By Hlengiwe Portia Dlamini a Thesis Submitted in Fulfilment of The
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENTS IN THE KINGDOM OF SWAZILAND 1960- 2005 By Hlengiwe Portia Dlamini A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Historical and Heritage Studies UNIVERSITY OF PRETORIA FACULTY OF HUMANITIES SUPERVISOR: Prof. A. S. Mlambo 2016 © University of Pretoria CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENTS IN THE KINGDOM OF SWAZILAND 1960- 2005 ABSTRACT This thesis sets out to study constitutional developments in Swaziland from 1960 to 2005. Such a study has not yet been subjected to scholarly enquiry by historians. This thesis therefore sets out to fill this yawning gap in the historiography of Swaziland. In doing this longitudinal study of Swaziland’s constitutional developments in the colonial and post-colonial periods, the author took into consideration the historical context, actors and processes involved. She relied heavily on primary sources including parliamentary and senatorial debates, official gazettes of the Swazi Government, Reports of the European Advisory Council and the Swazi National Council, newspapers, and oral interviews. Interviews with selected politicians and a host of legal experts were useful in illuminating cloudy constitutional issues. This thesis revealed that Swaziland’s constitutional developments under British tutelage was shaped by a concatenation of factors including the African political environment in the aftermath of World War II, Swaziland’s monarchical structures, its Black-White racial composition, and its geo-political location within the sphere of influence of South Africa. These factors underscored the uniqueness of Swaziland’s constitutional history. The modern political leaders including John June Nquku, Dr. Ambrose Zwane, Sishayi Nxumalo, Clifford Nkosi and Dr. George Msibi formed political parties to capture power in the Kingdom of Swaziland from the departing British colonial authorities. They subscribed to Kwame Nkrumah’s radical brand of nationalism which clamoured for immediate independence and ‘Africa for Africans’ meaning the Africanisation of all sectors and services. While recognising the importance of the monarchy in Swazi society, they felt the Swazi King, as a traditional ruler, was ill-fitted for the business of modern governance and should restrict himself to traditional matters. The White Swazis operating under the European Advisory Council with Carl Todd as their leader, supported the conservative monarchy at the expense of the radical nationalists whose ideology threatened their investments in Swaziland. The Swazi monarch and the White minority, therefore, constituted an alliance to check the rising tide of radical nationalism in Swaziland. The various stakeholders i © University of Pretoria could not come to a compromise from 1960 to 1963 over several constitutional issues, especially the future of the Swazi monarchy in a modern state and the issue of the exercise of popular suffrage on the basis of one-man-one vote; Britain therefore decided to impose a Constitution on Swaziland in 1963. The imposed Constitution failed to satisfy any of the stakeholders. The conservative traditional monarchists cried foul because King Sobhuza was provided a token ceremonial role in the constitution since Britain did not expect a traditional ruler to be engaged in modern politics. The White community under Todd rejected the constitution because equal European representation was not included in it and the traditional monarchy, which they preferred to the radical political parties, was marginalised. The radical political leaders rejected the constitution on grounds that it did not provide for one-man-one vote under universal adult suffrage and also because it introduced the ‘federation of races’ which favoured the White minority who were disproportionately overrepresented in the Legislature. Britain ignored the rejection of the imposed constitution and went ahead to announce elections for June 1964. The White United Swaziland Association (USA) party and the Imbokodvo (INM) formed a coalition to contest the elections and received logistical and financial support from apartheid South Africa, while opposition parties contested the elections in dispersed ranks. Not surprisingly, the USA-INM alliance won all the seats. The initiative for the revision of the 1963 imposed constitution, therefore, fell on the two political parties in the legislature, namely the INM and the USA. The exchanges between the two allies during the constitutional debates were heated and bitter over the issue of separate electoral roll for Whites. At the end of the debates, the majority INM had its way with the establishment of a single electoral roll for all. It submitted the 1967 constitutional proposals which the British endorsed. The 1967 constitution was the penultimate constitution enacted in Swaziland which, for the first time, granted the territory full internal self- government based on a bicameral Legislature and which recognised Sobhuza as Head of State and King of Swaziland. ii © University of Pretoria Swaziland became independent