Myths and Realities on Islam and Democracy in the Middle East*
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Laicism and Secularism in France and Turkey by Gulce Tarhan
Roots of the Headscarf Debate: Laicism and Secularism in France and Turkey By Gulce Tarhan Introduction Laicism and secularism refer to two different possibilities of how to organize state policies toward religion. These concepts are, in a limited sense, similar to each other as they both include two elements: separation between state and religion (separation of political authority from religious authority) and freedom of religion. It is the visible appearance of religion that demarcates the difference between them. Secularism is usually described as more tolerant towards public visibility of religion; a secular state plays a passive role and allows religious symbols in the public domain. In laicism the state plays a more active role by excluding religious symbols from the public domain and thus confines religion to the private domain. Laicism or laicité in French is usually defined as a unique feature of French political culture. It emerged after the 1789 Revolution as a way of separating state and religion. Today, it is accepted as the foundation of the French Republic, which ensures national unity by securing tolerance towards different religious groups and by unifying citizens as rational, enlightened members of a collective unity. Yet today the principle of laicité seems to have produced the opposite result: the polarization of the French society into two. The recent debate over the ban on headscarves exemplifies this situation. The French public seems to be divided into two camps – supporters and opponents of such a ban. Turkey, which is the first and the most secular country in the Muslim world, is another country where a similar debate caused a similar polarization. -
Religion–State Relations
Religion–State Relations International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 8 Religion–State Relations International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 8 Dawood Ahmed © 2017 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) Second edition First published in 2014 by International IDEA International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial- ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/> International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <http://www.idea.int> Cover design: International IDEA Cover illustration: © 123RF, <http://www.123rf.com> Produced using Booktype: <https://booktype.pro> ISBN: 978-91-7671-113-2 Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 3 Advantages and risks ............................................................................................... -
From Secular Democracy to Hindu Rashtra Gita Sahgal*
Feminist Dissent Hindutva Past and Present: From Secular Democracy to Hindu Rashtra Gita Sahgal* *Correspondence: secularspaces@ gmail.com Abstract This essay outlines the beginnings of Hindutva, a political movement aimed at establishing rule by the Hindu majority. It describes the origin myths of Aryan supremacy that Hindutva has developed, alongside the campaign to build a temple on the supposed birthplace of Ram, as well as the re-writing of history. These characteristics suggest that it is a far-right fundamentalist movement, in accordance with the definition of fundamentalism proposed by Feminist Dissent. Finally, it outlines Hindutva’s ‘re-imagining’ of Peer review: This article secularism and its violent campaigns against those it labels as ‘outsiders’ has been subject to a double blind peer review to its constructed imaginary of India. process Keywords: Hindutva, fundamentalism, secularism © Copyright: The Hindutva, the fundamentalist political movement of Hinduism, is also a Authors. This article is issued under the terms of foundational movement of the 20th century far right. Unlike its European the Creative Commons Attribution Non- contemporaries in Italy, Spain and Germany, which emerged in the post- Commercial Share Alike License, which permits first World War period and rapidly ascended to power, Hindutva struggled use and redistribution of the work provided that to gain mass acceptance and was held off by mass democratic movements. the original author and source are credited, the The anti-colonial struggle as well as Left, rationalist and feminist work is not used for commercial purposes and movements recognised its dangers and mobilised against it. Their support that any derivative works for anti-fascism abroad and their struggles against British imperialism and are made available under the same license terms. -
One Child, One Vote: Proxies for Parents Jane Rutherford
