National Labor Relations Board 1936
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SUPREME COURT DECISIONS on LABOR, 1948-49 by Betty Jane Swoboda* * Research Assistant, Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations
L I E> RAR.Y OF THE UN IVERSITY or ILLINOIS 331.1 vvo. \-2.5 INSTITUTE OF LABOR AND INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS SUPREME COURT DECISIONS ON LABOR. 1948-49 N I V E R S I T EDITORIAL NOTE The Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations was established in 1946 to "inquire faithfully, honestly, and impartially into labor-manage- ment problems of all types, and secure the facts which will lay the foundation for future progress in the whole field of labor relations." The Institute seeks to serve all the people of Illinois by promoting general understanding of our social and economic problems, as well as by providing specific services to groups directly concerned with labor and industrial relations. The Bulletin series is designed to implement these aims by periodi- cally presenting information and ideas on subjects of interest to persons active in the field of labor and industrial relations. While no effort is made to treat the topics exhaustively, an attempt is made to answer the main questions raised about the subjects under discussion. The presenta- tion is non-technical for general and popular use. Additional copies of this Bulletin and others listed on the last page are available for distribution. W. Ellison Chalmers Milton Berber Acting Director Coordinator of Research Dorothy Dowell Editor I.L.I.R. PUBLICATIONS, BULLETIN SERIES, VOL. 4, NO. 1 (formerly Series A) UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN Volume 47, Number 54; March, 1950. Published seven times each month by the Unive-- sity of llliniiis. Entered as second-class matter December 11, 1912, at the post ofifice at TTr'bana. -
Members-Only Collective Bargaining: a Back-To-Basics Approach to Union Organizing
Upjohn Institute Press Members-Only Collective Bargaining: A Back-to-Basics Approach to Union Organizing Charles J. Morris Southern Methodist University Chapter 12 (pp. 251-274) in: Justice on the Job: Perspectives on the Erosion of Collective Bargaining in the United States Richard N. Block, Sheldon Friedman, Michelle Kaminski, Andy Levin, eds. Kalamazoo, MI: W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, 2006 DOI: 10.17848/9781429454827.ch12 Copyright ©2006. W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research. All rights reserved. 12 Members-Only Collective Bargaining A Back-to-Basics Approach to Union Organizing Charles J. Morris Southern Methodist University My purpose and concern in this chapter is to call attention to a criti- cal missing link in the U.S. system of industrial relations. That link is members-only minority-union collective bargaining, which is a natural preliminary stage in the development of mature, majority-based exclu- sivity bargaining. What follows is an abbreviated version of some of the key elements of that thesis, which is more fully developed in my recent book, The Blue Eagle at Work: Reclaiming Democratic Rights in the American Workplace.1 Minority-union bargaining was commonly prac- ticed immediately before and after enactment of the Wagner Act2 (the National Labor Relations Act) in 1935, and as I demonstrate in that book, it was not Congress’ intent to deny protection to such bargaining under that act. During the early years following its passage, such bargaining prevailed widely. The decisive provisions of the act, which were not af- fected by either the Taft-Hartley3 or Landrum-Griffin4 amendments, are still fully in effect today. -
FOIA Logs for US National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) for CY 2007
Description of document: FOIA CASE LOGS for: US National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) for CY 2007 Requested date: 12-November-2007 Released date: 31-December-2007 Posted date: 22-January-2008 Title of Document National Labor Relations Board Legal Research and Policy Planning From: 01/01/2007 To: 12/13/2007 Date/date range of document: 02-January-2007 – 28-September-2007 Source of document: FOIA Officer National Labor Relations Board 1099 14th Street, N.W., Room 10600 Washington, D.C. 20570 Fax: (202) 273-4275] The governmentattic.org web site (“the site”) is noncommercial and free to the public. The site and materials made available on the site, such as this file, are for reference only. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals have made every effort to make this information as complete and as accurate as possible, however, there may be mistakes and omissions, both typographical and in content. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals shall have neither liability nor responsibility to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused, or alleged to have been caused, directly or indirectly, by the information provided on the governmentattic.org web site or in this file UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD OFFICE OF THE GENERAL COUNSEL FREEDOM OF INFORMAnON OFFICE Washington, D.C. 20570 DATE: December 31,2007 Re: FOIA ID/LR-2008-0082 This is our final response to your letter dated November 12, 2007, received in this Office on November 14, 2007, in which you request, pursuant to the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), a "copy of the FOIA Case Logs for the NLRB for the time period FY2006 and FY2007 to the present." In a subsequent telephone conversation with a member of my staff, you modified your request to include only results from January 1, 2007, to the present, and to exclude the address of the requester. -
