The Interplay of Ethos and Legal Issues in Certain Private Orations of Demosthenes
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Demosthenes, Chaeronea, and the Rhetoric of Defeat
CHAPTER 6 Demosthenes, Chaeronea, and the Rhetoric of Defeat Max L. Goldman Introduction For years Demosthenes urged the Athenians to oppose the rising power of Macedon, which had come to prominence in the second half of the fourth century through the diplomatic and military efforts of its king, Philip II.1 Demosthenes finally convinced the Athenians and the Thebans to form an al- liance, which faced Philip at Chaeronea in the late summer of 338 BCE. Philip’s decisive victory in that battle had immediate consequences for the political landscape of the Greek world and modern historical narratives tend to treat Chaeronea as a turning point, as the moment when mainland Greece ceased to engage in independent foreign policy actions.2 Although this turned out to be the case, it was not immediately clear at Athens that the new order established by Philip after the battle was irrevocable. When Demosthenes was selected to deliver the funeral oration (logos epitaphios) for the Athenians who died at the battle of Chaeronea, he faced a particularly challenging task because the soldiers, whose deaths he needed to praise, had died fighting a losing battle, a battle he had vigorously advocated for. In his funeral oration, Demosthenes needed to discuss the defeat and his role in it in a way that created a sense of continuity with the past, that minimized the potential disruption such a defeat can inflict on a community, and that gave the Athenians a way to understand their defeat and his role in it. There can be no doubt that Demosthenes delivered the oration for the dead of Chaeronea. -
Introduction: Oratory and Law at Athens
Introduction: Oratory and Law at Athens One of the many intriguing (and unique) aspects of Athenian law is that our information about it comes very largely from speeches composed for delivery in court. These date to the period 420-320,1 and reflect in part the high value the Greeks in all periods placed on effective speaking. Even Achilles, whose fame rested primarily on his martial superiority, was brought up to be “a speaker of words and a doer of deeds” (Iliad 9.443). Great Athenian leaders like Themistocles and Pericles were accomplished public speakers; and epic poetry, tragedy, comedy, and history all made frequent use of set speeches. The formal pleadings of the envoys to Achilles in Iliad Book Nine, the messenger speeches in tragedy reporting events like the battle of Salamis in Aeschylus’ Persians, and Pericles’ funeral oration in Thucydides’ History are but a few indications of the Greeks’ never-ending fascination with the spoken word, and with formal public speaking in particular, which reached its height in the public oratory of the fifth and fourth centuries. I. Oratory2 Originally, oratory was not a specialized subject of study but was learned by practice and example. The formal study of rhetoric as an “art” (technē) began, we are told, in the middle of the fifth century in Sicily with Corax and his pupil Tisias.3 These two are scarcely more than names to us, but another Sicilian, Gorgias of Leontini (c. 490-390), developed a dazzling new style of speech and argument. Gorgias initiated the practice, which continued into the early fourth century, of composing speeches for mythical or imaginary occasions. -
Goneis in Athenian Law (And Perception)
GONEIS IN ATHENIAN LAW (AND PERCEPTION) David Whitehead Queen’s University Belfast [email protected] Abstract: This paper aims to establish what the laws of classical Athens meant when they used the term goneis. A longstanding and widespread orthodoxy holds that, despite the simple and largely unproblematic “dictionary” definition of the noun goneus/goneis as parent/parents, Athenian law extended it beyond an individual’s father and mother, so as to include – if they were still alive – protection and respect for his or her grandparents, and even great-grandparents. While this is not a notion of self-evident absurdity, I challenge it on two associated counts, one broad and one narrow. On a general, contextual level, genre-by genre survey and analysis of the evidence for what goneus means (and implies) in everyday life and usage shows, in respect of the word itself, an irresistible thrust in favour of the literal ‘parent’ sense. Why then think otherwise? Because of confusion, in modern minds, engendered by Plato and by Isaeus. In Plato’s case, his legislation for Magnesia contemplates (I argue) legal protection for grandparents but does not, by that mere fact, extend the denotation of goneis to them. And crucially for a proper understanding of the law(s) of Athens itself, two much-cited passages in the lawcourt speeches of Isaeus, 1.39 and 8.32, turn out to be the sole foundation for the modern misunderstanding about the legal scope of goneis. They should be recognised for what they are: passages where law is secondary and rhetorical persuasion paramount. -