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 1998 One Child, One Vote: Proxies for Parents Jane Rutherford Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Rutherford, Jane, "One Child, One Vote: Proxies for Parents" (1998). Minnesota Law Review. 1582. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/1582 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. One Child, One Vote: Proxies for Parents Jane Rutherford* Introduction .............................................................................1464 I. Autonomy as a Source of Rights ...................................... 1467 A. A Power-Based Critique ........................................... 1468 B. A Communitarian Critique ...................................... 1474 H. Preserving the Right to Vote for Insiders by Focusing on the Incapacity of Outsiders ......................... 1479 III. Children's Rights ............................................................. 1489 A. Greater Autonomy for Children .............................. 1490 B. Substantive Entitlements for Children ................... 1493 C. The Value of the Vote for Children .......................... 1494 IV. One Child, One Vote: Proxy Voting For Children .......... 1495 A. Political Power -
Introduction: Theorizing the Secular in Tibetan Cultural Worlds Holly Gayley
Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Philosophy Faculty Publications Philosophy & Religious Studies 5-2016 Introduction: Theorizing the Secular in Tibetan Cultural Worlds Holly Gayley Nicole Willock Old Dominion University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/philosophy_fac_pubs Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Religion Commons Repository Citation Gayley, Holly and Willock, Nicole, "Introduction: Theorizing the Secular in Tibetan Cultural Worlds" (2016). Philosophy Faculty Publications. 33. https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/philosophy_fac_pubs/33 Original Publication Citation Gayley, H., & Willock, N. (2016). Introduction | Theorizing the secular in tibetan cultural worlds. Himalaya, The Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies, 36(1), 12-21. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Philosophy & Religious Studies at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Philosophy Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Introduction | Theorizing the Secular in Tibetan Cultural Worlds Acknowledgements The authors wish to thank the contributors to this volume—Tsering Gonkatsang, Matthew King, Leigh Miller, Emmi Okada, Annabella Pitkin, Françoise Robin, Dominique Townsend—as well as the other original panelists—Janet Gyatso, Nancy Lin, and Tsering Shakya—on the panel, ‘The Secular in Tibet and Mongolia,’ at the Thirteenth Seminar of the International Association of Tibetan Studies in 2013. The presentations, questions, and comments by panelists and audience offered new perspectives, provided the fodder for further investigations into the secular in Tibetan cultural worlds, and paved the way for this special issue of HIMALAYA. -
Shia-Islamist Political Actors in Iraq Who Are They and What Do They Want? Søren Schmidt DIIS REPORT 2008:3 DIIS REPORT
DIIS REPORT 2008:3 SHIA-IsLAMIST POLITICAL ACTORS IN IRAQ WHO Are THEY AND WHAT do THEY WANT? Søren Schmidt DIIS REPORT 2008:3 DIIS REPORT DIIS · DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 © Copenhagen 2008 Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK -1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover Design: Carsten Schiøler Layout: mgc design, Jens Landorph Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN: 978-87-7605-247-8 Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk. 2 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 Contents Abstract 4 1. Introduction 5 2. The Politicisation of Shia-Islam 7 2.1 Introduction 7 2.2 The History of Shia-Islamism in Iraq 8 3. Contemporary Shia-Islamist political actors 15 3.1 Ali Husseini Sistani 15 3.2 The Da’wa Party 21 3.3 SCIRI 24 3.4 Moqtada al-Sadr 29 4. Conclusion: Conflict or Cooperation? 33 Bibliography 35 3 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 Abstract The demise of the regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq in 2003 was an important wa- tershed in Iraqi political history. Iraq had been governed by groups which belonged to the Arab Sunni minority since the Iraqi state emerged out of the former Otto- man Empire in 1921. More recently, new political actors are in the ascendancy, rep- resenting the Kurdish minority and the Shia majority in Iraq. -
The Battle Between Secularism and Islam in Algeria's Quest for Democracy
