baeriswyl (1892-1988), a celebrated

117 Institut faculty member (Berchtold 2000,204).132 In addition, Martin and Reichel often performed as a piano duo in performances of their music and also music written by

Jaques-Dalcroze.

In addition to their musical collaborations, Reichel and Martin created a comic book together, entitled, Le Tombeau de Monsieur Basile (1935) while they were on vacation in the Auvergne region in France.133 As Maria Martin related, the collaboration reflected

Reichel and Martin's interest in fantasy, which was probably fostered during their time together at the Institut:

During their return [to Geneva] they let their sense of fantasy run freely and imagined all sorts of comic or tragic consequences that could figure in this adventure. ... they created an epic which contains a large number of personalities of musical life in Geneva and abroad - under other names of course - and headed irrevocably toward fatal end, at the same time, being irresistibly funny. (Martin 1990,29)134

Reichel made the drawings and Martin wrote the text. The two invited close friends to the book launch, which was an amusing evening reading session. Le Tombeau de Monsieur

Basile is a testament to the literary abilities of Martin and the imaginative rapport

132 Neither Maria Martin nor Alfred Berchtold include the date of this Martin/Reichel performance and 1 have been unable to located a reference to it at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze. Unfortunately, there was no score or audio recording associated with the work.

133 The book was recently re-published in 1994 by the Geneva publisher Slatkine. See the bibliography.

134 In her book, Souvenirs de ma vie avec Frank Martin (Lausanne: Editions L'Age d'Homme, 1990), Maria Martin briefly described Martin's and Reichel's friendship and artistic collaborations. She also included some of the correspondence between the two in the book, Frank Martin: L 'univers d'un compositeur (Boudry: de la Baconntere, 1984), that was published by the Society Frank Martin. 118 between Reichel and Martin - two Dalcrozians who shared their teacher's sense of fun and fantasy.

The training at the Institut involved more than fantasy. Students took courses in

Eurhythmies (Rythmique), solfege and improvisation. In addition to these three core

Dalcroze subjects, there were classes in body technique (technique corporelle), pedagogy, theory of rhythm and harmony.135

7.4 Martin's Lessons with Dalcroze: 1926-28

Martin studied eurhythmies and improvisation directly under Dalcroze.136 Although he was reported to have been a spontaneous teacher, Dalcroze kept meticulous records of his lesson plans.137

Dalcroze's lessons reveal many important aspects of his teaching style. The sheer number of exercises contained in each lesson suggests that he moved quickly from activity to activity (Bachmann 2011).138 In many lesson plans, Dalcroze wrote unrelated

135 At various times in the Institut's history, there were also courses in plastique anime, which consisted of group choreographies of musical works. There are also some plastique anime lesson plans housed in the Centre international de documentation (CID) at the Institut Jaques-Daicroze in Geneva. For descriptions of this aspect of the Dalcroze method, see Hettie van Maanen's La Rythmique Jaques-Daicroze: histoire d'autrefois et d'aujourd'hui (1981).

136 Martin's name appears on the class lists for Dalcroze's 1926-27 and 1927-28 eurhythmies and improvisation classes. These lists are part of the archival collection in the Centre international de documentation (CID) at the Institut Jaques-Daicroze in Geneva.

137 Dalcroze's began notating his lesson plans in 1908 and continued until 1948. There are approximately 95 volumes of his lesson plans in the Centre international de documentation (CID) at the Institut Jaques- Daicroze in Geneva. Recollections of his teaching style were compiled by Hettie Van Maanen in the book. La Rythmique Jaques-Daicroze: histoires d'autrefois et d'aujourd'hui (Geneva: FIER 1981). The 1981 English version was published under the title, Rhythms of Yesterday and Today.

138 In an interview on January 18, 2011 in Geneva, Marie-Laure Bachmann commented on the large number of exercises in each lesson plan. 119 exercises right next to each other, with little regard for sequentially. His divergent teaching style highlights its experimental quality. It is perhaps for this reason that

Dalcroze scholar and master teacher Marie-Laure Bachmann prefers to call his work research - rather than method (Bachmann 2011). In her book, Dalcroze Today: An

Education through and into Music (1991), she quoted Jacques Copeau, the renowned theatre producer, who visited Dalcroze's classes and described his teaching as continuous experimentation:

It's [Dalcroze's teaching] his incessant invention, a perpetual outpouring. Nothing is fixed; nothing set solid, nothing but constant experience and discovery. (Bachmann 1991, 76)139

In the margins of Dalcroze's lesson notes, one often finds the marking "X," which meant that an exercise was not taught. Sometimes he indicated that an exercise was performed some years after its initial creation.140 In other instances he indicated that an exercise was too difficult for the students.141 In the book, La Rythmique Jaques-Dalcroze:

Stories of Yesterday and Today (1981), Swiss Dalcrozian Claude Bommeli-Hainard

(1906-2010) remembered how Dalcroze worked with her privately to correct some faulty physical habits:

139 Bachmann includes Copeau's testimonial in her book and she acknowledges that it originally appeared in Alfred Berchtold's chapter, "Emile Jaques-Dalcroze et son temps," in the book, Emile Jaques-Dalcroze: I'homme, le compositeur, le createur de la Rythmique (Neuchatel: La Baconniere, 1965), 114.

140 Dalcroze seldom wrote a precise date for each individual lesson plan. He merely wrote down the academic year at the beginning of each volume.

141 In my January 18th, 2011 interview with Bachmann, she showed me how to interpret Dalcroze's pencil markings that often appeared in the margins of his lesson plans. 120 I can still see myself at the age of 14, shoulder slumped forward, back bent, like a marabou, as I came into the eurythmics class. Far from making me self-conscious about my condition by untimely remarks, Monsieur Jaques took me into his office after the lesson and, on a plate with anatomical pictures, showed me which of my muscles were 'on strike,' and gave me a number of appropriate exercises which helped to set everything right. There are many of us who, having received this sort of treatment from Monsieur Jaques, feel the need of passing on this gift to our pupils. (Van Maanen 1981b, 5)

Bommeli-Hainard's remembrance revealed Dalcroze's knowledge of physiology and his ability to diagnose his students' physical shortcomings. Because the work demanded a myriad of bodily responses to complex musical stimuli, students needed to develop a high standard of physical mastery.

By their very nature, the lesson plans provide only a glimpse into Dalcroze's teaching style. He did not notate detailed lesson plans - only basic frames that were sufficient to stimulate his considerable imagination. In some plans, he wrote a rhythm but did not indicate whether his students were to realize it by clapping, stepping or through gestures.

The lessons also do not include information on how he prepared the students to perform some of the more complex polyrhythmic exercises. It is impossible to assess how his piano improvisations affected his students' gestures. Upon discovering Dalcroze's lesson plans in Geneva, Ruth Alperson concluded:

121 Dalcroze's lesson plans did not yield what I had hoped for: a map through the pedagogical terrain: a procedural guide. At best, each exercise was just that - one exercise. (Alperson 1995, 31)142

In spite of their shortcomings, the lesson plans document a vast range of activities that were integral to his eurhythmies pedagogy.

Dalcroze's eurhythmies classes in the mid-1920s consisted of group exercises that often focussed on rhythmic issues such as unequal beats, metrical modulation, anacrusis and polyrhythm.143 These topics would have been attractive to Martin, who was already experimenting with them in several of his compositions, including Overture and Foxtrot

(1924), Trio on Irish Folk Tunes (1925) and Rythmes (1926).

Dalcroze began one of his 1926 eurhythmies lessons with an exercise in changing metres. He referred to these exercises as irregular measures (mesures inegales). His exercise notation included parts for both the teacher and the student:

142 Ruth Alperson holds the Diplome from the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze in Geneva and is a renowned Dalcroze teacher. She commented on Dalcroze's lesson plans in her dissertation, "A Qualitative Study of Dalcroze Eurhythmies Classes for Adults," (New York University, 1995).

143 Other scholars have investigated Dalcroze's lesson plans. In her dissertation, "A Historical and Philosophical Inquiry in Dalcroze Eurhythmies," (Northwestern University, 1994), Linda Revkin Kyle re­ printed and briefly analyzed several of the lesson plans from different periods. Selma Odom also referred to the lesson plans of Hellerau in her dissertation, "Dalcroze Eurhythmies in England: History of Innovation in Music and Movement Education," (University of Surrey, 1991). 122 Figure 7.7: Irregular measure exercise from a 1926 Dalcroze lesson plan (Rythmique I et II, 1926-27, Volume 32, p. II)144

Hop Hop Hop

Teacher

Student student etc. steps forward

As notated at the end of measures 1, 3 and 5, he often used the verbal command, "hop," to signal to his students that they needed to quickly respond to the impending change of metre. Exercises that required a quick response were appropriately known as quick reaction (reaction rapide) activities.

Like Dalcroze, Martin experimented with changing metres. The beginning of his composition, Overture and Foxtrot, consisted of measures with various time signatures:

144 The title, volume number and page correspond to the system that Dalcroze used to organize his ninety- five volumes of handwritten lesson plans. They are located in the Centre de documentation at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze in Geneva. 123 Figure 7.8: Ouverture from Martin's Ouverture et Foxtrot (1924), mm. 1-6

11 ffff r ?T f Piano I < i i ti i i

Piano II <

i i =ii » i.n i v p: Pno. < $ 4f—^ •'HI1 1 >1 ? T~ ini"—

m - SfrtMA Pno. < m==

The changes between 4/4,2/4 and 3/4 metre resemble Dalcroze's pedagogical concept of mesures inegales. The quarter-note chords in Piano I's lower voice have an affinity with the practice of Dalcroze students, who usually conducted beats while stepping a changing metrical pattern.145

In m. 4, Martin writes a series of syncopated chords in Piano I's part. Dalcroze often focussed on syncopated rhythms in his lesson plans. In 1926, he created an exercise for the students of his first-year eurhythmies class entitled, "Syncopation with arm

145 In his lesson plans, Dalcroze often used the term, battre la mesure, to indicate that students were to conduct the metre while moving or singing a rhythmic sequence. 124 movements." Students were required to take a step on the downbeat and use arm gestures to show the accented, syncopated upbeats:

Figure 7.9: Syncopation exercise from a 1926-27 Dalcroze lesson plan (Grammaire de la Rythmique, 1926-1927, Volume 34, p. 83)

r p p = if ±==3 f i a step gesture stretch bend a step bend gathering right arm with arm right arm and left arm makes left arm hand on gather up gesture 3 in front shoulder the right arm

The exercises in Dalcroze's advanced classes were more rhythmically complex than in his beginner lessons. Students often performed several rhythms simultaneously. In many lessons, rhythms were organized hierarchically with long note values placed in the top voice and subdivisions placed underneath. He used the term counterpoint (contrepoint) to categorize exercises in which long notes were performed alongside accompaniment rhythms with shorter note values. He notated the following 6/4-metre contrepoint exercise for his 1927-1928 advanced eurhythmies class:

125 Figure 7.10: Daleroze Contrepoint exercise in 6/4 metre (Rythmique III, 1927-1928, Volume 39, p. 33)

-H ^ 1» 19 r r r f

" r r r ft

^11 u u 'P'P'P'P''*'

a- r r r r~r

it i—i—i r * r ' r r r r

H" ? p IS ' P 1/ ' P CJ" P P P LT CJ" LT

The dotted half-notes and half-notes in the upper voice are subdivided into quarter-note units in the second voice and eighth-notes in the third. After the onset of the long notes, the shorter notes occur on weak beats in a contrapuntal manner. Daleroze believed that this eurhythmic study of counterpoint would strengthen his students' improvisations of multi-voiced compositions.

