Address by Michael Schwab.” in the Accused, the Accusers: the Famous Speeches of the Eight Chicago Anarchists in Court

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Address by Michael Schwab.” in the Accused, the Accusers: the Famous Speeches of the Eight Chicago Anarchists in Court ADDRESS OF MICHEL SCHWAB “Address by Michael Schwab.” In The Accused, The Accusers: the famous speeches of the eight Chicago anarchists in court. Chicago: Socialistic Publishing Society, c1886; The Chicago Historical Society: Haymarket Affair Digital Collection. http://www.chicagohistory.org/hadc/books/b01/B01S002.htm It is not much I have to say. And I would say nothing at all if keeping silent did not look like a cowardly approval of what has been done here. To term the proceedings during the trial justice, would be a sneer. Justice has not been done, more than this, could not be done. If one class is arrayed against the other, it is idle and hypocritical to think about justice. Anarchy was on trial, as the State's Attorney put it in his closing speech. A doctrine, an opinion hostile to brute force, hostile to our present murderous system of production and distribution. I am condemned to die for writing newspaper articles and making speeches. The State's Attorney knows as well as I do that that alleged conversation between Mr. Spies and myself never took place. He knows a good deal more than that. He knows of all the beautiful work of his organizer Furthman. When I was before the Coroner's jury, two or three detectives swore very positive of having seen me at the Haymarket when Mr. Parsons finished his speech. I suppose they wanted at that time TO FIX THE BOMB-THROWING ON ME. For the first dispatches to Europe said that M. Schwab had thrown several bombs at the police. Later on they sent detectives to Lake View and found that would not do. And then Schnaubelt was the man. Anarchy was on trial. Little did it matter who the persons were to be honored by the prosecution. It was the movement the blow was aimed at. It was directed against the labor movement, against Socialism, for today every labor movement must, of necessity, be socialistic. Talk about a gigantic conspiracy! A movement is not a conspiracy. All we did WAS DONE IN OPEN DAYLIGHT. There were no secrets. We prophesied in word and writing the coming of a great revolution, a change in the system of production in all industrial countries of the globe. And the change will come, and must come. Is it not absurd, as the State's Attorney and his associates have done, to suppose that this social revolution-a change of such immense proportions-was to be inaugurated on or about the first of May in the city of Chicago by making war on the police! The organizer Furthman searched hundreds of numbers of the Arbeiter-Zeitung and the Alarm, and so the prosecution must have known very well what we understood when we talked about the coming revolution. But the prosecuting attorneys preferred to ignore these explanatory articles. The articles in evidence were carefully selected and paraded as samples of violent language, but the language used in them was just the same as newspapers used in general against us and their anemies. Even against the police and their practices they used words OF THE SAME KIND AS WE DID. The president of the Citizens' Association, Edwin Lee Brown, after the last election of Mayor Harrison, made a speech in North Side Turner Hall in which he called on all good citizens to take possession of the courthouse by force, even if they had to wade in blood. It seems to me that the most violent speakers are not to be found in the ranks of the Anarchists. It is not violence in word or action the attorneys of the State and their urgers-on are waging war against; it is our doctrine-Anarchy. We contend for communism and Anarchy-why? If we had kept silent, stones would have cried out. Murder was committed day by day. Children were slain, women worked to death, men killed inch by inch, and these crimes are never punished by law. The great principle underlying the present system is UNPAID LABOR. Those who amass fortunes, build palaces, and live in luxury, are doing that by virtue of unpaid labor. Being directly or indirectly the possessors of land and machinery, they dictate their terms to the workingman. He is compelled to sell his labor cheap, or to starve. The price paid him is always far below the real value. He acts under compulsion, and they call it a free contract. This infernal state of affairs keeps him poor and ignorant; an easy prey for exploitation. I know what life has in store for the masses. I was one of them. I slept in their garrets, and lived in their cellars. I saw them work and die. I worked with girls in the same factory-prostitutes they were, because they could not earn enough wages for their living. I saw females sick from overwork, sick in body and mind on account of the lives they were forced to lead. I saw girls from ten to fourteen years of age working for a mere pittance. I heard HOW THEIR MORALS WERE KILLED by the foul and vile language and the bad example of their ignorant fellow-workers, leading them on to the same road of misery, and as an individual I could do nothing. I saw families starving and able-bodied men worked to death. That was in Europe. When I came to the United States, I found that there were classes of workingmen who were better paid than the European workmen, but I perceived that the state of things in a great number of industries was even worse, and that the so-called better paid skilled laborers were degrading rapidly into mere automatic parts of