The Liar Paradox As a Reductio Ad Absurdum Argument
University of Windsor Scholarship at UWindsor OSSA Conference Archive OSSA 3 May 15th, 9:00 AM - May 17th, 5:00 PM The Liar Paradox as a reductio ad absurdum argument Menashe Schwed Ashkelon Academic College Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/ossaarchive Part of the Philosophy Commons Schwed, Menashe, "The Liar Paradox as a reductio ad absurdum argument" (1999). OSSA Conference Archive. 48. https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/ossaarchive/OSSA3/papersandcommentaries/48 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Conferences and Conference Proceedings at Scholarship at UWindsor. It has been accepted for inclusion in OSSA Conference Archive by an authorized conference organizer of Scholarship at UWindsor. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Title: The Liar Paradox as a Reductio ad Absurdum Author: Menashe Schwed Response to this paper by: Lawrence Powers (c)2000 Menashe Schwed 1. Introduction The paper discusses two seemingly separated topics: the origin and function of the Liar Paradox in ancient Greek philosophy and the Reduction ad absurdum mode of argumentation. Its goal is to show how the two topics fit together and why they are closely connected. The accepted tradition is that Eubulides of Miletos was the first to formulate the Liar Paradox correctly and that the paradox was part of the philosophical discussion of the Megarian School. Which version of the paradox was formulated by Eubulides is unknown, but according to some hints given by Aristotle and an incorrect version given by Cicero1, the version was probably as follows: The paradox is created from the Liar sentence ‘I am lying’. -
Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V. -
Canevarojhs2018thepublicch
Edinburgh Research Explorer The public charge for hubris against slaves Citation for published version: Canevaro, M 2018, 'The public charge for hubris against slaves: The honour of the victim and the honour of the hubrists', Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. 138, pp. 100-126. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0075426918000071 Digital Object Identifier (DOI): 10.1017/S0075426918000071 Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Peer reviewed version Published In: Journal of Hellenic Studies General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 25. Sep. 2021 The public charge for hubris against slaves: the honour of the victim and the honour of the hubristês* Mirko Canevaro University of Edinburgh 1. Introduction Four sources from the fourth century BCE state that the Athenian law on the graphê hubreôs covered also acts of hubris committed towards (εἰς) slaves (Dem. 21.47-49; Aeschin. 1.17; Hyp. fr. 120; Lyc. frr. 10-11.2 = Athen. 6.266f–267a).1 There is only one passage, to my knowledge, which may be reasonably understood as referring to such a charge brought for hubris committed against (what may possibly be) a slave: Din. -
Thalheim's Isaeus Itaei Orationes Cum Deperditarum Fragmentis Post Carolum Scheibe Iterum Edidit Th
The Classical Review http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR Additional services for The Classical Review: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Thalheim's Isaeus Itaei orationes cum deperditarum fragmentis post Carolum Scheibe iterum edidit Th. Thalheim. Leipzig: Teubner. Mk. 2. 40. W. Wyse The Classical Review / Volume 18 / Issue 02 / March 1904, pp 115 - 120 DOI: 10.1017/S0009840X0020944X, Published online: 27 October 2009 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009840X0020944X How to cite this article: W. Wyse (1904). The Classical Review, 18, pp 115-120 doi:10.1017/S0009840X0020944X Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR, IP address: 130.132.123.28 on 13 Jul 2015 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW. 115 O.P.5 with the variant diuitum (-is O), and word ' emendare' which is used invariably is given as a variant in P.2'7: militum is the in the subscriptiones, is to be construed in reading of Rat.2 and a variant in P.10. 313 its most literal sense; and that view is, I furens: with Or. Boul. W. M. Rh. D.1 P.5 think, fully borne out by this MS. The (uel fremens) P,7: it is also given as a changes of the original text amount to variant in P.10 Lo.2 Z. 314 et: I noted this nothing more than insertions of omitted also from 0. Or. H. Trin. P.8 328 lines or words, and corrections of slips of retudit; so too O. and Or. (uel retundit). -