In some contrepoint exercises, he asked his students to perform simple and compound metre rhythms in quick succession. An exercise in his advanced 1927-1928 eurhythmies class required students to perform 3/4 and 6/8 metre rhythms:

126 Figure 7.11: Dalcroze exercise: counterpoint in 3/4 and 6/8 metre (Rythmique, III, 1927-28, Volume 39, p. 54)

Like the 6/4-metre counterpoint exercise, the above example (Figure 7.11) includes eighth-note offbeat subdivisions in the lower voice. In addition to the contrapuntal challenge, there was a metrical one. The implied 6/8 metre structure in the second measure (as indicated by the brackets that Dalcroze added in m. 2 of the lower voice) challenged the students to feel the subtle transformation of the rhythm. Presumably

Dalcroze would have instructed his students to appropriately accent the two main pulses in the second measure to highlight the implied 6/8 metre.

In the third movement of his Trio On Irish Folk Tunes Martin wrote a passage in which the strings performed rhythms in 9/8 metre and the piano in 3/4. Like Dalcroze's

3/4 and 6/8 metre exercise, his polymetric texture contains both binary and ternary subdivisions of the main pulse:

127 Figure 7.12: Gigue (mvt. 3) from Trio on Irish Folk Tunes, mm. 43-46

J.J. Violin 1$ EOT eht P PP Mr#—fbfa zSp Violoncello it % i"t r is "P11 r^r'r1^» m PPP

SE *E III I Piano < pppmm »«#

/ Lf E

Dalcroze often wrote about the value of dissociative exercises. In his book, Rhythm

Music and Education (1921), he described dissociation as a key skill in the refinement of students' cognitive and movement skills:

Other exercises show him [the student] how time might be subdivided in one way by one limb [and] in another by a different one ... Even more than the others, these exercises contribute to the development of concentration. (Dalcroze 1921a, 128)

In a 1927 lesson to an advanced eurhythmies class, he included an exercise in which the voice, arms and feet performed different rhythms simultaneously:

128 Figure 7.13: Dalcroze exercise in dissociation (Rythmique II et III, 1926-1927, Volume 38, p. 122)

j. j. f "XII 3 J ^www « . j J J

"4 r r r r r r p • •

II 3 *' m' \» i r r r p ' ' r r r

In measure one, the dotted-quarter notes in the feet part imply a 6/8 metre that adds to the dissociative difficulty. All of the other rhythms clearly conform to a 3/4 metrical pattern.

The students developed a high standard of vocal and bodily control, because they needed to pass the 3/4-metre and 6/8-metre rhythms fluently from one part to another. A particular challenge would have been the passing of the 6/8 dotted-quarter rhythm from the feet, to the arms and finally to the voice - while simultaneously performing the two other 3/4-metre rhythms.

In the first movement of Trio on Irish Folk Tunes (1925), Martin writes a passage that contains dissociative elements:

129 Figure 7.14: Trio on Irish Folk Tunes (1925), mvt. 1, mm. 9-13

Violoncello

Martin brackets the piano's bass line part in order to imply a 5/4 metre that is superimposed against the strings' 3/4-metre melody. The challenge for the pianist and the string players is to clearly express how the two metres converge and diverge. The eighth- notes in the upper voice of the piano provide another dissociative element, because their phrasing does not correspond to either the strings' 3/4-metre melody, nor the

130 5/4-metre bass line in the piano's lower voice. These continuous eighth-notes resemble the running eighth-note steps that Dalcroze's students often performed while gesturing different rhythms in their upper body.

Dalcroze also designed dissociative exercises that investigated unequal beats (temps inegaux) in compound metre. In many of these exercises, students stepped the continuous subdivision of the pulse while gesturing asymmetrical rhythms. In the following exercise notation, he instructed the students to run in order to experience the eighth-note groupings in 12/8 metre:

Figure 7.15: Dalcroze exercise in unequal beats (temps inegaux) (Grammaire de la Rythmique, 1926-1927, Volume 34, p. 122)

H J. J. JL swing the arm in front behind in front behind

Run

The periodicity of the lower part's eighth-note subdivisions was a contrast to the asymmetrical durations that the students gestured with arm motions. The ability to convey both predictable and non-predictable rhythmic events was an important hallmark of Dalcroze's method.

In other instances, Dalcroze asked his students to perform a rhythm in simple metre and then perform it in different metres. These exercises in transformation

(transformation) helped to develop the students' ability to improvise variations from a

131 single rhythm. He believed that if his students learned to perform these rhythmic variations first with the body, then they could more easily improvise rhythmic variations on the piano. In a lesson to his advanced eurhythmies class, Dalcroze created a simple rhythm in 3/2 metre that was rhythmically transformed when the students realized it in

4/4 and 5/4 metre. In addition to modifying the original rhythm to fit the new time signatures, the students needed to change the original rhythm's accentuation patterns to fit the new metres:

Figure 7.16: Dalcroze Transformation exercise (Rythmique III, 1927-1928, Volume 39, p. 64)

"2r rrt/r*r rH^rr 'rftsr*

—r Cu 'r r—r r r—r-1

• r f r r—t r p r Pf r f~u r 1

7.5 Martin's Lesson Plans

In his first year as a full-time student at the Institut, Martin was required to submit at least two lesson plans that demonstrated his knowledge of eurhythmies pedagogy.146 It is

146 A pair of Martin's lesson plans from 1927 appears in a notebook that is housed in the Centre international de documentation (C1D) at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze. Martin submitted the lesson plans to Edith Naef (1898-2007), who was a professor at the Institut for many decades. She was Martin's professor of pedagogy (pedagogie) for the 1926-27 academic year. 132 probable that he taught these lessons to his fellow classmates as part of the Institut's examination requirements.147

Of all the possible exercises that Martin could have created in his lesson plans, it is not surprising that he designed a large number of rhythmic exercises. His lessons include exercises in unequal measures, rhythmic transformation and polyrhythm. He began his

March 16, 1927 lesson by improvising music that consistently changed metre. He indicated that the teacher was to perform two measures in duple metre and then inform his students of a metrical change by calling out a number that corresponded to a new metre. For example, on the last beat of a two-measure phrase in 2/4 metre, he wrote the number 4 to indicate a new measure in 4/4 metre. On the last beat of this 4/4-metre measure, he wrote the number 3 to indicate a 3/4-metre measure. The following notation appeared in his lesson plan:

Figure 7.17: Excerpt from Martin's March 16, 1927 lesson plan

4 *

|| ^ J J (-J J |-J J J J f-J J J 1 etc.

The challenge was to react to the changes of metre that Martin improvised. As discussed in the analysis of Dalcroze's lesson plans, exercises in quick reaction were a common pedagogical focus. The continuously changing measures trained the students to alter their stepping and conducting patterns on one beat's notice.

147 Marie-Laure Bachmann, the former director of the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze, confirmed my assumption in an interview on January 18, 2011 in Geneva. 133 Martin's April 6,1927 lesson also contained an exercise that investigated changing metres. He created a question-and-answer sequence in which the teacher improvised a measure and then the students responded by clapping or stepping the measure's rhythmic pattern. The following is his written description of the exercise and its accompanying musical notation:

I play a measure first in 4/4 metre and the students repeat it, then [I play] changing measures [and] indicate that I am changing the metre by shortening the last beat of the [current] measure. (Martin 1927,) H| J—i i| J-—J* J* ? i| J—J—n J1* •/ H-

The above rhythms in 2/4, 3/4 and 4/4 each finished with a staccato eighth-note that acted as a signal that the metre would change. The exercise thus contained a musical cue (rather than a verbal cue as in his previous lesson) that Martin used to train the students to quickly react to a changing metrical landscape. The students' ability to respond to a musical cue represented a higher degree of mastery over the eurhythmic subject of changing measures.

In the same lesson plan, Martin designed an exercise that highlighted his interest in polyrhythm. According to his description of the activity, he focused on the ability to embody both binary and ternary rhythms simultaneously:

1. Running in eighth-notes, [the students] clap the binary or ternary rhythm that the teachers plays on the piano.

134 2. Continue clapping the binary rhythm while the teacher plays the ternary [rhythm]. 3. Continue clapping the ternary rhythm while the teacher plays the binary [rhythm]. 4. Clap eighth-notes in the hands and walk the quarter-note or dotted-quarter note [beats]. (Martin 1927)

Martin's exercise trained his students to perform several rhythms simultaneously. First, the students needed to perceive whether his improvised rhythm was binary or ternary.

While clapping the binary or ternary rhythm, they performed the eighth-note subdivisions with their feet by running. He used Dalcroze's concept of dissociation by instructing the students to continue clapping a binary rhythm while he played a ternary one (and vice versa). The students' ability to restrain the impulse to follow the piano's rhythm demonstrated a mastery of inhibition (inhibition in English) - another key term in

Dalcroze methodology. Martin's focus on polyrhythm and changing metres in these lesson plans demonstrated how closely he fused his compositional work with his teaching of Dalcroze Eurhythmies.

135 CHAPTER 8 FRANK MARTIN'S COMPOSITIONAL ACTIVITY AT THE INSTITUT JAQUES- DALCROZE: 1928-32

8.1 Frank Martin's Chansons

During his first years as a professor at the Institut, Martin composed three a cappella choral works that have an affinity with Dalcroze Eurhythmies. Martin's

Chanson le petit village (1930) is scored for four-part female chorus, and is a setting of the poem Chanson, by Swiss poet Charles Ferdinand Ramuz (1878-1947). The poem is from Ramuz's first poetry collection, Le petit village (1903).148 In the opening few lines, he creates an idyllic picture of dancing village girls:

Little girls dance in a circle - red dresses, white petticoats - It is Sunday, the weather is fine.149

The poem's naturalistic imagery resembles some song texts of Claudin de Sermisy (c.

1490-1562) and other Renaissance chanson populaire composers (Perkins 1988,

430-31).150 All of the poems in Ramuz's collection depict various aspects of French Swiss village life in simple yet sensuous language.

148 Ramuz also wrote several novels and the narrative for Stravinsky's Le Sacre du printemps (1913).

149 Ramuz's complete collection of poetry and other writings has been recently published under the title, C.F. Ramuz: Oeuvres completes (Geneva: Slatkine, 2008). The cycle, Le petit village is found in volume 10.

150 In his 1988 essay, "Toward a Typology of the "Renaissance" Chanson," Leeman Perkins discusses rural and urban French chanson texts. See the bibliography for a complete citation. 136 The influence of the French chanson on nineteenth-century Genevan musical culture was significant (Urbain 1977, 11-43).151 Even though he studied much German music as a youth in Geneva, Martin recalled how the French chanson figured prominently in his family's musical traditions:

We always sang as a family some ancient French songs, of which many were in the minor key ... (Martin & Piguet, 1967, 108)152

In Chanson le petit village, Martin sets the text with a lively four-voice canon that complements the poem's dance imagery. Canons were also an important pedagogical tool in Dalcroze's Eurhythmies classes. A passage in Dalcroze's essay, "Rhythm, Solfege and

Improvisation," describes the canon as a useful means of mastering polyrhythm and counterpoint:

The student will learn to sing a rhythm while executing a different rhythm by means of bodily movements. He may execute a canon: singing the first part, clapping his hands for the second, and marching the third. He will listen to a two-part rhythm ... and proceed to sing first the higher, then the lower [part]. (Dalcroze 1921a, 134-35)153

Martin's Chanson begins with an energetic theme consisting of both sixteenth and eighth notes that is repeated in all the voices. He separates the entry of each voice by varying the numbers of bars, imbuing the diatonic theme with an element of irregularity:

151 In the first volume of his three-volume publication, La chanson populaire en Suisse Romande (Lausanne, Payot: 1977-78), Jacques Urbain chronicles the influence of French chansons in French- speaking Switzerland.

152 As noted on page 38 of this dissertation, Martin's early setting of the Renaissance poetry of Ronsard resulted in his work, Quatre sonnets a Cassandre.