Pluralism Betrayed: The Battle Between Secularism and Islam in Algeria's Quest for Democracy Peter A. Samuelsont I. INTRODUCTION ...................................................... 309 f1. BACKGROUND TO THE ELECTIONS AND THE COUP ................................ 311 A. Algeria's Economic Crisis ......................................... 311 B. Algeria's FirstMultiparty Elections in 1990 for Local Offices ................ 313 C. The FIS Victory in the 1991 ParliamentaryElections ...................... 314 D. The Coup dt& tat ................................................ 318 E. Western Response to the Coup ...................................... 322 III. EVALUATING THE LEGITIMACY OF THE COUP ................................ 325 A. Problems Presented by Pluralism .................................... 326 B. Balancing Majority Rights Against Minority Rights ........................ 327 C. The Role of Religion in Society ...................................... 329 D. Islamic Jurisprudence ............................................ 336 1. Islamic Views of Democracy and Pluralism ......................... 337 2. Islam and Human Rights ...................................... 339 IV. PROBABLE ACTIONS OF AN FIS PARLIAMENTARY MAJORITY ........................ 340 A. The FIS Agenda ................................................ 342 1. Trends Within the FIS ........................................ 342 2. The Process of Democracy: The Allocation of Power .................. 345 a. Indicationsof DemocraticPotential .......................... 346 -
Islam and Democracy
Astrolabio. Revista internacional de filosofía Año 2006. Núm. 3. ISSN 1699-7549 Islam and Democracy Eliane Ursula Ettmueller Abstract: This paper proposes a short apprehension of the reflections of one of the most important progressive Islamic scholars, the Egyptian theologian Ali Abderraziq. It focuses on his work about Islam and the Fundamentals of Power, published in 1925. The main purpose is to allow a more sophisticated view of Islamic political thought and to show that there are roots and possibilities for an endogen democratic evolution and secularization progress coming from within Islamic dogma. Resumen: Este artículo propone una lectura de las reflexiones de uno de los eruditos islámicos progresistas más importantes, el teólogo egipcio Ali Abderraziq. Se centra en sus estudios sobre El Islam y los fundamentos del poder, publicado en 1925. El objetivo principal del artículo es ofrecer una visión más sofisticada del pensamiento político islámico y mostrar que es posible un proceso de evolución democrática endógeno y de secularización desde dentro del dogma islámico. 16 Astrolabio. Revista internacional de filosofía Año 2006. Núm. 3. ISSN 1699-7549 1.INTRODUCTION Islam has certainly become a main issue in today’s world politics. Religion in general cannot deny political components, tendencies and impacts. There has always been an interconnected relationship between the two fields of human social action with an interchanging predominance of each, driven very far sometimes, even as far as a complete absorption of one by the other. Islam, as a matter of fact, has become the most politically relevant religion in the last few years. At the first sight, it seems to have operated at the same time as a modern ideology, able to unite social movements against western domination, and as an archaic construction reducing its adherents to a state of underdevelopment and barbarie (as under the Taliban regime). -
Shia-Sunni Sectarianism: Iran’S Role in the Tribal Regions of Pakistan
SHIA-SUNNI SECTARIANISM: IRAN’S ROLE IN THE TRIBAL REGIONS OF PAKISTAN A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Shazia Kamal Farook, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. April 1, 2015 Copyright © Shazia Kamal Farook 2015 All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT SHIA-SUNNI SECTARIANISM: IRAN’S ROLE IN THE TRIBAL REGIONS OF PAKISTAN SHAZIA KAMAL FAROOK, B.A. MALS Mentor: Dr. John Esposito This thesis analyzes Shia-Sunni sectarianism in the northern tribal areas of Pakistan, and the role of Iran in exacerbating such violence in recent years. The northern tribal regions have been experiencing an unprecedented level of violence between Sunnis and Shias since the rise of the Tehreek-e-Taliban militant party in the area. Most research and analysis of sectarian violence has marked the rise as an exacerbation of theologically- driven hatred between Sunnis and Shias. Moreover, recent scholarship designates Pakistan as a self- deprecating “failed” state because of its mismanagement and bad governance with regard to the “war on terror.” However, the literature ignores the role of external factors, such as Iranian’s foreign policy towards Pakistan playing out in the tribal areas of Pakistan in the period since the Soviet-Afghan War. Some of the greatest threats to the Shia population in Pakistan arise from the Islamization policies of General Zia-ul-Haq in the 1980s. Policies in favor of Sunni Islam have since pervaded the nation and have created hostile zones all over the nation. -
A Rentier State Under Blockade: Qatar's Water-Energy-Food
