HAYEK Social Theorist of the Century

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

HAYEK Social Theorist of the Century Economic Insights FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS VOLUME 4, NUMBER 1 HAYEK Social Theorist of the Century Americans love to cre- This last year of the 20th century is also the 100th law and the second in politi- ate lists of important people, anniversary of the birth of Austrian economist Friedrich von cal economy. While at the events and things. As the title university, he had many bril- of this article suggests, F. A. Hayek. He and American Milton Friedman stand as perhaps liant teachers of political Hayek not only belongs on the most influential free market economists of the century. economy, most notably Lud- a list of the century’s great Hayek’s The Road to Serfdom and other works helped turn the vig von Mises. Mises held an social theorists but deserves honorary professorial post world away from socialist and communist ideology. to be at its apex. Although but, more important, hosted Hayek is not a household The Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas is proud to make the fortnightly Privatseminar, name, no other 20th century available this essay about Hayek and his legacy. An excellent, where gifted, rising students social thinker has better in economics, sociology and understood how free soci- fuller treatment can be found in a commemorative album philosophy presented their eties work, and none has compiled by John Raybould and published by the Adam Smith papers and where new ideas been so vindicated by un- Institute in London. and theories were enthusias- folding events in so many tically discussed. For Hayek, intellectual areas. As 1999 is — Bob McTeer it was the beginning of a life- the centenary of Hayek’s President long friendship with Mises, Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas birth, it’s an especially oppor- the most prominent living tune time to examine his member of the Austrian ideas and their real-world governments that operate He considered his an idyllic school of economics.2 Within impact during this century, under the rule of law. Tens childhood.1 The Hayek men three years, Hayek’s socialis- much of which Hayek—who of millions of people have had typically been civil ser- tic leanings had been redi- died in 1992—lived to see. died in this century’s wars, vants, but Hayek and his two rected by Mises’ persuasive The 20th century has perished under oppressive brothers became university arguments, which were con- seen a single, unifying intel- regimes or were put to death professors, and his cousin, sistently rooted in the classi- lectual struggle play out simply because they were in Ludwig Wittgenstein, became cal liberal tradition. across its decades, affecting the political opposition. Even a world-famous philosopher. Because the war’s after- all the earth’s peoples. That those who survived have During the Great War math brought depression to struggle has been between often suffered harsh eco- that transformed Europe many countries and hyperin- those who wished the state nomic and political depriva- both geographically and ide- flation to Germany (which to impose a centrally planned tion. This is the most visible ologically, Hayek served as dramatically affected Austria), order on society and those manifestation of the ideolog- an artillery officer in the Hayek and Mises cofounded who understood that the ical struggle in which Hayek Austrian army. He became, an institute to study business best order—and the only was a central participant. in his own words, a “mild cycles. Hayek’s 1929 work one consistent with democ- socialist,” who hoped that at Geldtheorie und Konjunk- racy and individual free- The Early Years and war’s end there would be a turtheorie (later published in dom—is a spontaneous one the Great Depression societal reorganization and English as Monetary Theory that does not need imposi- The Austro-Hungarian world peace. In 1918 Hayek and the Trade Cycle) drew tion. Such an order flourishes empire was at its zenith entered the University of the attention of economists only under democratically, when Hayek was growing up Vienna, where he earned two in other nations, and in 1930 or constitutionally, restrained in pre–World War I Vienna. doctorates, one at age 21 in he was invited to London to of the Atlantic, The Road to ist, antiplanning arguments. The Foundation of Our Civilization Serfdom. This book, com- He retreated to academia pleted in 1944, sold so well and in 1948 published Indi- Our civilization depends, not only for its origin but also for its preservation, on what can be precisely described only as the that the University of Chi- vidualism and Economic extended order of human cooperation, an order more commonly, if cago Press had to reprint it Order, a book of essays that somewhat misleadingly, known as capitalism. To understand our civ- three times in the first three dissented from the postwar ilization, one must appreciate that the extended order resulted not from human design or intention but spontaneously: it arose from weeks after its release. The embrace of ever-widening