in September 1968 under the British-tailored Westminster Constitution but the Constitution had a short life span of just five years. Two principal reasons explain the collapse of the Independence Constitution. First, Swaziland was not spared of constitutional developments in other parts of the continent where a common tendency among Anglophone independent African states was to amend, revise or alter the British-tailored Westminster Constitution and introduce a single party rule. These developments appealed to the conservative instincts of the Swazi monarchy who was no lover of the Westminster liberal democratic constitution. Second domestic developments in Swaziland led to the collapse of 1968 constitution. A dispute between the government and B. T. Ngwenya of the opposition Ngwane National Libaratory Congress after the May 1972 multiparty elections ended in court with the victory of the opposition. Sobhuza responded to this judicial decision by staging an auto-coup d’état on 12 April 1973 followed by the declaration of a state of emergency. The Kingdom remained without a constitution for the next 32 years, an unprecedented constitutional void that is unrecorded in Africa’s recent history. King Sobhuza ruled by the proclamation of decrees and orders-in-council. After his demise in 1982 his son, King Mswati III, continued to rule by decree until a new constitution was promulgated for Swaziland in 2005. iii © University of Pretoria DEDICATION This work is dedicated to my parents, Prince Majawonke Dlamini and Inkhosikati Glory Ntombi Dlamini, whom I love so much. iv © University of Pretoria ACKNOWLEDGMENT May I start by thanking the Lord Almighty for the gift of strength, good health, perseverance and hope. To Him be given all the praises and glory. My supervisor, Professor A.S. Mlambo was just phenomenal. I was very privileged and fortunate to have worked under such a distinguished erudite who is selfless and committed to duty and returns chapters submitted at an incredible speed with incisive comments all over the pages. I can definitely not be the same after having been supervised by Professor Mlambo because I have learnt a lot. His recent publication, A History of Zimbabwe, also helped me to refocus the direction of my thesis and to gain further methodological insights. During the July 2015 Departmental seminar 2015, Professor Mlambo was present not only to introduce me to the audience but to support me. Am I not very fortunate and should I not praise God? Perhaps the best way to pay back Professor Mlambo is to also treat the students that shall be placed under my care with the same devotion and meticulousness and by publishing books and articles like my mentor. I do not think I am committing any crime by aiming too high. I am grateful to the Department of Historical and Heritage Studies for offering me the opportunity to read a chapter of my thesis on 22 July 2015. The questions from the floor were helpful in enabling me articulate certain issues in that chapter. I wish to also thank the Faculty of Humanities of the University of Pretoria for organising a Postgraduate Conference for students to attend and read papers. It was an important endeavour and enabled one to take a fresh look at what one was doing. This UP Postgraduate Conference tradition is worth emulating. To my colleagues and teachers of the University of Swaziland, I remain indebted to you all for giving me the opportunity to acquire teaching experience in the Department of History and also to interact with a wide array of scholars in the university. I wish to thank the Head of the History Department, Professor N.F. Awasom, for all the encouragement he gave me to pursue this thesis as a viable project despite objections from many that it was a topic for political scientists and lawyers and not historians. By making available to me some of his invaluable publications on constitutional history, I was encouraged to embark on this topic for my PhD thesis. v © University of Pretoria To my family members, I lack words to say thank you. My father, Prince Majawonke Dlamini, literally became my driver, taking me to Pretoria and to various places in Swaziland for interviews, most of which he arranged for me. My brother Mhlonishwa Dlamini who is newly wedded had to suspend his honeymoon to take me to places in Swaziland for interviews. My mother and aunty had to suspend their duties to accompany me to Pretoria for my presentation. It is not possible for me to have depended on my meagre and overstretched resources without the financial support of my father and mother, and my sister Lenhle. I wish to thank the University of Pretoria for its grant in 2015 which allowed me to pay off R14000.00 as part of my PhD fees. This financial contribution came in a time of real need. Despite all the assistance received in writing this thesis, particularly the one from my supervisor, I wish to indicate that all shortcomings in this thesis are entirely mine. vi © University of Pretoria TABLE OF CONTENTS Content Page ABSTRACT........................................................................................................................