machinery. I found that the proletariat of the great industrial cities was in a condition that could not be worse. Thousands of laborers in the city of Chicago live in rooms without sufficient protection from the weather, without proper ventilation, where never a stream of sunlight flows in. There are hovels where two, three and four families live in one room. How these conditions influence the health and the morals of these unfortunate sufferers, it is needless to say. And how do they live? From the ash-barrels THEY GATHER HALF-ROTTEN VEGETABLES, in the butcher shops they buy for some cents offal of meat, and these precious morsels they carry home to prepare from them their meals. The delapidated houses in which this class of laborers live need repairs very badly, but the greedy landlord waits in most cases till he is compelled by the city to have them done. Is it a wonder that diseases of all kind kill men, women and children in such places by wholesale, especially children? Is this not horrible in a so-called civilized land where there is plenty of food and riches? Some years ago a committee of the Citizen's Association, or League, made an investigation of these matters, and I was one of the reporters that went with them. What these common laborers are today, THE SKILLED LABORERS WILL BE TOMORROW. Improved machinery that ought to be a blessing for the workingman under the existing conditions turns for him to a curse. Machinery multiplies the army of unskilled laborers, makes the laborer more dependent upon the men who own the land and the machines. And that is the reason that Socialism and Communism got a foothold in this country. The outcry that Socialism, Communism and Anarchism are the creed of foreigners, is a big mistake. There are more Socialists of American birth in this country than foreigners, and that is much, if we consider that nearly half of all industrial workingmen are not native Americans. There are Socialistic papers in a great many States edited by Americans for Americans. The capitalistic newspapers conceal that fact very carefully. Socialism, as we understand it, means that land and machinery shall be held in common by the people. The production of goods shall be carried on by producing groups which shall supply the demands of the people. Under such a system every human being would have an opportunity to do useful work, and no doubt would work. Some hours' work every day would suffice to produce all that, according to statistics, is necessary for a comfortable living. Time would be left TO CULTIVATE THE MIND, and to further science and art. That is what the Socialists propose. Some say it is un-American! Well, then, is it American to let people starve and die in ignorance? Is exploitation and robbery of the poor, American? What have the great political parties done for the poor? Promised much; done nothing, except corrupting them by buying their votes on election day. A poverty-stricken man has no interest in the welfare of the community. It is only natural that in a society where women are driven to sell their honor, men should sell their votes. But we "were not only Socialists and Communists; we were Anarchists." What is Anarchy? Is it not strange that when Anarchy was tried nobody ever told what Anarchy was. Even when I was on the witness stand, and asked the State's Attorney for a definition of Anarchy, he declined to give it. But in their speeches he and his associates spoke very frequently about Anarchy, and it appeared that they understood it to be something horrible -arson, rapine, murder. In so speaking, Mr. Grinnell and his associates did not speak the truth. They searched the Alarm and the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and hunted up articles written years before the month of May, 1886.
Recommended publications
  • Haymarket Riot (Chicago: Alexander J
    NATIONAL HISTORIC LANDMARK NOMINATION NFS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 HAYMARKET MARTYRS1 MONUMENT Page 1 United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service______________________________________________National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 1. NAME OF PROPERTY Historic Name: Haymarket Martyrs' Monument Other Name/Site Number: 2. LOCATION Street & Number: 863 South Des Plaines Avenue Not for publication: City/Town: Forest Park Vicinity: State: IL County: Cook Code: 031 Zip Code: 60130 3. CLASSIFICATION Ownership of Property Category of Property Private: X Building(s): Public-Local: _ District: Public-State: _ Site: Public-Federal: Structure: Object: Number of Resources within Property Contributing Noncontributing ___ buildings ___ sites ___ structures 1 ___ objects 1 Total Number of Contributing Resources Previously Listed in the National Register:_Q_ Name of Related Multiple Property Listing: Designated a NATIONAL HISTrjPT LANDMARK on by the Secreury 01 j^ tai-M NPS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 HAYMARKET MARTYRS' MONUMENT Page 2 United States Department of the Interior, National_P_ark Service___________________________________National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 4. STATE/FEDERAL AGENCY CERTIFICATION As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, as amended, I hereby certify that this __ nomination __ request for determination of eligibility meets the documentation standards for registering properties in the National Register of Historic Places and meets the procedural and professional requirements set forth in 36 CFR Part 60. In my opinion, the property __ meets __ does not meet the National Register Criteria.