None Dare to Call It Treason
The Origin of Communism* Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing political and social order of things. The communists disdain to conceal their aims. Let the ruling classes tremble at a communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Working men of all countries, unite! – Karl Marx, The Communist Manifesto The story of communism is a story of contradictions. Despite Marx’s call for the workers of the world to unite, communism has never been a working class movement. Its strength is in the intellectual and thought centers of the world. Communism is commonly believed to rise out of poverty. Yet Fidel Castro was a product, not of the cane fields of Cuba, but of the halls of Havana University. Joseph Stalin was not a simple peasant rebelling at the oppression of the Czar. He became a communist while studying for the priesthood in a Russian Orthodox seminary. Dr. Cheddi Jagan, communist premier of British Guiana, became a communist, not as an “exploited” worker on a plantation of a British colonial colony, but as a dental student at Chicago’s Northwestern University. The membership of the first Communist spy ring uncovered in the U.S. Government was not spawned in the sweat shops of New York’s lower east side or the tenant farms of the South. Alger Hiss, Nathan Witt, Harry Dexter White, Lee Pressman, John Abt, Lauchlin Currie and their comrades came to high government posts from Harvard Law School. The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee’s Handbook for Americans delves into why people become Communists. -
Proceedings of the National Conference for Labor Legislation
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR FRANCES PERKINS, Secretary BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS ISADOR LUB1N, Commissioner BULLETIN OF THE UNITED STATES \ CO O BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS f * * * * WO. OOO LABOR LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES SERIES PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE FOR LABOR LEGISLATION HELD AT WASHINGTON, D.C. FEBRUARY 14 AND IS, 1934 / UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON i 1934 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C. - Price 10 cents Digitized for FRASER http://fraser.stlouisfed.org/ Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Digitized for FRASER http://fraser.stlouisfed.org/ Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis CONTENTS WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 14—MORNING SESSION Frances Perkins, Secretary of Labor of the United States, Presiding Page Address of the Secretary of Labor____________________________________ 1 Safety and health protection in industry— discussion__________________ 5 Robert J. Watt, of Massachusetts. Elmer Andrews, of New York. Frances Perkins, of Washington, D.C. Workmen ’& compensation— discussion________________________________ Frances Perkins, of Washington, D.C. Thomas J. Donnelly, of Ohio. Wendell Heaton, of Florida. H. R. McLogan, of Wisconsin. Child labor— discussion______________________________________________ 14 Grace Abbott, of Washington, D.C. Courtenay Dinwiddie. of New York. Joseph M. Tone, of Connecticut. Claude S. Carney, of Michigan. Edwin S. Smith, of Massachusetts. John L. Barry, of New Hampshire. John A. Phillips, of Pennsylvania. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 14—AFTERNOON SESSION Frances Perkins, Secretary of Labor of the United States, Presiding Appointment of committees__________________________________________ 19 Limitation of hours of work—discussion_______________________________ 19 Edwin S. Smith, of Massachusetts. Rev. Francis J. Haas, of Washington, D.C. F. E. Hatchell, of South Carolina. Frances Perkins, of Washington, D.C. -
University Microfilms International
INFORMATION TO USERS This was produced from a copy of a document sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or “target” for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is “Missing Page(s)”. If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure you of complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark it is an indication that the film inspector noticed either blurred copy because of movement during exposure, or duplicate copy. Unless we meant to delete copyriglited materials that should not have been filmed, you will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photo graphed the photographer has followed a definite method in “sectioning” the material. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand comer of a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again—beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. For any illustrations that cannot be reproduced satisfactorily by xerography, photographic prints can be purchased at additional cost and tipped into your xerographic copy. -