153 The essay, "Rhythm, Solfege and Improvisation," appeared as a chapter in Dalcroze's book, Rhythm Music and Education, trans. Harold Rubenstein, (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1921), 115-60. 137 Figure 8.1: Chanson le petit village mm. 1-18

Vif et trds rythine

Lespe-ti-tes fil-les ron-dent,ro-hes rou-ges.ju-potts blanes. ro-bes

Lespe-ti-tes fil-les ron-dent,ro-bes rou - ges. ju-pons blanes a.

Ill

Les pe-ti-tes til - les ron- denr.ro-bes

IV

rou- ges, ju - pons Wanes.

i!

rou- ges, ju - pons Wanes Lespe-li-tes fil-les ron dent, Lespe-ti-tes IV

Les pe-ti-tes fll - les ron-dem, ro-bes rou - ges, ju-pons biancs Les pe-U-tes - fil-les ron

Lespe-ti-tes fil - les ron.

Les pc - ti - tes til - les ron.

dent Lespe-ti-tes fil - les ron-dent ro - bes rou-ges ju-pons biancs

IV

dent Lespe-ti-tes fii - les ron-dent. ro-bes rou-gesju- pons biancs Lespe-ti-tes fil - les

138 The thematic entrances become closer and closer until they are separated by only a half measure. This stretto-like imitative texture heightens the rhythmic excitement and unpredictability.

The use of polyphonic textures was also a common practice in the French Renaissance chanson tradition. Some of Claudin de Sermisy's songs, for example, consisted of four- voice polyphonic textures with imitative sections (Perkins 1988, 433). The opening of his chanson, Martin menait son pourceau contains lively rhythms that unfold in a canon-like manner. The resemblance to Martin's use of canon is striking:

Figure 8.2: Opening section, Martin menait son pourceau (Claudin de Sermisy)

SOPRANO •I Mar-tin me-nait son pour-ccau au mar - che a - vec A li qui en la ptai-ne

ALIO i •; - | k nk h mh wh wh J J - 1 .1 ml l i 1 J | =| Mar - tin me-nait son pour-ceau au mar - che a - vec A - lix a - vcc A - lix

THNOR

Mar- tin me-nait son pour-ccau au mar - che a - vec A - lix ri BASS •j\ - - — j j r r ^ Mar - tin nie-nait son pour-ccau au inar-chc a - vcc A - lix

The tenor voice's entry is one full beat longer than the other entries and thus creates an asymmetry that resembles Martin's treatment of vocal entries. The intervallic predominance of thirds and sixths between the voices is common to both songs.

Like Martin and de Sermisy, Dalcroze often created two-voice chansons. The opening of his children's song, Flic Floe contains a succession of parallel thirds in the vocal part:

139 Figure 8.3. Opening section, Flic-Floe, mm. 1-12 Voice ff Dans I'eau bleue, un. deux, trois. Vi-te mi-rons m i r ' * . / j J"! 1 Piano < m i te

^ ^ $ i' I tH'j j' ? p' P 1r fi'tffl'1 nous. Ah.que I'eau est bel-le! Dans I'eau bleue. un, deux,trois.En mi-ret-te, ret-te, ret-te, I'on s'y voit Glou I ffPl w p 3

Some of the textures in Martin's Chanson le petit village also resemble rhythmic procedures in Dalcroze's Eurhythmies method. In Figure 8.1, Martin uses tied half-notes as a contrast to the energy of the quicker eighth-notes. The texture of sustained notes sounding against faster note values is an important feature of Dalcroze's ideas on complementary rhythm. He often taught this eurhythmic subject by dividing students into two groups. One group performed long note values while the other performed short values. At Dalcroze's signal, which was usually the verbal command "hop," the groups would switch roles.154 In his essay, "Rhythm Solfege and Improvisation," Dalcroze also suggested that exercises could be developed in which

154 See pages 121-122 of this dissertation for a discussion of complementary rhythm and rhythmic counterpoint. A notated example of rhythmic counterpoint from Dalcroze's collection of lesson plans appears on page 122. 140 the student's left hand plays a note or a chord on the second half of the beat executed by the right hand. And vice versa. Counterpoint; in duplets, triplets, quadruplets, etc. Different rhythms and beats in either hand and exercises in canon . Study of various kinds of counterpoint - pianoforte counterpoint to vocal themes, and vice versa (Dalcroze 1921a, 141)

Martin's interest in mixed metre is also evident. At m. 32, he changes the metre from 2/4 to 6/8. A change from simple duple to compound metre was also a common characteristic of the French chanson (Bernstein 1976,202):

141 Figure 8.4: Chanson le petit village, mm. 19-42

pp

C"est di manchc.il faitbeautemps.c'est di-manchcil faitbeau temps. PP II

C'cst di-manchc.il faitbeaufemps.c'tfstdi-mache il fait beau temps.

II!

Lcspe-ti tcs til - les C'cst di manchc, il fait beau temps La -qucl-ie pren drez

PP IV

Lcspe-ti tesfil - les ron -dent Ccstdi-manche, il fait beau temps c'cst di- manchc ii faitbeau

dolce leggero

II

m

les dc-moi - scl - les Le-quelpren-drez-vousdeccs beaux pe-tits mes-sieurs? La-qucl-lepren - drez

IV

on

pren drez - vous de bcl moi - scl Le quel

(11

vous dc les drcz -

IV

l-a - quel - le pren drcz - vous de ccs be! les de moi - scl

142 drez-votis de ces beaux. iits mes - sieurs'.\

mcs - sieurs'

ics Lc - quel prcn - drez-vous dc ces beaux pe - tits mcs- sieurs?.

The song's metrical change also resembles some of the eurhythmic exercises based on changing metres that Martin used in his lesson plans.155 The change to compound metre

(3+3 eighth-note groups) at m. 33 also highlights the textual change. The question,

"Laquelle prendez-vous?" is a contrast to the opening series of descriptive statements that began with the line "Les petites filles rondent" in Figure 8.1. Additionally, Martin abruptly modulates from G-major down a full tone to F-Major at m. 23. The modulation effectively prepares the listener for the textual contrast at m. 33. To some listeners, the sudden introduction of the pitch F-natural in the soprano part at m. 23 implies a G- mixolydian modal inflection that resembles modal procedures that were common in

Medieval and Renaissance songs.

Like Chanson le petit village, Martin's Le coucou (1930) is canonic and scored for female voices or children's voices. The song is a setting of Le coucou chante, by French poet Paul-Jean Toulet (1867-1920). It appeared in his 1921 poetry collection, Les

155 Martin's Eurhythmies lesson plans are discussed on pages 132-135. 143 contrerimes. Toulet's evocative text describes how the singing of the cuckoo bird elicits reactions from other birds:

The cuckoo sings in the woods that sleep The dawn is red again And the old peacock Iris has decorated Throws off his cry of gold. The doves of my cousin Cry like a child. The sly turkey wheels with a laugh: He runs to the kitchen.

Martin creates a six-voice round that shifts from 4/4 to 2/4 metre. Each phrase begins on an even-numbered beat:

Figure 8.5: Le coucou, mm. 1-24

I m I.Le cou-cou chant aubois qui don L'au - rore est rouge en - cove ¥ m 2. Et le vieux paon qu' Iris de - co re Jetteauloin soncri d'or_ 111 ¥ m 3. Les co- lom_ _bes de macou - si - ne pleu rent IV ¥ J 1—£ J com - me un en - fant 4. Le din - don roue en s'es - claf -

fant_ 5.11 courtil court il courtil courtil court a la cui- VI m W h. Oh"

Martin's anacrasic phrasing helps to create a rhythmically complex setting that highlights the events described in the text. His phrasing also contributes to the performance

144 difficulty - the singers must have a good sense of pulse in order to seamlessly perform the various anacrusic entries.

The staccato texture on the phrase "il court," is an example of word painting. Dalcroze also frequently employed the technique in his children's songs and classes for children. In

Music Movement and Ear-Training for Children (1939), one of his Eurhythmies publications, Dalcroze created some examples of word painting in conjunction with activities that involved singing. In an activity titled, "The big animal and the little bird," he instructed students to step the rhythm of a half-note scale pattern while singing

"boom" in imitation of a heavy step. They alternated the heavy step with the word

"tweet," which was sung while stepping eighth-notes in imitation of a bird in flight. The juxtaposition of half-notes and eighth-notes helped to train the students to feel the various movement qualities of different note durations.

In addition to his method book, Dalcroze also employed word painting in his children's song Flic Floe.] 56 He created the words "glou" and "flic floe" to imitate the sound of children playing in the water:

156 Flic Floe is from Dalcoze's song collection, Nouvelles rondes enfantines (Neuchatel: Sandoz, 1928). 145 Figure 8.6: Flic Floe, mm. 13-21

|JP 1 ^=1 J, —V—b—£— Voice K i J —J,—h —HL r 3r p f 9 ¥ j voil t" lou glou. Bai - gnons - nous! Flic et (lo - que, ?a, cla - p?=3—1 I J J i _3j r"J+— $4—i a Piano ( L »f„ "f_ TT Jhr- r? n n j~3 h J 1 J 1 J r r r T r =j £ J iJ j |J T~f pot - te. Glou - glou Tout doux._ L'eau fait floe sur les cail - loux.

E5& s~~i 0= / 1- i r_r c_r T mf P

The "flic floque" in mm. 15-16 resembles the sound of splashing water, and perhaps the

"Glou, glou" resembles the sound that one makes when swimming underwater. In both

Martin and Dalcroze's songs, word painting helps to unify the melody and the text.

Like Martin's Chanson le petit village, his song, Chanson en canon (1930) is set to a poem from Ramuz's collection, Le petit village. Simply titled Chanson, the poem's text compares life to a dance:

To live, is a little like when we dance we enjoy the beginning - a piston, a clarinet - we are pleased to stop - and the trombone is out of breath -

146 we are sad to have finished, the head turns and it is night.

Martin emphasizes the text's humorous aspects by beginning the song with a rhythmic texture in the tenors and basses. The two-bar figure resembles an ostinato or oompah figure associated with German folk music. The voices sing to the nonsense syllable

'poum,' that is associated with instrumental music:

Figure 8.7: Tenor/Bass opening of Chanson en canon (1930)

sempre pp

Tenor m _m— ~w— poum poum poum poum Bass ¥ poum poum poum poum

The opening might also reflect the influence of Dalcroze's rhythmic contrepoint exercises that Martin would have learned and perhaps taught in his own Eurhythmies classes.

Typically Dalcroze would improvise a rhythm with several rests which was then performed by one group, while another group expressed the first group's silent beats with gestures, voice or percussion instruments. Chanson en canon was dedicated to the students at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze, thus Martin would have had good reason to include some Dalcrozian touches.157

157 The description of Chanson en canon in, Frank Martin I'univers d'un compositeur (1984) indicates that Martin dedicated the work to students of the Institut (Societe Frank Martin 1984, 22). 147 Like the other songs from this period, Martin utilizes the technique of word painting.

Rich in imagery depicting musical instruments, the song's memorable motifs that evoke a trumpet, clarinet and trombone:

Figure 8.8: Chanson en canon (1930) excerpts:

,j|f. -J- -J- Un pis - ton ta ga da da

u ne cla-ri- net te

The staccato scalar trumpet passage, the clarinet's descending chromatic legato passage and the trombone glissando motif serve as melodic cliches that allow the singers to vocalize an aspect of each instrument. Because of the imitative nature of the song, there is much repetition of these vocal allusions to musical instruments. The song's humorous effect is heightened by the tenor and bass voice's percussive ostinato part. It is as if the choir has become an instrumental ensemble.