    [Show full text]
  • Useful and Beautiful: Published by the William Morris Society in the United States Winter 2018 • 2
    Useful and Beautiful: Published by the William Morris Society in the United States Winter 2018 • 2 “In the First Rank,” an acrylic painting by Carolyn Marsland, commissioned by Lord Tom Sawyer. A depiction of the 1889 Dockers March with Eleanor Marx, William Morris, and Keir Hardie et al. TABLE OF CONTENTS LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT Cover: “In the First Rank,” an acrylic painting This year the William Morris Society held its annual by Carolyn Marsland, commissioned by Lord meeting at the Modern Language Association Convention in Tom Sawyer. A depiction of the 1889 Dockers Chicago, Illinois from January 3-6. Our session, organized and March with Eleanor Marx, William Morris, and Keir Hardie et al. presided over by board member Kelly Ann Fitzpatrick, was enti- tled “William Morris: Reflections on Art and Labor” and included Letter from the President ......................................2 these three papers: “The Handcrafted Work of Art in the Age of An Afternoon with Lord Tom Sawyer Mechanical Reproduction: Walter Benjamin and the Revolution- by Jane Carlin .................................................3 ary Potential of William Morris’s Decorated Books,” by Brandi- Morris & Co. and the Last Romanovs: An Inter- ann Molby of Loyola University, Chicago; “Aestheticism and the view with Nicholas Onegin of the State Her- mitage Museum by Anna Matyukhina ...........5 Birth of the Consultant: Wilde versus Morris on Art, Work and the Self,” by Patrick Fessenbecker of Bilkent University; and “Wil- William Morris Meets Lucy Parsons by Stephen Keeble ...........................................8 liam Morris and The Dawn: Ideas for ‘The Society of the Future’,” by Rebekah Greene of the Georgia Institute of Technology.
    [Show full text]
  • Haymarket: Whose Name the Few Still Say with Tears
    HAYMARKET: WHOSE NAME THE FEW STILL SAY WITH TEARS A DRAMATIZATION IN ELEVEN SCENES MICHAEL E. TIGARt BACKGROUND lawyer who defends the movement for social change. His attitudes toward his own work The dialogue in this play is taken from are made up of his hopes, a fighting faith the trial record of the Haymarket trial,' that keeps him going, and a more tempered writings of Darrow' and Altgeld,3 poems view based on his experiences. Lucy of Vachel Lindsay,4 speeches of the Parsons' writings show her to have formed defendants,' and an article by Judge Gary.6 the views that she expresses in the play quite I created other dialogue based upon the early. Indeed, there is evidence that she biographies and autobiographies of the greatly contributed to forming her husband's participants.' In some instances, I political and social outlook. combined several characters into one and Albert Parsons was a complex rearranged the order of events. However, character. He saw Civil War service for the the key speeches of each participant are Confederacy. After the war, he met and their actual words. married Lucy, a woman of color. They The bombing, trial, executions, and were driven out of Waco, Texas and settled pardon of the survivors were such a in Chicago in late 1873, where both became complex series of events that a simple leaders in the movement that led to the chronological retelling would lack dramatic Haymarket events. intensity. Therefore, I chose to tell this May 1, 1886 was an important day in story through a series of flashbacks, American labor history.
    [Show full text]
  • Colouring-Book-Vol-2-Final-GHC.Pdf
    Colouring outside the Lines Colouring is cool again! These days, many stores carry a vast array of colouring and activity books on a variety of topics, from popular TV shows to cute cats and exotic plants. There is even an adult colouring book “For Dummies,” promising to guide people through the basics of colouring in case they need a refresher. Most of these books market colouring as a fun, creative, and mindless distraction, and there is something soothing about getting lost in adding colour to an intricate illustration. Colouring can help us relax and reduce stress and can also serve as a form of meditation. Moreover, colouring taps into our nostalgia for childhood, a time when life was simpler and we had less responsibility. In short, most adult colouring books sell us on the fact that life is busy and difficult, but colouring is simple and fun! The Little Red Colouring Book has a different objective. Our art aims to fan the flames of discontent rather than snuff them out. Taking inspiration from the Industrial Workers of the World’s Little Red Song Book, The Little Red Colouring Book offers a mindful activity to inspire people to learn more about historical labour activists and revolutionaries that fought for the rights and freedoms many of us take for granted today. Volume 2 focuses on the Haymarket Martyrs. Many people are not aware that May Day, International Workers’ Day, or May 1, commemorates the 1886 Haymarket affair. The event involved eight anarchists in Chicago who were wrongly convicted of throwing a bomb at police during a labour demonstration in support of workers striking for the eight-hour day.