unintentionally conforming to certain traditional and largely moral Book-of-the-Month Club dis- government intervention. practices, many of which men tend to dislike, whose significance tributed 600,000 copies of Believing the classical they usually fail to understand, whose validity they cannot prove, and which have nonetheless fairly rapidly spread by means of an evolu- the condensed version, which liberal order was under theo- tionary selection—the comparative increase in population and had been serialized in Read- retical and political assault in wealth—of those groups that happened to follow them. The unwit- er’s Digest.5 Ultimately, this 1947, Hayek founded an ting, reluctant, even painful adoption of these practices kept these groups together, increased their access to valuable information of all work would become a multi- organization whose purpose sorts, and enabled them to be “fruitful, and multiply, and replenish million worldwide best-seller. was “to work out the princi- the earth, and subdue it” (Genesis 1:28).This process is perhaps the Hayek was better known ples which would secure the least appreciated facet of human evolution. …The main point of my argument is, then, that the conflict to the general public than preservation of a free soci- between, on one hand, advocates of the spontaneous extended even Keynes, whose policy ety” and to promote such a human order created by a competitive market, and on the other ideas and macroeconomic society internationally. The hand by those who demand a deliberate arrangement of human interaction by central authority based on central command over theories dominated the post- new group was named after available resources is due to a factual error by the latter about how war world. But Hayek’s the site of its initial meeting, knowledge is and can be generated and utilised. As a question of career seemed at its peak, for Mont Pelerin on Lake Geneva, fact, this conflict must be settled by scientific study. Such study after his penetrating dissec- Switzerland. The first meet- shows that, by following the spontaneously generated moral tradi- tions underlying the competitive market order (traditions which do tion of socialism, the general ing of the Mont Pelerin not satisfy the canons or norms of rationality embraced by most academic community slowly Society drew a glittering col- socialists), we generate and garner greater knowledge and wealth turned chilly toward him. lection of intellectuals from than could ever be obtained or utilised in a centrally-directed econ- omy whose adherents claim to process strictly in accordance with The Labour Party, full of around the world, many of “reason.” Thus socialist aims and programmes are factually impossi- avowed socialists who want- whom had never met be- ble to achieve or execute; they also happen, into the bargain as it ed to implement many of cause of wartime travel were, to be logically impossible. ■ the policies Hayek’s book restrictions. The society would —From The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism, 6–7. had condemned, took power ultimately succeed in making in 1945. The political and a reality of Hayek’s vision of intellectual climate in Hayek’s retaking the future from the adopted country was decid- then-dominant statist move- lecture on the Austrian tistics the following year. edly hostile to his antisocial- ments.6 theory of business cycles.3 Hayek promptly accepted, which led to his permanent The London Years residence, and citizenship, in Hayek was invited to Britain. Except for a brief The Condition of the Working Class lecture at the London stint at Cambridge during Under Capitalism School of Economics (LSE) World War II, he remained at by Lionel Robbins, and the LSE until 1950. There is, however, one supreme myth which more than any other has served to discredit the economic system to which we owe in 1931 he gave the series It was during Hayek’s our present-day civilization...[I]t is the legend of the deterioration of of lectures that became London days that he be- the position of the working classes in consequence of the rise of Prices and Production.4 Al- came internationally recog- “capitalism” (or of the “manufacturing” or the “industrial system”). though Hayek was coolly Who has not heard of the “horrors of early capitalism” and gained the nized as one of the world’s impression that the advent of this system brought untold new suffer- received at Cambridge, leading classical liberal schol- ing to large classes who before were tolerably content and comfort- home of John Maynard ars and thinkers. Prices and able? The widespread emotional aversion to “capitalism” is closely Keynes’ “Cambridge Cir- Production was followed by connected with this belief that the undeniable growth of wealth which the competitive order has produced was purchased at the price of cus,” his lectures were Collectivist Economic Plan- depressing the standard of life of the weakest elements of soci- enthusiastically applauded ning, The Pure Theory of ety;…[A] more careful examination of the facts has, however, led to ■ at the LSE, which offered Capital and the book that a thorough refutation of this belief.