8.2 Frank Martin's Variation polymetrique

Martin also wrote instrumental music while he was a student and Eurhythmies professor in Geneva. His unpublished Variation polymetrique was a work for two pianos and percussion instruments.158 On the front page of the score, Martin assigned

158 A copy of the original manuscript was sent to me by Maria Martin, the composer's widow. The original is part of the archival collection of Martin manuscripts which is housed at the Frank Martin House in Naarden, the Netherlands. It is undated, but because Martin included the names of several of his classmates on the front cover, he probably wrote it in 1926 or 1927. 148 performance roles to several of his former students and colleagues at the Institut - including his close friend Bernard Reichel, who performed the first piano part. Martin dedicated the work to the English Dalcrozian Mary Seaman, of whom Martin writes:

To Mary Seaman, who performs polymetric plastique with such grace and mathematical precision alongside fantasy, with the regret that I could not offer you something more substantial, such is my affection. (Martin n.d.)

The piece begins with an ostinato in Piano 1 which is imposed freely over the quadruple metre. Although Martin included a 4/4 metre time signature, many aspects of the work imply other metres. Piano 1 's opening consists of an asymmetrical rhythm that utilizes the five eighth-notes of the pentatonic scale:

Figure 8.9: Variation Polymetrique, mm. 1-4

Piano 1 < P tres clair

fi i-Jf—A _——^ •tr* Piano 2 < pp n n

This repeating five eighth-note theme appears in many different metrical locations depending on where it unfolds in relation to the barline. It resembles some of the structures that Dalcroze used to illustrate how musicians could learn to experiment with rhythmic transformations. For example, in his 1926 First Congress on Rhythm lecture,

149 "The Rhythms of Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow and the Teaching of Them in Music

Schools," Dalcroze discussed the "transformation of a rhythm with the aid of the displacement of the barline" (1926, 88). He believed that each time a rhythm was repeated in a different place in the measure, its nuance and character would be different and the performer's duty was to convey the transformation.

In Martin's Variation, Piano 2's whole-notes contrast with the eighth-note asymmetry of Piano 1. This texture also resembles the Dalcrozian technique of complementary rhythm. Additionally, the syncopated lower voice of Piano 1 at m. 4 suggests a 5+3 eighth-note pattern - rather than the usual 4+4 or 2+2+2+2 pattern associated with quadruple metre. This rhythmic asymmetry resembles Martin's Overture and Foxtrot

(1924) and thus it is probable that the work was written in the 1920s rather than later in his career. At m. 9, Martin introduces other metrical values such as repeated quarter-notes and half-notes in Piano 2. Piano 2's rhythmical symmetry is a marked contrast to Piano l's asymmetry:

150 Figure 8.10: Variation Polymetrique, mm. 9-12

flfi'ffrfr'ttrrirftrrlit Pno.'

Im &» m tf M if f 'I l Pno. marcato 11 i i *=i

8.3 La nique a Satan (1929-1931)

Early in Martin's tenure as professor of rhythmic theory and improvisation at

Dalcroze's Institut, he composed the score for the theatrical work, La nique a Satan.]59

The narrative was written by Swiss educator/poet Albert Rudhardt (1894-1944), a

Genevan schoolteacher and poet who asked Martin to compose the music. Rudhardt was commissioned by a local men's choir to create a story that would involve both children and adults.160 He conceived of a popular theatre piece that included singing, mime, dance and elaborate costumes. Perhaps because he felt the connection between this theatrical work and the Eurhythmies method, Martin involved numerous Institut teachers and students in the Geneva premiere on Februrary 25,1933. Martin also dedicated the vocal/ piano edition of the score to Dalcroze himself:

159 The English translation is thumbing one's nose at the devil.

160 The Swiss men's choir was La Lyre de Carouge, which still exists today. 151 To Mr. E. Jaques-Dalcroze, my patron of Eurhythmies, patron also of song and popular spectacle, of which his genial invention enabled us to a make a better presentation of this work. With my admiration, respect and deep friendship. Frank Martin. (Societe Frank Martin 1984, 22)161

According to Alfred Berchtold, Dalcroze, in turn, was magnanimous in his praise of

La nique a Satan. In his book, Emile Jaques-Dalcroze et son temps (2000), Berchtold included Dalcroze's toast to Martin's work:

United like a back and a shirt Overlapping tonalities Oriental modes combine seamlessly with the songs of our land. (Berchtold 2000, 208)162

Ernest Ansermet, who figured so prominently in the professional lives of both Martin and

Dalcroze, conducted a 1956 radio broadcast version of La nique a Satan under the auspices of Radio Suisse Romande. He also praised Martin for creating a work that had both artistic merit and popular appeal:

... there are ... magnificent examples of counterpoint, polytonality and polyrhythm .... Without a doubt, this production reminds us that it is possible to create music that is popular in character without sinking into banality and that we have a musician [Martin] capable of this task. (Ansermet 1956, 5)

161 Martin's handwritten dedication to Dalcroze appeared on a single copy of the edition for voice and piano. The dedication was reproduced in Frank Martin: I 'univers d 'un compositeur (1984). The original edition with Martin's handwritten dedication is located at the Centre international de documentation at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze in Geneva.

162 Berchtold does not give a source for Dalcroze's toast. As of September, 2011,1 have been unable to locate it. 152 La nique a Satan has much in common with the Swiss tradition of the Festspiel or fete. According to Dalcroze biographer Irwin Spector, the fete most likely grew out of the tradition of the 16th-century religious mystery play, and was later championed by the famous Swiss reformers Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) and Johann Heinrich

Pestalozzi (1746-1827). Fetes were open-air, popular spectacles with large numbers of amateur participants who celebrated Swiss culture through stories, song and dance.163

Dalcroze was an important contributor to this tradition and composed the music for many fetes, including, Festival vaudois (1903), Fete deJuin (1924) and Fete de laJeunesse

(1923). Dalcroze's Fete de laJeunesse featured movement, dance, children's choirs, original songs and instrumental music. Many of the songs that Dalcroze composed for these spectacles became part of the folklore of the Suisse Romande (Reichel 1965, 51;

Spector 1991, 62).

In the preface to his catalogue of Dalcroze's vocal compositions, Jacques Tchamkerten suggests that Martin was influenced by Dalcroze's 1928 children's spectacle, Notre petite vie a nous:

It is probable that Frank Martin had a memory of of this work [Notre petite vie a nous], which is full of amazing findings, when he composed in 1931, La nique a Satan. [Notre vie] anticipated it with the clarity of its melodic contours, the boldness of its rhythms and by its sheer verve. (2000, viii)

163 A detailed explanation of the Swiss fete or Festspiel tradition appears in Irwin Spector's Rhythm and Life. The Work of Emile Jaques-Dalcroze (New York: Pendragon, 1990), 56-61. Another source is Edouard Combe's chapter, "Le Festspiel" in the book, La Suisse qui chante (Lausanne: Editions R. Freudweiler- Spiro, 1932), 197-227. 153 For Dalcroze, the tradition of Swiss popular festivals provided an important opportunity for him to advertise his educational method.164 He also recognized their societal benefit to his fellow Swiss citizens:

... the study of the laws which govern collective gesture and movement, laws which form an integral part of any system of rhythmic exercises, deserves special consideration of all my compatriots who are gymnasts, singers or sportsmen. More than in any other country, in Switzerland popular spectacles involve the participation of numerous people, and the happy influence of these "Festspiele," [quotes his] to employ the German term, has long been recognized by our psychologists, pedagogues, and even theologians. (Dalcroze 1921a, 220)

Like Dalcroze's spectacle, Notre petite vie a nous (1928), La nique a Satan celebrated children. In an essay, Martin explained its purpose:

Rudhardt's idea was to create a popular spectacle where children played a dominant role ... the children would be the heroes and the adult would be misled ... the entire production would be mimed with numerous songs ... songs for men, ladies, but above all, songs for children. (Frank Martin & Maria Martin 1984, 18)

The story is set in a 19th-century village. The Beaux Esprits (or snobs) and the Bons

Gar^ons (workers) quarrel but live together in relative peacefulness. There is also an old sorcerer named La Bergougne and an idealist poet named Jean des Lunes. Jean des Lunes plays on a magic flute and is a great friend to the children (perhaps like a Peter Pan figure). One day the sorcerer comes to the village and pronounces that fire, storms, and thunder will plague the village. Les Beaux Esprits hold a council assembly, but are unable

164 Dalcroze's talent for self-promotion was described to me by Isabelle Hirt, archivist at the Institut Jaques- Dalcroze in Geneva. Jacques Tchamkerten, a renowned Dalcroze scholar, also shared this idea with me. 154 to decide what to do about La Bergougne's pronouncements. Les Bons Gar^ons decide to stay and laugh at Les Beaux Esprits, who after endless discussions finally leave the village. Les Bons Gar?ons are visited by evil messengers who convince them to follow the devil. However, the children and Jean de Lunes return to defeat the evil messengers and all groups return to the village to celebrate.165 The production's satirical nature and general theme of the triumph of good over evil mark it as a populist work and it was well received by the public at its premiere in the Grand Theatre de Geneve on February 25,

1933.166

Martin's rhythmically inventive style underscores the story's lively and satirical elements. The opening song, Chanson des Beaux Esprits is a foxtrot with many rhythmic procedures that are important aspects of Dalcroze's method. As discussed in chapter 3,

Martin cited the foxtrot as a dance form with interesting rhythmic possibilities in his 1926 lecture, "La mesure et le rythme."167

He begins the song with repeated quarter-notes in the accompaniment which, like many Dalcroze exercises, establishes a metrical underpinning over which more interesting rhythmic procedures can unfold:168

1651 am indebted to Maria Martin for my synopsis of the work. My discussions with her in January, 2009, and her work, Ma vie avec Frank Martin (1990) aided my understanding of Martin's La nique a Satan.

166 Parisian writer and psychologist Andre Berge wrote a glowing review of La nique a Satan in Les Nouvelles litt6raires (18 April, 1933). As mentioned in chapter 3, he was a close friend of Frank Martin's.

167 He delivered the lecture at Dalcroze's 1926 Congress on Rhythm.

168 The original score for voices and wind instruments, piano and string bass is located at the Paul Sacher Stiftung in Basel, Switzerland. 1 have notated excerpts from the vocal/piano reduction that was published by Editions Henn in Geneva. 155 Figure 8.11: Chanson des Beaux Esprits, from La nique a Satan, mm. 1-2

Tres modere J-138

Voice mn - 1

b Piano1 y I'V* r r M rrr$ p dolce

I'W^jjj I -tfL

When the Beaux Esprits' vocal line enters at m. 3, Martin writes anacrusic phrases that create a sense of forward motion. The syncopated, accompanying figures in the piano's right-hand part, imply a 3+2+3 eighth-note subdivision, which was a common pattern in

Dalcroze's exercises on irregular beats in his 1916 Eurhythmic manual, La Rythmique:169

Figure 8.12: Chanson des Beaux Esprits, from La nique a Satan, mm. 2-6

Voice i--

Mon chcr! cher!

llilJ-l p i jq "" ^ ' 0 I' i> f' i !• 1 —|K_

PianoI ly*, ... p dolce rrrr _O £. -jf. 1 i- - u 4 J j— III j 1\ • •' j j j j I'l Hii i J- -i -i -i -5 — -i i t" f"

When Les Beaux Esprits question whether they should stay in the village or flee,

Martin creates a song with the eurhythmic concepts of anacrusis and complementary rhythm. He begins the song, Valse des Beaux Esprits with anacrusic rhythms in both the

169 See pages 37-38 in La Rythmique (1916). 156 piano and vocal parts. The opening staccato quarter-notes in the bass voice occur on the weak second and third beats of the 3/4-metre measure and are unresolved, because Martin writes quarter-note rests on the downbeats of these measures.170 This structure highlights the indecision of the Beaux Esprits, who cannot decide whether or not to leave the village. The weak beat quarter-notes in the bass voice also serve as a complementary rhythm to the piano's B-flat downbeat bass notes in the opening few measures. At measure 18, the anacrusic quality of the tenor voice entry provides forward motion and further emphasizes the indecisive quality:

170 Although Dalcroze wrote many examples of anacrusic patterns in his method books, he did not make a detailed analysis of the different types of anacrusic structures. Mathis Lussy, Dalcroze's mentor, however, classified an anacrusis with an unresolved downbeat. He referred to this structure as an anacrusis decapite. For further information, see L 'anacrouse dans la musique moderne (Paris: Heugel, 1903). 157 Figure 8.13: Tenor and bass parts and piano, La nique a Satan, mm. 11-20

Mouvement de Valse tendre. = 160

Tenor

dolce

Bass

Pour-quoi res-ter dans la viJ le Puis qu'onn'y est plus tran

i f i>»* Piano < sf =

f t t f m \h\K\ tr Pour - quoi. res - ter dans la vil - le •£= B.

quil le Rien ne sert de

J J 4 i Pno.( r f f f

In his treatise, Les gammes et les tonalites, le phrase et les nuances (1907), Dalcroze highlights the anacrusis (or upbeat part of a phrase) as a subject worthy of focus. In the book, Rhythm, Music and Education (1921), he refers to the anacrusis as the "motor impulse" of music.