The Labor Movement and the Fair Labor Standards Act
FairFair Labor Labor Standards Standards Act Act Troubled passage: the labor movement and the Fair Labor Standards Act Historical events show that oppositions within the labor movement had prolonged passage of legislation relating to minimum wages and maximum hours, contained in the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 Howard D. Samuel or most observers, the issue of statutory next to the Social Security Act it is the most im- labor standards is inalterably linked to the portant Act that has been passed in the last two Flabor movement. And indeed it has been, to three years.”1 But it took three sessions of starting early in the 19th Century when the earli- Congress and a monumental effort by the bill’s est efforts to enact maximum hours legislation took supporters to get it passed, in no small reason, place at the State level, to the year 2000, when because of the divisions within the labor move- raising the minimum wage was once again on the ment—which this article explores. Congressional agenda. Organized labor has played a significant role in supporting the improve- The early years ment of labor standards for all of this century and a half—with one exception—minimum wages for For almost a century, prior to passage of the Fair male workers imposed and enforced by the Fed- Labor Standards Act, there had been efforts at eral Government. Starting in 1937, when wage and the State level to enact restrictions on the hours hour legislation was proposed to apply to all of work—particularly for women and children. -
Interest Group Politics and the Wagner Act Keri Jorgenson University of Washington - Tacoma Campus, [email protected]
University of Washington Tacoma UW Tacoma Digital Commons PPPA Paper Prize Politics, Philosophy and Public Affairs 2017 Labor Law for Whom? Interest Group Politics and the Wagner Act Keri Jorgenson University of Washington - Tacoma Campus, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.tacoma.uw.edu/ppe_prize Recommended Citation Jorgenson, Keri, "Labor Law for Whom? Interest Group Politics and the Wagner Act" (2017). PPPA Paper Prize. 9. https://digitalcommons.tacoma.uw.edu/ppe_prize/9 This Undergraduate Research Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics, Philosophy and Public Affairs at UW Tacoma Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in PPPA Paper Prize by an authorized administrator of UW Tacoma Digital Commons. Labor Law for Whom? Interest Group Politics and the Wagner Act Keri Jorgenson University of Washington Tacoma Jorgenson 2 Labor Law for Whom? Interest Group Politics and the Wagner Act The era of the Great Depression and President Roosevelt’s ensuing New Deal is a subject of history that has fascinated scholars and the American public alike. During this time, several important pieces of legislation as well as new federal programs and agencies that were designed to aid in the restoration of the economy were developed. These major changes broke with recent American political history and resulted in an unprecedented expansion of state power. Both the skillful leadership of President Roosevelt and the dominance of the Democrats after their landslide victory in 1934 are often focused on for their roles in the political shift. Yet closer examination proves that their leadership and the resulting changes were very complicated. -
The NLRB's Uncertain Future the National Labor Relations Board in Comparative Context: Introduction, 26 Comp
Fordham Law School FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History Faculty Scholarship 2004 Isolated and Politicized: The NLRB's Uncertain Future The aN tional Labor Relations Board in Comparative Context: Introduction James J. Brudney Fordham University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Administrative Law Commons, and the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation James J. Brudney, Isolated and Politicized: The NLRB's Uncertain Future The National Labor Relations Board in Comparative Context: Introduction, 26 Comp. Lab. L. & Pol'y. J. 221 (2004-2005) Available at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/faculty_scholarship/136 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ISOLATED AND POLITICIZED: THE NLRB'S UNCERTAIN FUTURE James J. Brudneyt INTRODUCTION For an agency that presides over a dwindling domain, the National Labor Relations Board ("NLRB" or "Board") has generated a fair amount of heat in recent times.1 Since the start of 2004, the Board has issued a remarkable series of decisions weakening the rights of workers to engage in organizing and collective bargaining under the National Labor Relations Act ("NLRA" or "Act"). 2 These decisions invariably have been authored by appointees of President Bush and typically have been accompanied by an angry or despairing dissent. -
Whittaker Chambers Testifies" Carroll County Times Article for 16 August 1998 by Jay A