water Article A Rentier State under Blockade: Qatar’s Water-Energy-Food Predicament from Energy Abundance and Food Insecurity to a Silent Water Crisis 1,2, 3, Hussam Hussein * and Laurent A. Lambert y 1 Department of Politics and International Relations (DPIR), University of Oxford, Manor Road, Oxford OX1 3UQ, UK 2 International Agricultural Policy and Environmental Governance, Faculty of Organic Agricultural Sciences, University of Kassel, 37213 Witzenhausen, Germany 3 Department of Public Policy, Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Al Tarfa Street, Zone 70, P.O. Box 200592, Doha, Qatar; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Both authors contributed equally to this manuscript. y Received: 29 February 2020; Accepted: 5 April 2020; Published: 8 April 2020 Abstract: This article investigates Qatar’s sustainability crisis of the high levels of water, electricity and food use. The high levels of consumption have been enabled by Qatar’s significant hydrocarbons wealth, a generous rentier state’s redistributive water governance, and structural dependence on imported food and food production subsidies. The water crisis is silent because it does not generate supply disruptions nor any public discontentment. The geopolitical blockade Qatar is experiencing sparked discussions in policy circles on the best ways to ensure food security, but has only exacerbated its water insecurity. The blockade makes more urgent than ever the necessity to maximize and increase synergies among different sectors. Keywords: desalination; water-energy-food; rentier state; redistributive water governance; Qatar; blockade 1. Introduction Qatar and the other monarchies of the Gulf region are paradoxes. They represent some of the most arid drylands in the world, yet they feature some of the highest levels of water and food consumption per capita in the world [1]. -
Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 27, Issue 1 2003 Article 2 Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment Dr. Khaled Abou El-Fadl∗ ∗ Copyright c 2003 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment Dr. Khaled Abou El-Fadl Abstract The author questions whether concurrent and simultaneous moral and normative commit- ments to Islam and to a democratic form of government are reconcilable or mutually exclusive. The author will argue in this Article that it is indeed possible to reconcile Islam with a commitment in favor of democracy. The author will then present a systematic exploration of Islamic theology and law as it relates to a democratic system of government, and in this context, address the various elements within Islamic belief and practice that promote, challenge, or hinder the emergence of an ideological commitment in favor of democracy. In many ways, the basic and fundamental ob- jective of this Article is to investigate whether the Islamic faith is consistent or reconcilable with a democratic faith. As addressed below, both Islam and democracy represent a set of comprehensive and normative moral commitments and beliefs about, among other things, the worth and entitle- ments of human beings. The challenging issue is to understand the ways in which the Islamic and democratic systems of convictions and moral commitments could undermine, negate, or validate and support each other. ISLAM AND THE CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRATIC COMMITMENT Dr. Khaled Abou El Fadl* The question I deal with here is whether concurrent and simultaneous moral and normative commitments to Islam and to a democratic form of government are reconcilable or mutually exclusive. -
What Would the Saudi Economy Have to Look Like to Be 'Post Rentier'?
What would the Saudi economy have to look like to be 'post rentier'? LSE Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/101386/ Version: Published Version Article: Hertog, Steffen (2019) What would the Saudi economy have ot look like to be 'post rentier'? POMEPS Studies. pp. 29-33. Reuse Items deposited in LSE Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the LSE Research Online record for the item. [email protected] https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/ POMEPS STUDIES 33 The Politics of Rentier States in the Gulf January 2019 Contents Introduction: The politics of rentier states in the Gulf ..............................................3 Rentierism: Institutions and Economics Labor markets and economic diversification in the Gulf rentiers ....................................8 Michael Herb, Georgia State University Exploring why institutional upgrading is not so easy in rentier states ................................13 Makio Yamada, Princeton University Subsidy reform and tax increases in the rentier Middle East ........................................18 Jim Krane, Rice University’s Baker Institute Saudi Arabia as a Model A landing strategy for Saudi Arabia ..............................................................25