    [Show full text]
  • PRICE, 15 CEN'l
    :m for $1 .OO. PRICE, 15 CEN’l---k 100 Copies for $6 ’ CONTENTS. dTISPIECE, facing . > . 3 rational Executive Board Social Democratic Party. A BRIEF HISTORY OF SocraLrs~\r IN A~IERIC~ . 3 Illustrated. THE FIRSTAXERICAS AC~ITATOR. 77 Illustrated. ATRIP TOGIR.IRD . _ . 87 Illustrated. K.~RLM~RXOXGC~&ORGE. 94 MXHIXE vs.Har~T,~~on . 97 NOTABLEL.~BORCOSFIICTS OP 1899 _ . 99 GRONLUKD-GR~~T~~T.LF,N . .lOl Illustrated. THE“GOLDEXIZI,LB X.\WR" 9 . 103 SOCI~UST CONTROVERSIRS, 1899 . .104 PROF.HERRON'SC.~SE . .105 No MUSTER (Poem) . , . 106 BIOGRAPHICAL . 107 Victor L. Berger, James F. Carey, John C. Chase, Sumner F. Claflin, Jesse Cox, Ellgene V. Debs, A. S. Edwards, W. E. Far- mer, F. G. R. Gordon, Margaret Haile, Frederic Heath, \Villiam Mailly, Chas. R. Martin, Frederic 0. McCartney, TV. P. Porter, A. E. Sanderson, Louis 11. States, Seymour St,edman, Howard Tuttle, J. A. Wayland. CHRONOLOGICAL (1899) . : . 118 ELECTIOP;STATISTICR . I . .121 SOCIALDEYOCRATIC P.\RT~ . 12’7 Organization and Press. DIRECTORY OF SOCIALDEJIOCR.~TS . 127 PLATFORYS . 130 PORTRAITS of Eugene V. Debs, Jesse Cox, Victor L. Berger, Sey- mour Stedman, Frederic Heath, Etienne Cabet, Robert Owen, Wilhelm Weitling, John Ruskin, William Morris, A. S. Edwards, F. G. R. Gordon, Eugene Dietzgen, James F. Carey, John C. Chase, Frederic 0. McCartney, W. P. Porter, W. E. Farmer, Margaret Haile, Albert Brisbane, Laurence Gronlund, Grant, Alien. ProgressiveThoughtLibrary SOCIAL and ECONOMIC. Liberty . Debs . $0 05 Merrie England . _ . Bldchford . 10 Nunicipnl Socialism . Gordon . 05 Prison Labor . Debs . 05 Socialism and Slavery . Hyndman . 05 Crovernment Ownership of Railways .
    [Show full text]
  • Civil Disobedience in Chicago: Revisiting the Haymarket Riot Samantha Wilson College of Dupage
    ESSAI Volume 14 Article 40 Spring 2016 Civil Disobedience in Chicago: Revisiting the Haymarket Riot Samantha Wilson College of DuPage Follow this and additional works at: http://dc.cod.edu/essai Recommended Citation Wilson, Samantha (2016) "Civil Disobedience in Chicago: Revisiting the Haymarket Riot," ESSAI: Vol. 14 , Article 40. Available at: http://dc.cod.edu/essai/vol14/iss1/40 This Selection is brought to you for free and open access by the College Publications at DigitalCommons@COD. It has been accepted for inclusion in ESSAI by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@COD. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Wilson: Civil Disobedience in Chicago Civil Disobedience in Chicago: Revisiting the Haymarket Riot by Samantha Wilson (English 1102) he city of Chicago, Illinois, is no stranger to political uprisings, riots, protests, and violence. However, there has never been a movement that the police and Chicago elite desired to squash Tquickly quite like the anarchist uprising during the 1880s. In the period of time after the Chicago Fire, the population of the city tripled, exceeding one million people (Smith 101). While business was booming for men like George Pullman, the railcar tycoon, and Louis Sullivan, the architect, the Fire left over 100,000 people homeless, mostly German and Scandinavian immigrant laborers who were also subjected to low wages and poor working conditions. In winter of 1872, the Bread Riot began due to thousands marching on the Chicago Relief and Aid Society for access to money donated by people of the United States and other countries after the Fire. Instead of being acknowledged, police filed them into a tunnel under the Chicago River and beat them with clubs (Adelman 4-5).