In the song, Marche du Cirque, Martin creates rhythms with nonsense syllables.

These onomatopoeic syllables imitate the sounds of musical instruments that one might

158 hear in a circus band. In a 1998 production of La nique a Satan, the actors sang the song with gestures that imitated various musical instruments:171

Figure 8.14: Tenors, basses, piano (reduction), Marche du Cirque from La nique a Satan, mm. 4-7

dq TENOR 1

ta-rata ta ta ta-rata lata t'ha ta-rata tata

TENOR 2

Ta tsa ta tsa p'hap'hap'hap'ha p'hap'hap'hap'ha P BASS 1 m Ta tsa ta tsa p'hap'hap'hap'ha p'hap'hap'hap'ha P

BASS 2 1 7—• ' * m hon hon p'hap'hap'hap'ha tsa tsa p'hap'hap'hap'ha pTia hon ha ha ha

Piano m m

The anacrusic figures in Tenor 2 and Bass 1 are complemented by the Tenor 1 voice. The energy of the upbeat two sixteenth-notes, two eighth-notes and quarter-note phrase, complement the sustained phrases of Tenor 2 and Bass 1.

Likewise, in some of his activity-based songs for children, Dalcroze also created onomatopoeic syllables that imitated musical instruments or animals. In his book, La jolie

171 See the videography section in the references for more information concerning the 1998 version of La nique a Satan. 159 musique, Dalcroze wrote the following exercise, recommending that "children while singing, imitate the gestures of the instrumentalists (Dalcroze 1939a, 42):

Figure 8.15: Dalcroze children's exercise from La jolie musique (1939)

Trompette Violon Cor i—3—11—3- -3—i m ^ & j/f zJ at W Ta ta ta ta Zz Tou rou toil

Cymbale Triangle Trombone 3 i-3-i r~3—t r~3—i 3 ~3 1 I J i J j J J j J i 7 J' J. Zing zing ding d d ding Pa pa pa pa

The concept of complementary rhythm was also important in Dalcroze's training, because it helped students to experience contrapuntal texture in a practical manner. He would often divide students into groups whereby one group would intone long notes and the other group would improvise phrases to fill in or complement the first group's long note values. In more complex exercises, he would present several contrapuntal possibilities. Some of these rhythmic contrepoints would overlap the given theme.

In volume two of his 1916 Eurhythmies manual titled La rythmique, Dalcroze composed a simple theme in 4/4 metre consisting of a dotted half-note and a quarter-note:

160 Figure 8.16: Contrepoint exercise in Dalcroze's La Rythmique

Theme HHH* J -J

. * J. Contrepoint II| 4 *'' m m am * j j j j n J

1 3 1 3

• « 4 *7 - - Contrepoint n

I 3 6 Contrepoint || 4 */ ? J J 7—*—m n J J J J J J J j J

Dalcroze's three accompanying rhythmic counterpoints (in Figure 8.16) demonstrate a variety of rhythmic possibilities that resemble Martin's rhythmically contrapuntal style in

La nique a Satan.

Martin's close contact with Dalcroze at the Geneva Institut contributed to his interest in rhythmic experimentation. Dalcroze's eurhythmic lessons in changing metre, rhythmic counterpoint, transformation, vocal improvisation and anacrusis probably contributed to

Martin's large repertoire of rhythmic devices. Additionally, Dalcroze's numerous songs and mastery of pageants would have been another important source of influence for

Martin - especially in his creation of La nique a Satan. Even though Martin chose to shift his compositional focus after La nique a Satan, his eurhythmic experiences lingered in most of the music that he composed from 1933 to 1937.

161 CHAPTER 9 EURHYTHMICS AND THE ATONAL INFLUENCE: 1933-1937

9.1 Martin's numerous activities in the 1930s

In the 1930s Martin enjoyed a busy career in Geneva. His teaching responsibilities as professor of rhythmic theory and improvisation at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze were a small part of his professional activities. His chamber group, La Societe de Musique de

Chambre, presented an annual three-concert series. Perhaps because of his local profile as a chamber musician, he was invited to coach chamber music at the Conservatoire de

Geneve in 1933. He taught at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze until 1937, thus making a substantial contribution to music education in Geneva during the 1930s. Martin also continued to write orchestral music reviews for the Tribune de Geneve.

In 1933, Martin became the artistic director of a new music school, the Technicum

Moderne de Musique. Its mandate was to offer a progressive curriculum that would rival the more conservative Conservatoire de Geneve. The school was owned by Serge and

Zina Popovitsky, a Russian husband-and-wife team based in Geneva.172 Maria Martin, who met her future husband at the school, commented on how he was able to assemble an impressive faculty that consisted mostly of colleagues and friends:

Frank Martin was assured the participation in his school of a phalanx of excellent professors, chosen amongst the top instrumentalists in Geneva: Jean Goering for violin,

172 In her 1990 book, Souvenirs de ma vie avec Frank Martin, Maria Martin related that Serge Popovitsky taught soljege and music history and Zina taught piano. Maria Martin came to the Technicum from her native Amsterdam and enrolled as a flute student. 162 Henri Honegger for cello, Andre Pepin for flute. (Maria Martin 1990,15)

Alongside his administrative duties, Martin taught harmony, analysis and composition.

According to Maria Martin (1990, 17), the school seemed to provide a good opportunity for Martin to "realize some new ideas on music education that seemed to him [Frank

Martin] to be useful." For example, student composers enjoyed opportunities to mount their works and ballet and music students worked together to create complete ballet productions. Maria Martin suggested that the school's interdisciplinary concerts "had never been seen in Geneva before."173

It seems odd, however, that Frank Martin would not have been able to find all of these elements at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze. Perhaps Martin was attracted to the Technicum because he was in charge of the school's artistic life, whereas at the Institut, he was only a faculty member. Further, the emphasis on high-level performance and the study of composition might have also distinguished the school from Dalcroze's school which trained future Eurhythmies teachers.

Unfortunately for Martin, the school failed to sustain itself. Plagued by mismanagement of student fees and political problems between the faculty and the

Popovitskys, the school deteriorated rapidly. By Maria Martin's third year (1939), she was the only advanced-level student in her flute class. By 1940, the school had closed its doors.

1731 have not been able to find any information on the concerts presented at the Technicum Moderne de Musique. 163 In addition to his various teaching duties, Martin was also active as a composer. Ernest

Ansermet led the Orchestre de la Suisse Romande in the first performances of Martin's

Concerto pour piano et orchestre no. I (1934) and the Symphonic pour grande orchestre

(1937). He completed Quatres pieces breves (1933) for solo guitar and then turned his attention to chamber music for strings in the mid-1930s. Rhapsodie for two violins, two violas and contrabass was written in 1935 and Trio a cordes was completed the following year.

In addition to his musical activities, there were changes in Martin's personal life in the

1930s. In 1931 he married Swiss actress Irene Gardian (1901-1939). The marriage was a happy one and produced three daughters: Fran^oise (b. 1932), Pernette (b. 1935) and

Adrienne (b. 1937). Tragically Gardian became suddenly ill in 1939 and died of septicemea in the same year.

9.2 Martin's Twelve-Tone Experimentation: 1933-1937

After the tremendous amount of activity surrounding the creation and performance of

La nique a Satan in early 1933, Martin reassessed his compositional direction. Although his intensive study with Dalcroze further developed his rhythmic experimentation, he was dissatisfied with his approach to harmony and melody. As he later explained in a 1964 interview with Swiss critic Henri Jaton (1906-1976), Martin felt that his harmonic procedures had already been thoroughly explored by higher profile composers:

During that period [the 1930s] I had the feeling that in the manner in which I was writing, the 164 best solutions had been utilized, [and] that I would find in the romantics and with Debussy and Ravel, all the best solutions to the harmonic problems that I had set for myself. Because of this I had to search for another way. (Perroux 2001, 29)174

In order to explore a new and relatively under-explored compositional path, Martin began to study and utilize various aspects of Arnold Schoenberg's twelve-tone technique.175 Unlike some other composers associated with Schoenberg, Martin did not strictly follow his prescriptive system.176

The basis of Schoenberg's twelve-tone compositional technique involved the creation of a tone row that contained all twelve notes of the chromatic scale. This row (also known as a series) constituted the composition's melodic and harmonic material. Usually, once a note was used, it could not be re-utilized until the composer had used all of the other pitches in the series. Immediate repetitions of pitches, however, were permitted. In order to allow for more variation, Schoenberg developed ways of manipulating the original row by utilizing its backward form (retrograde) and by inverting its interval set (inversion).

174 This quotation appears in French in Alain Perroux's Frank Martin ou L 'insatiable quete (Geneva: Editions Papillon, 2001).

175 Austrian composer Arnold Schoenberg developed his twelve-tone technique in the 1920s as a procedure for creating atonal compositions. He treated all twelve pitch classes as equal and thus no one note predominated - as in traditional tonal structures (Schoenberg 1925). One of the best modern sources for Schoenberg's writings is Style and Idea: Selected Writings of Arnold Shoenberg (London: Faber & Faber, 1975). The essays "Twelve-Tone Composition" (1925) and "Twelve-Tone Notation" (1925) appear there as part of the collection.

176 Many composers, such as Bela Bartok (1881-1945) and Igor Stravinsky (1882-1971), wrote freely atonal works in the early twentieth century; however, Schoenberg systematized a twelve-tone compositional method. His most direct disciples were Alban Berg (1885-1935) and Anton Webern (1883-1945). 165 His system also permitted composers to transpose the row, which greatly increased musical possibilities.

By the 1920s, Schoenberg's reputation in Geneva was firmly established (Mosch

2000,26). As a founding member of the Geneva new music group Les Nouvelles

Auditions, Martin probably attended the December 4,1922 concert in which Schoenberg himself conducted his atonal work, Pierrot Lunaire (Op. 21) (1912).177 It is also possible that Martin attended the performance of Schoenberg's Second String Quartet (Opus 10)

(1922), which took place on November 4, 1925.178 Pietro Cavalloti, in his article, "Frank

Martin e le dodecafonia," speculates that Martin might have discussed Schoenberg's compositional techniques with Viennese violinist Rudolf Kolisch (1896-1978) of the

Kolisch String Quartet. He studied composition with Schoenberg and later (in 1924) became his brother-in-law (2007).179 Caviolotti's hypothesis is well-grounded, because according to Claude Tappolet (1979,42), the Kolisch Quartet were frequent performers at concerts organized by Les Nouvelles Auditions - the very same new music society of which Martin was a founding member (Tappolet 1979,42).

177 For more information on the society, Les Nouvelles Auditions, see Claude Tappolet's La vie musicale a Geneve au vingtieme siecle I. 1918-1968 (Geneva: Georg, 1979), 40-43.

178 A review of this concert appears in Aloys Mooser's 1947 book, Regards sur la musique contemporaine 1921-1946 (Lausanne: Librairie F. Rouge & Cie), 61-63.