"Whittaker Chambers Testifies" Carroll County Times article for 16 August 1998 By Jay A. Graybeal In August 1948, Whittaker Chambers, A Time magazine editor who lived on a farm on Bachman's Valley Rd. in Carroll County, read a prepared statement charging that a number of government officials were communists. The story was published in the August 6 issue of the Westminster Democratic Advocate newspaper: "FORMER COMMUNIST TESTIFIES BEFORE COMMITTEE Whitaker Chambers, living on Bachman's Valley road, on the Thomas farm, who said he was a Communist from 1924 to 1937 testified Tuesday that the Red 'underground' then included Alger Hiss, State Department official, before the House of Un-American Activities Committee, in Washington on Tuesday. Chambers, now an associate editor of Time magazine, said in a prepared statement read to the House committee that he himself 'served in the underground, chiefly in Washington.' He said there was an underground organization developed, to the best of his knowledge, by Harold Ware, one of the sons of the Communist leader known as 'Mother Bloor.' He went on: 'I knew it at its top level, a group of seven or so men, from among whom, in the late years, certain members of Miss (Elizabeth T.) Bentley's organization were apparently recruited.' 'The head of the underground group was Nathan Witt, an attorney for the National Labor Relations Board. Later John Abt became the leader. 'Lee Pressman was also a member of this group, as was Alger Hiss, who, as a member of the State Department, later organized the conferences at Dumbarton Oaks, San Francisco and the United States side of the [Y]alta Conference.' Miss Bentley, mentioned by Chambers, is the young woman who told a sensational story last week of collecting information for the Russians from scores of Government employees during the war. -
This PDF Is a Selection from an Out-Of-Print Volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research
This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: Ebb and Flow in Trade Unionism Volume Author/Editor: Leo Wolman Volume Publisher: NBER Volume ISBN: 0-87014-029-9 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/wolm36-1 Publication Date: 1936 Chapter Title: Unions Under the Recovery Administration Chapter Author: Leo Wolman Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c2755 Chapter pages in book: (p. 43 - 75) CHAPTER V Unions Under the Recovery Administration persistent decline in union membership, which began in 1921 and was interrupted oniy nominally in 1927, ended in 1933. Within the following year the number of union members in- creased over 600,000. Membership in 1934 was thus restored to almost the level of 1923, in the post-War period, and to above that of 1918, during the War. The recorded gain in this single year almost equalled the total loss in the decade 1923—33,, and it exceeded the entire decline' during the recent depression. Final membership data for the next year, 1935, are not at this time available; hut preliminary figures indicate that the advance has continued, though at a considerably slower rate. The causes of these recent changes in unionism are, against the background of the history of organized labor in this country, of more than passing interest. Although the downward trend of busi- ness activity and employment was unmistakably reversed 'about the middle of 1933 and the upward movement has continued with brief interruptions since, the gains in union membership cannot be ascribed mainly to the effects of the forces of industrial re- covery. -
Catholic Social Reform and the New Deal
Catholic Social Reform and the New Deal _Ae Ya<&ewf o_cWofiX _W'fawz 5 §a aer2 OJz9lO/ c/a~ Ja ON OCTOBER 8, 1936, Monsignor John A. Ryan urged millions of to process the Ryan and Haas Papers. The grant also provided listeners to his nationally broadcast radio speech to reject the funds to process the papers of Catholic labor leaders Philip advice of fellow Catholic cleric Father Charles Coughlin and Murray and John Brophy, and the Congress of Industrial Organi- vote for President Franklin D. Roosevelt in the upcoming elec- zations Records. tion.The Democratic National Committee had prodded a reluc- John A. Ryan was the most prolific, well known, and impor- tant Ryan to step into the fray of national politics because it tant Catholic social reform advocate and theorist in America be- feared that Catholic voters might be swayed by Coughlin's tween the time of his first published book in 1906, A Living weekly insistence that FDR was a communist who no longer de- Wage, and his death in 1945. His economic and political phi- served the support of Catholics. Coughlin, the famous radio losophies were initially grounded in his experiences as the eld- priest and demagogue of the 1930s who was on his way to est child in a large Irish-Catholic farm family. Born in Minnesota being an ignoble anti-Semite, had recently turned violently in 1869, he witnessed firsthand the difficult plight of small farm- against Roosevelt. ers and supported the populist movement as a young man. Ryan's speech, "Roosevelt Safeguards America," was the most Ryan entered the St.