    [Show full text]
  • Labor's Martyrs: Haymarket 1887, Sacco and Vanzetti 1927
    University of Central Florida STARS PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements 1-1-1937 Labor's martyrs: Haymarket 1887, Sacco and Vanzetti 1927 Vito Marcantonio Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Book is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Marcantonio, Vito, "Labor's martyrs: Haymarket 1887, Sacco and Vanzetti 1927" (1937). PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements. 8. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism/8 PUBLISHED BY WORKERS LIBRARY PUBLISHERS, INC. P. O. BOX 148, STATION D, NEW YORK OCTOBF.R, ) 937 PaINTm IN U.S.A. INTRODUCTION BY WILLIAM Z. FOSTER N November 11, 1937, it is just fifty years since Albert R. O Parsons, August Spies, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and Louis Lingg, leaders of the great eight-hour day national strike of 1886, were executed in Chicago on the framed-up charge of having organized the Haymarket bomb explosion that caused the death of a number of policemen. These early martyrs to labor's cause were legally lynched because of their loyal and intelligent strug­ gle for and with the working class. Their murder was encom­ passed by the same capitalist forces which, in our day, we have seen sacrifice Tom Mooney, Sacco and Vanzetti, the Scottsboro boys, McNamara, and a host of other champions of the oppressed. Parsons and his comrades were revolutionary trade unionists, they were Anarcho-Syndicalists rather than Anarchists.
    [Show full text]
  • Haymarket Widows
    Haymarket Widows Carolyn Ashbaugh 1986 The Haymarket trial and its aftermath brought tragedy and grief into the lives of womenwhose husbands, brothers, sons and comrades were imprisoned and executed. These family members and friends of the men who stood trial for a murder which none of them committed suffered immeasurable loss. Although the personal tribulations of many of these women have not been recorded, it is clear that they all suffered the emotional loss of a partner, close relative or friend, as well as the financial loss of that person’s income. The workers’ movement helped support the widows and children of the Haymarket martyrs through the Pioneer Aid and Support Association, founded on December 15, 1887. The widows received $8 a week plus $2 each for the first two children and $1 for a third. Anarchists and sympathizers from all over the world contributed to this fund; a single rally in Havana, Cuba, raised nearly $1000 for the purpose. The Association also collected funds to erect the Haymarket Martyrs Monument at Waldheirn (Forest Home) Cemetery. But for the martyrs’ female family members-Lucy Parsons, Nina van Zandt Spies, Christine Spies, Gretchen Spies, Maria Schwab, Johanna Fischer, Elise Friedel, Mrs. Engel, Mary Engel and Mrs. Fielden-life would never be the same. Meta Neebe, wife of defendant Oscar Neebe, died during the ordeal. At her death in March 1887 she was only in her mid-thirties, and many-including her doctor-attributed her death to the stress and anxiety caused by her husband’s incarceration and trial. The Chicago Tribune for March 13, 1887 reported that her funeral “called out more sympathy and excited more interest than any event that has occurred in the neighborhood since it was reclaimed from the prairie,” and added that it was, indeed, “in some respects, the most notable funeral demonstration Chicago has ever seen.” Mrs.
    [Show full text]
  • Haymarket Chronology
    Haymarket Chronology June 2010 for the Regina Polk Conference General strike for 8-hour work day In the winter and spring of 1886, the enthusiasm for the 8-hour work day had infected the skilled and unskilled laborers in Chicago. The national strike was to begin on May 1. The strike was held on the anniversary of when the nation’s first 8-hour work day law became effective upon then Illinois Governor Richard J. Oglesby’s signature on May 2nd, 1867. But the governor did not have the strength to stand up to business, so the law was never enforced. Chronology May 1, 1886 -- Coordinated strikes and demonstrations are held nationwide, to demand an eight-hour workday for indus- trial workers. May 3, 1886 -- McCormick Reaper Works factory strike; un- armed strikers, police clash; several strikers are killed. (plant on right) August Spies, a leader of the anarchists was so disgusted with the shooting of the strikers that he called a mass meet- ing for the next day. Evening of May 4, 1886 -- A meeting of workingmen is held near Haymarket Square; police arrive to disperse the peaceful assembly; a bomb is thrown into the ranks of the police; the police open fire; workingmen evi- dently return fire; police and an unknown number of workingmen killed; the bomb thrower is unidentified. May 5- 6, 1886 -- Widespread public outrage and shock in Chicago and nationwide; police arrest anarchist and labor activists, including seven of the eight eventual defendants (Al- bert Parsons fled the city only to surrender himself on June 21.[on right).