179 Caviolotti's article, "Frank Martin e le dodecafonia," is published in the online journal Philomusica on­ line 6/2, (2007). http: 7riviste.paviauniversitvpress.it/index.php/phi/article/vievv7Q6-02-lNT02/95 (accessed October 17,2011) 166 In addition to hearing Schoenberg's music, Martin may have read his writings and studied at least one of his twelve-tone compositions. Schoenberg's 1925 essay, "Twelve-

Tone Notation" appeared in the Viennese journal Anbruch in 1925, and because it was a periodical that specialized in contemporary trends in composition, it is quite possible that

Martin would have discovered the article.180 Furthermore, as Ulrich Mosch explains in his essay, "Le dodecaphonisme en Suisse," there is evidence that Martin analyzed

Schoenberg's Ftinf Klavierstucke (Opus 23) (2002,235-236).181 His analysis of this famous experimental work does not seem surprising, given Martin's early-formed habit of extensive score study as a self-teaching tool.182 As Mosch (2002) points out, Martin attempted a twelve-tone analysis by numbering pitches from 1-12 in each of the five

Schoenberg pieces (2002, 235-236). Only the last piece in Schoenberg's suite contains a twelve-tone row.

Martin's use of certain elements in the method accomplished many goals. As a tonal composer steeped in traditional music, he could experiment with new sounds without completely abandoning his identity as a tonal composer. Further, his highly

180 Anbruch was an important Viennese journal which was published from 1919 to 1937. Many of its contributors were students of Arnold Schoenberg.

181 Mosch's essay, "Le dodecaphonisme en Suisse" appears in the publication, Entre Denges et Denezy... La musique deXXe siecle en Suisse, manuscrits et documents (Basel: Fondation Paul Sacher, 2001), 227-243.

182 The annotated score is part of the Frank Martin legacy archive at the Paul Sacher Foundation in Basel, Switzerland. The score is catalogued as #97 in the collection. 167 evolved rhythmic sense could continue to develop alongside his twelve-tone experiments.

In the 1964 interview with Henri Jaton just cited, he summarized his approach:

And then, without attaching myself too closely to this theory of Schoenberg's, I tried myself to write according to his principles, all the while remaining loyal to my musical sense. (Perroux 2001, 29)

9.3 Martin's First Atonal Work: Quatrepieces breves (1933)

Martin dedicated his Quatre pieces breves to Andres Segovia (1893-1987). The renowned Spanish guitarist lived in Geneva from 1933 to 1939. As the title implies, the work is short and is composed of four sketch-like movements that form a suite - clearly a suitable medium for a composer who was experimenting with a new compositional technique. Unfortunately for Martin, Segovia never performed the work. Some scholars believe that the work's atonal quality displeased Segovia (de Kloe 1993a, 19), who was perhaps more accustomed to performing traditional Spanish music. Almost immediately,

Martin adapted the work for piano and named it Guitarre (1933). At the instigation of

Ernest Ansermet, Martin also created a version for orchestra. Subsequent revisions of the guitar version appeared in 1939 and 1955.183 The English guitarist Julian Bream recorded the 1955 version and it has subsequently become a part of the standard solo guitar concert repertoire.184

183 In the preface to the Universal Editions version (1959), Maria Martin discusses the various versions of the work. The work appears in the Universal Editions catalogue as UE 12711.

184 Quatre pieces breves has appeared on no less than seven guitar recordings and many recital programs internationally. Perhaps the most famous recording is Julian Bream's version on the 2000 recording, Nocturnal (see the bibliography for a complete citation). 168 The eurhythmic elements present in many of his mid-1920s works linger in the

Quatres pieces. In the Prelude, there are resemblances to the eurhythmic practice of performing a rhythm and then experiencing it at twice the speed. Martin replaces the repeated three eighth-note descending motives in m. 1 with a series of sixteenth-notes in m. 4 that nearly replicates a twice-as-fast approach. Note the increased speed (marked plus vite) and the 9/8 metre change in m. 4:

Figure 9.1: Prelude, from Quatre pieces breves, mm. 1-7

I 3-note descending motive

frw I rrjjrjjTjh J j'jiJjji -B|g ^ 7 expressif -I—7 p

plus vite * un poco ritenulo Mi i. i. i. mi..1.. i ni jj 11 • t£j O Lj-fh J J JbV

The metrical shift and tempo change from 12/8 metre to 9/8 in m. 4 has an affinity with some of the changing measure exercises that Martin spoke about in his 1926 lecture at Dalcroze's conference on rhythm. The repeated dotted quarter-notes on the B-natural pitch above the moving eighth-notes in mm. 5-7 also resemble some of Dalcroze's written realizations of exercises designed to experience ternary beats and subdivisions. In volume 1 of his 1916 treatise, La Rythmique, Dalcroze wrote a simple exercise in which the instructor claps eighth-notes in groups of two or three and the students respond with a

169 quarter-note or dotted-quarter note clap, depending on the teacher's eighth-note groupings:

Figure 9.2: Dalcroze exercise in subdivision from La Rythmique, vol. 1 (1916)

Teacher r„ii g,y * *, *, ....J J . J ,

J- J- J- Students

One could imagine an exercise in which one student would gesture the dotted-quarter note in order to feel the metre, and the student would improvise a moving eighth-note line to feel the metrical subdivision and the ternary complementary rhythm.

Martin creates syncopated rhythms in the third movement, Plainte. The movement begins with repeated quarter-notes that are a contrast to the upbeat syncopations in the top voice:

Figure 9.3: Plainte from Quatre pieces breves mm. 1-6

tres en dehors

Guitar m* jallE^* ja* _~|~ii

if*1*1*1*1 I lilt * * H mi i»

170 Martin uses a heterometric approach in the last movement. It begins with three quarter-notes that imply 3/4 metre, followed by four measures that are clearly in 6/8 metre:

Figure 9.4: Comme une Gigue, from Quatre pieces breves, mm. 1-6

con moto

Guitar

r r r

9.4 Martin's Concerto pour piano et orchestre no. 1 (1933-34)

Martin's Concerto pour piano is a significant work because of its close affinity with

Schoenberg's twelve-tone method (Billeter 1999, 68). With Quatre pieces breves, Martin had begun to experiment with atonality, whereas the concerto contains more overt characteristics of twelve-tone composition. In a 1964 interview with Henri Jaton, Martin described the concerto as "constructed in part upon a twelve-tone row" (1964). In a more precisely autobiographical statement in the same interview, he asserted: "This is where I really began to work with the Schoenberg system" (1964). Like Quatre pieces breves however, eurhythmic elements co-exist with the Schoenbergian influence.

Although he claimed that he was highly influenced by Schoenberg's system, Martin begins the work with a chromatic melody (centered around the pitch E) in the solo flute.

This melody is accompanied by French horns, tympani and cellos: 171 Figure 9.5: Concerto pour piano et orchestre no. 1, mvt. 1, flute solo and accompaniment, mm. 1-6

Lento Solo

Flute

Horns in F

P

Timpani

divisi

Violoncello

PP

Hns. ..-xr

Timp.

Vc. -o-

Like many other Martin works of the period, there are frequent metrical changes. The flute solo begins in 3/4 metre then switches to 2/4, back to 3/4 and finally to 4/4 metre.

In mm. 3-5, the metrical changes occur in successive measures. Given this rhapsodic opening, Martin's use of successive time signatures might be a way of avoiding regular

172 metrical accentuation. This sequence of metres resembles Martin's own eurhythmic exercises that he detailed in his 1927 lesson plans:185

Figure 9.6: Martin's changing metre exercise from his 1927 lesson plan

||| J J |-J J [-J J J J (-J J J (

The accompaniment in this opening section (Figure 9.5) resembles some of the rhythmic procedures that he explored in his 1926 orchestral work, Rythmes. In both works, Martin creates a tympani part consisting of a basic pulse. In the Concerto, the tympani's successive quarter-notes on the pitch E provide a metrical underpinning for the lyrical and rhythmically flexible flute melody. This texture has a connection to exercises in Eurhythmies that consist of stepping quarter-notes and performing more complex rhythms with the body or voice. The addition of tied half-notes (also dotted half- and whole-notes) in the horns and cellos mirrors Dalcroze's use of sustained notes in his rhythmic counterpoint exercises.186

Martin eventually makes extensive use of an orthodox twelve-tone row. At m. 45 in the cello part, he clearly outlines the row using successive quarter-notes:

185 For a more detailed discussion of Martin's lessons plans, see pages involving changing metres, please see pages 132-135 of this dissertation.

186 See page 126 of this dissertation for an example of a Dalcroze exercise based on rhythmic counterpoint. 173 Figure 9.7: Concerto pour piano et orchestra no. 1, mvt. 1, strings, mm. 45-47187

un poco flautando Violin II 'ii 4 i tti - - J y — 1 ; ifJ ^ 4 5 6 7 8 9 12 10 11 pizz. Violoncello £ mf\ 2 3 4 5 6 7 9 10 11 12 pizz. Contrabass j ij "r mf 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 12

In addition to unfolding the row, Martin creates some interesting devices that connect with his eurhythmic experience. The offbeat eighth-note cello part resembles an eurhythmic exercise in complementary rhythm. Each quarter-note in the contrabass is

'complemented' by an offbeat eighth-note in the cello part. By having the violin II intone the 12-tone row one beat after the contrabass, he introduces a canon at the quarter-note

(bass and violin II) and at the eighth-note (bass and cello). Dalcroze taught his eurhythmic students to feel the difference between 'complementary' offbeats and on beats in a 1926 lesson in which students clapped and stepped the following two-part rhythm:

1871 have added the numbers to indicate Martin's 12-tone row. He did not include numbers in the score of Concerto. 174 Figure 9.8: Dalcroze exercise in complementary rhythm (1926-1927 Rythmique I et II, Volume 32, p. 22)

41—*

Hands K

switch at the signal 'hop'

In the third movement, Martin uses a procedure that resembles the Dalcrozian practice of metrical transformation. After an introductory fanfare-like trumpet solo in 3/4 metre, the violins and violas reply with a phrase that implies 6/8:

175 Figure 9.9: Concerto pour piano et orchestra no. 1, mvt. 3, trumpets and strings, mm. 1-10

Allegro molto Sourd. 3 . 3 3 3 Trumpets I, II in C I'i> JJJ-I P Sourd. ^ 3 . 3 Trumpet III in C IBS* £

3 . . a M m_m. Tpts. I, II mm 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 Tpt. Ill

jr

Violin I

Violin II

Viola

The accents on the first and fourth eighth-notes in each part reinforce the implication of

6/8 metre, even though Martin chose to keep the 3/4 metre.

At m. 32, the piano enters with a transposed version of the twelve-tone theme in 9/8 metre. As Bernhard Billeter notes (1999, 71), the rollicking eighth-notes are reminiscent of Martin's Irish jig theme in the third movement of his Trio on Irish Folk Tunes :

176 Figure 9.10: Concerto pour piano et orchestre no. 1, mvt. 3, piano part, mm. 32-34

legato articul. Piano <

mf Martin keeps the accompanying orchestra in 3/4 metre, and the resulting polymetre creates a complex rhythmic texture. Sometimes he writes predictable 3/4 metre rhythms against the piano's 9/8 figurations, and at other times, such as in Figure 9.11, he creates orchestral rhythms that once again imply 6/8 metre:

Figure 9.11: Concerto pour piano et orchestre no. 1, mvt. 3, E-flat clarinet and piano, m. 40

Eb Clarinet T

a—o |vVTh. $ H U-1 t Piano <

In this example, the E-flat clarinet is notated in 3/4 metre, but the successive dotted quarter-notes imply 6/8 metre. Martin creates an effective polymetre by pitting the clarinet part against the 9/8-metre piano part which consists of eighth-notes grouped in threes. The resulting texture has an affinity with what Martin learned and taught as a

Eurhythmies practitioner.