The Structural Integrity of Thucydides' History
Digital Commons @ Assumption University Political Science Department Faculty Works Political Science Department 2013 The Incomplete Whole: The Structural Integrity of Thucydides' History Bernard J. Dobski Assumption College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.assumption.edu/political-science-faculty Part of the Philosophy Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Dobski, Bernard J. "The Incomplete Whole: The Structural Integrity of Thucydides' History." Socrates and Dionysus: Philosophy and Art in Dialogue. Edited by Ann Ward. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013. Pages 14-32. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science Department at Digital Commons @ Assumption University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Department Faculty Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Assumption University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHAPTER TWO THE INCOMPLETE WHOLE: THE STRUCTURAL INTEGRITY OF THUCYDIDES’HISTORY BERNARD J. DOBSKI The History of Thucydides concludes in the middle of a sentence about the 21st year of a war that spanned 27 years. We can resist the temptation to conclude that Thucydides’ work is unfinished not only because our author informs us that he lived several years after the war ended (V.26, II.65.12, I.1)*, but because the structural outline of his work shows why its abrupt and apparently incomplete conclusion is necessary. Careful attention to the broader architecture of Thucydides’ work reveals a dialectical movement from the tensions within political justice as the Greeks understood it to a presentation of nature as a standard for morality and politics. -
A Unifying Field in Logics: Neutrosophic Logic
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository Faculty and Staff Publications Mathematics 2007 A UNIFYING FIELD IN LOGICS: NEUTROSOPHIC LOGIC. NEUTROSOPHY, NEUTROSOPHIC SET, NEUTROSOPHIC PROBABILITY AND STATISTICS - 6th ed. Florentin Smarandache University of New Mexico, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/math_fsp Part of the Algebra Commons, Logic and Foundations Commons, Other Applied Mathematics Commons, and the Set Theory Commons Recommended Citation Florentin Smarandache. A UNIFYING FIELD IN LOGICS: NEUTROSOPHIC LOGIC. NEUTROSOPHY, NEUTROSOPHIC SET, NEUTROSOPHIC PROBABILITY AND STATISTICS - 6th ed. USA: InfoLearnQuest, 2007 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Mathematics at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty and Staff Publications by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. FLORENTIN SMARANDACHE A UNIFYING FIELD IN LOGICS: NEUTROSOPHIC LOGIC. NEUTROSOPHY, NEUTROSOPHIC SET, NEUTROSOPHIC PROBABILITY AND STATISTICS (sixth edition) InfoLearnQuest 2007 FLORENTIN SMARANDACHE A UNIFYING FIELD IN LOGICS: NEUTROSOPHIC LOGIC. NEUTROSOPHY, NEUTROSOPHIC SET, NEUTROSOPHIC PROBABILITY AND STATISTICS (sixth edition) This book can be ordered in a paper bound reprint from: Books on Demand ProQuest Information & Learning (University of Microfilm International) 300 N. Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346, USA Tel.: 1-800-521-0600 (Customer Service) http://wwwlib.umi.com/bod/basic Copyright 2007 by InfoLearnQuest. Plenty of books can be downloaded from the following E-Library of Science: http://www.gallup.unm.edu/~smarandache/eBooks-otherformats.htm Peer Reviewers: Prof. M. Bencze, College of Brasov, Romania. -
The Megarians’: a City and Its Philosophical School*