    [Show full text]
  • Download Illustrated PDF of This Pamphlet
    MAY DAY Made in the USA Exported to the World “This is the first and only International Labor Day. It belongs to the working class and is dedicated to the Revolution.” —Eugene Debs, 1907 A Speak Out Now pamphlet May Day – Made in the USA, Exported to the World May Day (International Workers Day) is one of the most important working-class holidays. It originated in the United States in the 1880s with the struggle for the eight-hour day. The expansion of capitalism in 19th century America brought new layers of the working class into existence. Many were imbued with a strong class hatred for their oppressors. The workers’ movement spread from large urban centers to small towns, building new organizations and engaging in militant struggles. The major labor organization at the time was the Knights of Labor. It was born as a secret society in 1869 and by May 1886 it had a membership of over one million. The Knights combined the idea of the need for a class approach to organizing with a moral exhortation for good works and education. Their view was an “injury to one is the concern of all.” They also believed that wage slavery needed to be done away with and replaced by cooperatives of some kind. This made them quite different from the American Federation of Labor (founded in 1884 as the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions). The new AFL was based on the skilled labor of white, American-born males and was quite narrow in both its approach and its tactics of winning a better life.
    [Show full text]
  • A Brief History of May
    A Brief History of the Haymarket Massacre and the Origins of May Day as International Workers’ Day Originally a pagan holiday welcoming summer, the roots of the modern May Day holiday are in the fight for the eight-hour working day in Chicago in 1886 and the subsequent execution of innocent anarchist workers. On May 1, 1886, hundreds of thousands workers in 13,000 businesses across the United States walked off their jobs to demand an 8-hour workday in the first May Day celebration in history. In Chicago, 40,000 went out on strike. The numbers soon swelled to over 300,000. Parades, bands and tens of thousands of demonstrators in the streets exemplified the workers' strength and unity. On May 3, however, violence broke out between police and strikers and at least two strikers were killed and an unknown number were wounded. In response, a public meeting was called by some of the anarchists for the following day in Haymarket Square to discuss the police brutality. As the rally wound down, the police began to disperse the already thinning crowd, when a bomb was thrown into their ranks. Enraged, the police fired into the crowd killing seven or eight civilians and wounding up to forty. Eight anarchists and well-known labor organizers - Albert Parsons, August Spies, Samuel Fielden, Oscar Neebe, Michael Schwab, George Engel, Adolph Fischer and Louis Lingg - were arrested and convicted of murder. The entire world watched as they were convicted, not for their actions, of which all of were innocent, but for their political and social beliefs.
    [Show full text]
  • Act I the Evolution of Radical Thought and Action During the 1870S and 1880S Was an International Development, and Chicago Was One of Its Capitals
    Act I The evolution of radical thought and action during the 1870s and 1880s was an international development, and Chicago was one of its capitals. The small but vocal group of leaders of this movement convened on several occasions in Europe and America through the early 1880s. August Spies and Albert Parsons were, of course, major figures in the Chicago Social Revolutionary Congress, which drew twenty-one delegates from fourteen American cities in October 1881. Spies served as secretary, a responsibility he assumed again at the much larger and more important congress two years later in Pittsburgh. He and Parsons helped produce the "Pittsburgh Manifesto," the statement of principles that they hoped would help galvanize their cause. The first of its six resolutions called for the "Destruction of the existing class rule, by all means, i.e., by energetic, relentless, revolutionary and international action." Three years later the prosecution offered this document in the Haymarket trial as People's Exhibit 19. Radicalism in Chicago The transcripts of the Haymarket trial jury selection and testimony reveal that many middle-class and native-born Chicagoans took pride in the fact that they could not define different schools of leftist thought, except to say that these groups were all opposed to "American" beliefs. But radicals of different stripes—socialists, communists, and anarchists—debated with each other at length about broad and fine points of doctrine. They agreed on the principle that capitalism and the wage system exploited the worker, and that the ownership of the means of production had to be taken out of private hands and returned to "the people." Anarchists like Spies and Parsons rejected the idea that even a socialist or communist government should be given economic and political control of society, since any kind of hierarchical authority was inherently oppressive.
    [Show full text]