177 9.5 Smaller works for Strings in the mid-1930s: Rhapsodie (1935) and Trio a cordes (1936)

Martin entered the Rhapsodie into the Concours Carillon composition competition in

1935. While he began to write it, he took a holiday in the Auvergne region of France with fellow Dalcrozian Bernard Reichel. Their vacation inspired the creation of Le Tombeau de Monsieur Basile, which was a comic book-like parody of Aloys de Mooser, the feared

Geneva music critic. Mooser, who, ironically was mostly supportive of Martin's compositions, also served on the jury of the competition. Maria Martin relates that after the death of her husband, she found evidence that Martin's Rhapsodie won a prize:

After the death of Frank [Martin], I discovered in an old review that he had won the Swiss prize at this Carillon competition with his Rhapsodie for strings. He never told me ... the real benefit of this competition was the birth of Le Tombeau de monsieur Basile. (M. Martin 1984,29)

In addition to its atonal characteristics, there are many interesting rhythmic elements in the Rhapsodie. The opening bold statement consists of an alternation between 6/4 and

9/4 metre that resembles Martin's eurhythmic interest in alternating metres:

178 Figure 9.12: Rhapsodie, mvt. 1, mm. 1-7 A tempo tLJi *L_ Violin I Violin II » Viola

Viola 9=f solo X. f • f f ttp f Contrabass

A tempo Vln. 1 $ Vln. II i

Via. py

Via. ¥=¥ g r I ¥=*=¥ Recti. nten. -b£i. & y~>ff C'b. ft fiff f*f f

In addition to the metrical changes, Martin employed repeated upbeat staccato quarter- notes that resemble exercises in complementary rhythm. The alternation between the tutti rhythms in the upper strings and the lyrical solo cello creates effective textural contrasts.

Martin's interest in rhythmic variety continues throughout the work. At m. 42, he introduces a re-distribution of the basic beats in 9/4 metre:

179 Figure 9.13: Rhapsodie, mvt. 1, Violin I and II, m. 42

£ ft Vln.I f

'p- Vln. II 3E

The common three dotted half-note basic pulse of 9/4 metre is supplanted by a dotted half-note/three half-note pattern (3+2+2+2). Later in the work, he shifts to 3/4 metre but uses an accentuation pattern that implies 6/8 metre:

Figure 9.14: Rhapsodie, mm. 74-75

.A \ A A IFJ? II^R i»«>- R P.TIR Vln. I (m 1 piuf A A A . . A

Vln. II ^5 a P Piuf bp «: Via. piuf

Via.

Cb. P piuf

Like the Rhapsodie, Martin's Trio a cordes contains some resemblances to Dalcroze's

Eurhythmies method. It was premiered on May 2, 1936 by the Belgian chamber ensemble

Trio Rontgen. Martin's commentary on his Trio is significant:

180 Finally, I like this Trio like one loves an enfant terrible [italics mine] because there is nothing in it that is pleasing: it is difficult to listen to, austere in thought, quite apre in its sonority and thus very few people will find pleasure in it. (Maria Martin & Frank Martin 1984, 22)

Although Martin commented on the work's austerity, there are some rhythmically vital textures. The Trio begins with a long section based on successive half-note chords that resemble a chorale. The contrasting middle section (mm. 45-95), however, contains an example of complementary rhythm:

Figure 9.15: Trio a cordes, mvt. 1, mm. 45-48

A tempo- un poco andante

Violin

Viola j%n -n

Violoncello

In Figure 9.15, Martin creates a texture that contains multiple rhythmic levels. The longer note values in the violin melody are supported by eighth-note subdivisions in the viola. In a eurhythmic manner, he repeats a four eighth-note pattern that resembles the additive

(and eurhythmic) principle of building rhythms from notes of short duration. The slurred quarter-notes in the cello line imply 2/4 metre and thus give the section a polymetric character.

181 9.6 Martin's Pedagogical Focus: Deux pieces faciles pour le piano (1937)

Not all of Martin's works from 1933 to 1937 exhibited atonal characteristics. A case in point is the short piano composition, Deux pieces faciles. He wrote the work for the young Dalcroze students at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze. The two pieces are separately titled Les Grenouilles, le rossignol et la pluie and Petite marche blanche et trio noir. Not surprisingly, these miniatures contain many eurhythmic associations. They also reflect

Martin's love of the piano and his focus on pedagogy. In Les Grenouilles, le rossignol et la pluie, Martin creates an evocative, improvisatory score that befits the subject matter.

He opens with an off-beat rhythm in Piano II that effectively imitates frog sounds:

Figure 9.16: Les Grenouilles, le rossignol et la pluie, Piano II, mm. 1-3

rk#T 0 T^#T 0 rb*

Piano II< p secco ¥ ¥ £ The opening melody in the Piano I part contains anacrusic motives and a wide variety of rhythms that might imitate a nightingale's song:

Figure 9.17: Les Grenouilles, le rossignol et la pluie, Piano I, mm. 2-7

9 i>!i, >.. w]3| j !*r—irrr 19 0 * tr r "/ gliss.

182 In m. 6, Martin writes a chromatic phrase that consists of successive eighth-notes. He notates the rhythm in two voices, thus directing the performer to perform the single-line melody contrapuntally (with two hands). The pitch content supports the eighth-note subdivision of 3+3, and thus echos some of Dalcroze's exercises in additive rhythm.188

Martin's Petite marche blanche et trio noir also contains a pedagogical connection.

The march section is played entirely on the white keys of the piano and the trio is performed entirely on the black keys. Like Les Grenouilles, this work also has a rhythmic focus. It opens with a simple two-measure ostinato in the Piano II part that remains constant for the entire march section (mm. 1-31). The two-voice Piano I part contains the melody:

188 For further commentary on Martin's and Dalcroze's awareness of additive rhythms, please see pgs. 46-47 and p. 83 of this dissertation. 183 Figure 9.18: Petite marche blanche et trio noir, mm. 1-10

marcato ¥ Pn. T £ J J 'J ME

j j j j * * * y 1 ^ j; mf leggero Pn. II' i i i i i

O m —u Pn. I AAA r i- r- 1 1 1 J =i=t= r 4—^ y^- iH

-J—m =±4 i A J> 1 •— 3 3— J d J J J J 3 —. • jpf Pn. II, 0 1* - —f r p m mm * b

The contrapuntal quality of Piano I resembles some of the complementary rhythm exercises that were often taught in the Eurhythmies curriculum. In m. 3, the half-note and dotted-quarter note G pitches in Piano I's upper voice are answered by bass notes on beats 2 and 4. This imitative pattern continues throughout the entire march section and echoes of it remain in the trio. At m. 39 in the trio section, the lower voice leads and is answered by the upper:

184 Figure 9.19: Petite marche blanche et trio noir, mm. 39-40

a pleines mains

tc \ t ^ * i>J. I Piano 1 / k 3 £ w^ r t *

By having to alternate which hand is leading and which hand is following, the novice piano student learns rhythmic counterpoint and manual dexterity. Perhaps one of Martin's goals was to create a eurhythmic application to elementary piano pedagogy.

Eurhythmic influences are present in virtually all of Martin's 1933-1937 works.

Regardless of whether he wrote highly chromatic or atonal compositions, he employed some of Dalcroze's rhythmic procedures. His departure from the Institut in 1937 coincided with new compositional directions. By the late 1930s, Martin began experimentations in orchestration and he also developed an interest in composing religious music in which rhythmic concerns were less prominent.

185 CHAPTER 10 CONCLUSIONS

Martin's involvement with Dalcroze Eurhythmies played a significant role early in his compositional career. The method's rhythmic focus resonated with Martin in the 1920s, perhaps because it complemented his interests in jazz, Asian and Eastern-European music. As Martin himself later observed, rhythmic experimentation was "in the air" (1984, 16) during this period. Although his experiments with rhythm began before his formal association with Dalcroze in 1926, Martin's experience as a student and professor at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze contributed to his rhythmic growth. While other composers such as Igor Stravinsky and Bela Bartok employed similiar rhythmic devices in their compositions of the 1920s and 1930s, Martin's rhythmic style was enhanced by his exposure to Dalcroze.189 The Eurhythmies subjects of anacrusis, complementary rhythm, polymetre, polyrhythm, syncopation, unequal measures and unequal beats were often present in the music that he composed in the 1920s and 1930s.190 Additionally,

Martin's 1927 Eurhythmies lesson plans and numerous writings on Dalcroze reveal his close connection to the method.

189 See Stravinsky's 1913 ballet, Le Sacre du printemps (The Rite of Spring), which contained many rhythmic procedures that Martin investigated in the 1920s and 1930s. These include: unequal beats, changing metres, polyhythm and polmetre, additive rhythms, and syncopation. Bartok's Fourth String Quartet (1928) also featured additive rhythms, changing metres and unequal beats. His 1926 Piano Sonata also features these elements.

190 In a 1925 Eurhythmies set of lesson notes titled, Essai de classement d'exercices de Rythmique 1925-26, Dalcroze included the following Eurhythmies subjects: technique, plastique, anacrouses, phrase, accentuation, nuances, double et triple Vitesse et lenteur, contrepoint, le style syncope, le temps et I'espace, polyrythmie, temps inegaux, inhibition/imitation, memorisation, dissociation, rapports de la rythmique et lesolfege et I 'improvisation. See also Elizabeth Vanderspar's book, Teaching Rhythmics: Principles and guidelines for teachers of Dalcroze Eurhythmies (2005). See the bibliography for a complete citation. 186 Martin ceased teaching at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze in 1937. His role as Artistic

Director of the Technicum Moderne de Musique ended in 1939 when the school went bankrupt.191 In 1946, Martin left Switzerland for the Netherlands in order to devote himself fully to composition. Maria Martin, the composer's Dutch-born third wife, stated that he wanted to free himself from his many obligations as president of the Association of Swiss Composers. He also wanted to be relieved of his various teaching and administrative duties (Maria Martin 1990, 99).

Dalcroze, however, held him in such high esteem that he had offered him the directorship of the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze in 1942. In a revealing letter to Martin,

Dalcroze proclaimed that he had the ability to take the method into uncharted waters:

... I am clear that the Institute must remain a musical center and that its director be not only a creative artist but also someone who experiences Eurhythmies deeply and is capable of progressing it forward. You are the ideal man!192

It is understandable that Dalcroze wanted him to become the successor. Unlike many other Dalcrozians of his generation and after, Martin was a high-profile musician with a reputation as a composer, professor, critic, conductor, pianist, chamber music collaborator and concert organizer. Perhaps Dalcroze hoped that Martin's popularity would have increased public awareness of Eurhythmies.

191 In her memoir, Souvenirs de ma vie avec Frank Martin (Lausanne: Editions 1' Age d'Homme, 1990), Maria Martin discusses the dissolution of the school. See pages 15-19.

192 This letter was reproduced in Martin's Ecrits sur la rythmique pour les rythmiciens (Geneva: Editions Papillon, 1995). There is also a copy of the letter in the Centre international de documentation at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze in Geneva. 187 As a result of his intense involvement with Dalcroze, Martin continued to be associated with the method after his departure from the Institut in 1937. He also continued to write about the method and its founder. In 1942, he became the President of the Union Internationale des Professeurs de la Rythmique.193 The Revue Musicale Suisse published his 1945 article, "Pour les 80 ans de Jaques-Dalcroze," and in July, 1949, he lectured to students at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze summer course in Geneva. Martin admitted that he was (in 1949) a former teacher of Eurhythmies, but that his vantage point might offer some interesting perspectives for Dalcrozians immersed in the work

(Martin 1949, l).194

As previously discussed, Martin's participation in the 1965 centenary of Dalcroze's birth was significant. He contributed the piano composition, Etude rythmique, which he dedicated to the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze. Additionally, Martin wrote the introduction to the seminal 1965 book, Emile Jaques-Dalcroze: I'homme, le compositeur, le createur de la rythmique, which remains the most exhaustive study of Dalcroze's life, music and teaching career.195 In a tribute to Dalcroze's influence as a teacher, Martin wrote,

We do not really know what we can find within ourselves, and Jaques-Dalcroze encouraged us always to seek and find on our own. (1965, 8)

193 The Union Internationale des Professeurs de la Rythmique (U1PD) was formed in 1926 and was re­ named FIER (Federation Internationale des Enseignants de Rythmique) in 1976.