Chapter 11 MATTHIAS HAAKE – Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster [email protected] für Norbert Ehrhardt zum 26. März 2018 Megara and ‘the Megarians’: a City and its Philosophical School* When Plato left Athens after the death of Socrates, he first went, along with other members of Socrates’ former entourage, to Megara. More or less nothing is known about his stay there, yet it is possible to ascertain the motives for his decision to leave his native city and relocate to a place where, in the words of the Cynic Diogenes, the inhabitants 1 “feast as if to die tomorrow, and build as if they were never to die at all” . Aside from the * I would like to thank Hans Beck for the opportunity to contribute to this volume. The origins of this article relate back to a paper on “Philosophy and the Mediterranean Wide Web. Connecting Elites and Connections in the Upper-Classes of the Graeco-Roman World”, delivered at McGill in April 2017. I am grateful to Hans Beck and his team for the invitation and the splendid time I had during my stay at McGill University. Thanks are also due to Tiziano Dorandi (Paris), Benjamin Gray (London), Peter Liddel (Manchester), Katharina Martin (Düsseldorf), and Matthew Simonton (Tempe, AZ) who offered advice and input. Anna-Sophie Aletsee (Münster) also discussed the topic with me. I am indebted to all for their generous help. Translations are generally from the Loeb Classical Library, with occasional adjustments. 1 SSR² II Diogenes Sinopeus (= V B) fr. 285 (p. 341) apud Tert. Apol. 39.14: Megarenses obsonant quasi crastina die morituri, aedificant uero quasi numquam morituri. -
Isocrates and the Rhetorical Creation of Europe: the Medium As
Isocrates & Europe - 1 Isocrates and the Rhetorical Creation of Europe: The Medium as Message I. Introduction: Overview The idea that Isocrates helped create the concept of transnationalism that fostered Europe both as an idea and as an eventual political union is common fare in rhetorical studies. De Romilly (1992) writes that “Isocrates was perhaps the first in antiquity to focus his political theories on the idea of Europe” (p. 2). Isocrates anticipated “the idea of Europe” (Hariman, 2004, p. 231) and used the words Europen and Europes 13 times in his essays. But, to date, critical exploration of Isocrates’ role in developing the idea of Europe has primarily dealt with the content of his works – with his eloquent and relentless focus on panhellenism and the related conflict between Europe and Asia. This paper, however, will focus on medium rather than message. It will focus on Isocrates’ pioneering use of a new medium – written documents/syggrammata – and the role that the new rhetorical medium played in forming Europe. The most famous passage in the Isocratean canon, the so-called Hymn to Logos (Jaeger, 1944/1971), which first appeared in Nicocles (5-9) and was repeated in Antidosis (253-257), holds that speech/logos is a civic and political unifier, by means of which “we have come together and founded cities and made laws and invented arts” (Nicocles 6). Yet before Isocrates, who was “the first individual who could be termed a ‘writer’ in the modern sense of the term” (Lentz, 1989), logos and its community-building powers Isocrates & Europe - 2 traveled primarily orally: Cities, alliances, arts, and laws were built through face-to-face communication. -
"Bringing-Before-The-Eyes": Visuality and Audience in Greek Rhetoric By
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ASU Digital Repository "Bringing-before-the-eyes": Visuality and Audience in Greek Rhetoric by Brent D. Chappelow A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy Approved April 2016 by the Graduate Supervisory Committee: Shirley K Rose, Co-Chair Kathleen S. Lamp, Co-Chair Maureen Daly Goggin ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY May 2016 ABSTRACT "Bringing-before-the-eyes": Visuality and Audience in Greek Rhetoric examines how Greek rhetorical theories are understood through the lens of visuality and the ways in which orators accounted for audience knowledges and expectations in the creation of rhetorical texts and performances. Through a close reading of Greek rhetorical texts from the classical period, I develop three heuristics for analyzing the ways in which rhetoricians invite and encourage visualized images through rhetorical practice. By exploring (1) language cues that orators use to signal visualization, (2) the ways in which shared cultural memories and ideas allow orators to call upon standardized images, and (3) the influence of stylistic choices and audience emotions related to the vividness of rhetorical images, I argue that it is possible to analyze the ways in which classical Greek orators understood and employed visual elements in their rhetorical performances. I then conduct an analysis of the visual aspects of Demosthenes' On the Embassy using these heuristics to demonstrate the ways in which these three aspects of visuality are intertwined and contribute to a greater understanding of the relationship between the verbal and the visual in rhetorical theory.