194 His unpublished 1949 lecture notes, which are titled, Causerie - legon de M. Frank Martin, are housed in the archives of the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze in Geneva. The notes are dated July 26,1949.

195 The contributors to this 595-page volume are: Alfred Berchtold, Claire-Lise Dutoit-Carlier, Tibor Denes, Henri Gagnebin, Bernard Reichel and Edmond Stadler. The work features an extensive biography, catalogue of Dalcroze's works and discussion on his pedagogy and compositions. 188 In his long and varied compositional career, Martin experimented with twelve-tone music and freely chromatic counterpoint, but it was his close contact with Dalcroze in the 1920s and 1930s that profoundly enriched his compositional approach to rhythm.

189 EPILOGUE: Etude rythmique (1965)

11.1 Background to Etude rythmique (1965)

Etude rythmique was premiered by pianist Arlette Stadelmann on February 22, 1965, in the concert portion of a soiree which marked the centennial year of Dalcroze's birth.196

According to Martin's wife Maria, he wrote the work to celebrate the acquisition of a new grand piano for the Institut.197 She provided additional context:

Because it was a piece for an institution where rhythm was the main subject, Frank Martin amused himself by basing the composition on a rhythmic problem that he had proposed to some of his students in an improvisation class at the Dalcroze Institute. (Frank Martin & Maria Martin 1984, 142)

Thus, the Etude has a pedagogic association, since Martin reflected upon his classes as a professor of improvisation in the 1930s.

Piano teachers have prescribed piano etudes to countless generations of students. The

French word 'etude' literally means "study," and is often defined as an instrumental work which consists of material for students to practice a specific technical or musical difficulty. The popular piano etudes of Carl Czerny (1791-1857) and Muzio Clementi

(1752-1832) have a strictly pedagogical value, and are therefore not usually performed in public recitals. However, etudes by Chopin (1810-1849) and, more recently, those of

Messiaen (1908-1992) and Ligeti (1923-2006), are performed regularly in concert - even

196 I was unable to uncover any information about Stadelmann. My hunch is that she was a Dalcroze student, but I have not uncovered any references to her in the archives of the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze.

197 Maria Martin, A propos de... Commentaires de Frank Martin sur ses oeuvres,(Lausanne: de la Baconiere, 1984), 142. This explanation of the Etude rythmique was written by Maria Martin, while most of the commentaries in this book were written by the composer. 190 though these works also focus on specific technical and musical aspects. Like these,

Martin's Etude is not limited to a didactic function, since it was premiered in a concert and has been recorded by several concert pianists in recent times.198

Maria Martin further described the Etude s specific rhythmic and technical challenges:

... the two hands play on 3 against 4, but the musical element in the hand which plays in three is in 4, and that of the hand which plays in 4 is phrased in three. At the end of 12 measures the two hands meet, rhythmically back at the beginning point.199 (Frank Martin & Maria Martin 1984, 142)

It is clear from her explanatory notes that Frank Martin enjoyed creating this rhythmical test, which is fundamental to good Dalcrozian teaching. Robert Abramson (1928-2008), a world-renowned Dalcroze teacher, described the ideal attributes of a Dalcrozian improvisation teacher: "The teacher of Jaques-Dalcroze's method must be trained to create and develop many variations of materials, techniques, exercises and games through improvisation" (Abramson 2001, 43).200 Maria Martin also wrote that the work was "a game of the mind like that to which Frank Martin loved to indulge in, but which made the piece difficult to perform" (1984, 14). Maria Martin suggested, rather wistfully, that, "one would like to know if his improvisation students at the Institute at that time, realized what their professor demanded them to do!" (Frank Martin & Maria Martin 1984, 142) Maria

198 Recordings by Julie Adam (2001) and Daniel Spiegelberg (1991) are currently available. See the bibliography.

199 Maria Martin, A propos de... Commentaires de Frank Martin sur ses oeuvres (Lausanne: de la Baconniere, 1984), 142.

200 See Robert Abramson's chapter on Dalcroze in Teaching Music in the Twenty-First Century, Lois Choksy, ed., (Upper Saddle River NJ: Prentice-Hall, 2001), 40-80. 191 Martin's comments revealed the enormous rhythmic challenges that Frank Martin created in the work.

11.2 Analysis of Etude rythmique

Etude rythmique begins with a polymetre. Martin created a continuous stream of eighth notes in 9/8 metre in the piano part's upper voice, while the lower voice features eighth notes in 3/4 metre:

Figure 11.1 Etude rythmique, mm. 1-4

Trfes mod6r6 J. = 72

In the preface to the 1980 Breitkopf and Hartel edition, the work is described as being

"based essentially on the contrast between the triplets in the right hand and duplets in the left hand, which is pursued consistently up to the last measure."201 This analysis failed to examine Martin's phrasing of the upper and lower voices, (see Fig. 11.1) which created a polyrhythm of 3 against 4. Both polyrhythms and polymetre were advanced Dalcroze

201 Etude rythmique (Wiesbaden, Germany: Breitkopf and Hartel, 1980), 3. The work was originally published in the second volume of Contemporary Swiss Piano Music (Edition Gerig, 1973). The editor was Charles Dobler, whose notes were re-printed in the 1980 Breitkopf and Hartel edition. 192 subjects on which Martin would have been tested as a Dalcroze Diplome candidate.202

Further, Martin articulated his fascination with advanced rhythmic textures in his 1927 essay, "The Measure and the Rhythm," which he wrote while studying with Dalcroze:

Spontaneous rhythm breaks up the canvas, and we come back to something akin to the additive rhythmic style of the ancients. Quite modestly again, since the same piece remains constantly binary or ternary, but the groups of measures are broken, and we come into contact frequently with accentuation. (5)

In Etude rythmique, Martin sustained the polymetre throughout the entire work, yet he created "spontaneous rhythms" which interrupt the texture. At measure 6, for example, he interrupted the groups of four eighth-notes in the upper voice with eighth-notes phrased in groups of two:

Figure 11.2: Etude rythmique, mm. 6-7

Martin highlights the upper voice's duplet phrasing in m. 6, by displacing the register with a pair of B-flats above the staff. This change of register pulls the ear toward the 2+2 polyrhythm. The lower voice also exhibits some rhythmical variation in mm. 9-10, where

202 1 found a reference to polymetre and polyrhythm (as test subjects for the Dalcroze Diplome examination) in the unpublished lesson notes of Madeleine Boss Lasserre, who was a Dalcroze student in Geneva. She took her Dalcroze examination in 1924 (four years before Martin). These notes, which were given by Boss Lasserre to Professor Selma Odom (York University), are being housed at the York University Archive and will be catalogued for future scholarly access. 193 the continuous groupings of three-eighth note figures are replaced with syncopated duplet phrasing:

w Figure 11.3: Etude rythmique, mm. 9-10

dolce legg. un poco cresc. Piano

The two eighth-note phrases create a syncopated effect that interrupts the ternary metrical pattern. With his use of consecutive duplet phrases in the upper voices, it seems as if

Martin is using the principle of additive rhythm, where a small note value (in this case the eighth note) is capable of generating any number of rhythmic units. For example, in the upper voice in m. 9, the pattern is 2+2+4.

Dalcroze shared Martin's interest in additive rhythm. An assistant conductor position in Algiers exposed him to new rhythmic possibilities that contrasted with his Western

European approach. Dalcroze explained how his rhythmic conception changed when he heard the local Algerian performers, and how this experience exerted a profound influence on the development of Eurhythmies:

194 My curiosity in the manifestation of rhythm was born in the course of a season which I passed in Algeria... where I conducted an indigenous orchestra... Once when I taught them some music in 4/4 time, the cymbal players, for example, used 5, the flutists played in 3 .... It was impossible for me to discipline them and to inculcate them with our methods ... To teach them the notation of our measure, I had an idea to interpret each metre as a gesture. (Dalcroze 1942, 87)

While Dalcroze found new rhythmic ideas in North Africa, Martin turned to Eastern

European traditions. In his essay, "La mesure et le rythme," he discussed the intricacies of Bulgarian rhythm in glowing terms: "The Bulgarian villager plays an additive rhythm

12,123,1234, which is quite natural to him" (Martin 1927, 2).

Martin thickens the texture of this opening section by transforming the upper voice's single line melody into a line composed of harmonic 3rd and 4th intervals. Similarly in the lower voice, single note basslines give way to drone-like textures consisting of 5ths and 6ths:

Figure 11.4: Etude rythmique, mm. 10-11

un poco cresc. Pno. JL

11.3 The Significance of Etude rythmique

Martin's Etude rythmique is both a musical tribute to Dalcroze's Eurhythmies, and a significant contribution to the piano etude literature. The work's rhythmic textures have

195 affinity with classic lessons in Eurhythmies and improvisation that Martin knew intimately. The difficulty of the work and its rhythmic focus place it clearly in the tradition of the etude, yet its significant musical demands make it suitable for the concert hall. The work also highlights the inherent complexities in Martin's rhythmic, melodic and harmonic approaches. These characteristics render his music almost unclassifiable and might explain Martin's relative unpopularity. Although the Etude has atonal shadings, it is clearly a tonal work with a clear-cut final cadence in C-major. The rhythmic textures place Martin in the modernist camp, and the hypnotic repetition of melodic textures achieve an almost minimalist quality.

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206 Archival and Unpublished Sources

Jaques-Dalcroze, Emile. Unpublished papers, BPU 695/13 a-e, Archives, Institut Jaques- Dalcroze, Geneva.

. Letter to Frank Martin, August 2, 1940, Archives, Institut Jaques-Dalcroze, Geneva.

Lasserre, Madeleine Boss. Unpublished lesson notes from Emile Jaques-Dalcroze's Diploma Course at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze, 1932, Private Collection of Prof. Selma Odom, York University, Toronto.

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Interviews

Bachmann, Marie-Laure. 2011. Interview by author. Geneva, Switzerland. January.

Hatt-Arnold, Marie-Louise. 2011. Interview by author. Geneva, Switzerland. January.

Martin, Maria. 2010. Interview by author. Naarden, the Netherlands. January.

Tchamkerten, Jacques. 2011. Interview by author. Geneva, Switzerland. January.

Discography

Adam, Julie. 2005. The Complete Piano Music of Frank Martin. Australian Broadcasting Corp., 478 2601.

Bream, Julian. 2000. Nocturnal. EMI, B000002RTP.

Ansermet, Ernest. 1956. La Nique a Satan. Radio Suisse Romande. Recording of live broadcast, March 10, 1956. (unpublished)

Britten-Pears Ensemble. 1997. Frank Martin. Iain Burnside, dir. ASV, CD-CDA 1010.

Osiris Trio. 1998. Folk Music. Channel Classics, CCS 13098.

207

.# Videography

2005. En compagnie de Frank Martin. DVD. Caseavelle, 665066.

1998. La Nique a Satan. Choeur Theatral d'Avully (Director, Natacha Casagrande).

Eurhythmies Lesson Plans

Jaques-Dalcroze, Emile. Dalcroze Lesson Plan Collection. Centre international de documentation. Geneva: Institut Jaques-Dalcroze.

Martin, Frank. Lesson Plan Notebook of Edith Naef. Centre international de documentation. Geneva: Institut Jaques-Dalcroze.

208