Recommended publications
  • The Essential ADAM SMITH ADAM SMITH the Essential
    The Essential The Essential ADAM SMITH ADAM SMITH The Essential Udetiort elintrem popteride fac re nostemusa porae tem in te iaes moves- cid nequastil viliu menatiae te pris. Ips, quiusus er que fuidemquon supica; novero etidemusque cae, Cationsus ad Caticatus opultilius et; nes mante nonsulo sultilina comnitem praveriae fore cla nihi, Ti. Em tem inam num, nes SMITH ADAM conte curnit? Mulus. Evitem sis? Opiordica dit. Go es voltum omanunc iam nox maximil conduconiam. Quo voludem iam dientru ntuscru deperfe rcereo, quideme catiam tem potala restra? Quiderniu conem cone cones nonsum optis conorbit. Nem hostiquo elicon ac mored ina, pracia vitra prariciam Romnora torum, me etres hoca in rehenih iliemus rendam quam ret; Cupionf erorunum opublie ndemus erferfex none curem denatanum is cripio conem et, con dem tabenat icerei consilius, untem morit, paturaetrum te periosti publicus praecero ius fecte consis, que iae nos esse consustrunt. James Otteson by James Otteson Copyright © by the Fraser Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. Th e author of this publication has worked independently and opinions expressed by him are, therefore, his own, and do not necessarily refl ect the opinions of the Fraser Institute or its supporters, directors, or staff . Th is publication in no way implies that the Fraser Institute, its directors, or staff are in favour of, or oppose the passage of, any bill; or that they support or oppose any particular political party or candidate.
    [Show full text]
  • Computers and Economic Democracy
    Rev.econ.inst. vol.1 no.se Bogotá 2008 COMPUTERS AND ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY Computadores y democracia económica Allin Cottrell; Paul Cockshott Ph.D. in Economics, professor of Wake Forest University, Winston Salem, USA, [[email protected]]. Ph.D. in Computer Science, researcher of the Glasgow University, Glasgow, United Kingdom, [[email protected]].. The collapse of previously existing socialism was due to causes embedded in its economic mechanism, which are not inherent in all possible socialisms. The article argues that Marxist economic theory, in conjunction with information technology, provides the basis on which a viable socialist economic program can be advanced, and that the development of computer technology and the Internet makes economic planning possible. In addition, it argues that the socialist movement has never developed a correct constitutional program, and that modern technology opens up opportunities for democracy. Finally, it reviews the Austrian arguments against the possibility of socialist calculation in the light of modern computational capacity and the constraints of the Kyoto Protocol. [Keywords: socialist planning, economic calculation, environmental constraints; JEL: P21, P27, P28] El colapso del socialismo anteriormente existente obedeció a causas integradas en su mecanismo económico, que no son inherentes a todos los socialismos posibles. El artículo muestra que la teoría económica marxista, junto con la informática, proporciona el fundamento para adelantar un programa económico socialista viable y que el desarrollo de la informática y de Internet hace posible la planificación económica. Además, argumenta que el movimiento socialista nunca desarrolló un programa constitucional correcto y que la tecnología moderna abre nuevas oportunidades para la democracia.
    [Show full text]
  • A Hayekian Theory of Social Justice
    A HAYEKIAN THEORY OF SOCIAL JUSTICE Samuel Taylor Morison* As Justice gives every Man a Title to the product of his honest Industry, and the fair Acquisitions of his Ancestors descended to him; so Charity gives every Man a Title to so much of another’s Plenty, as will keep him from ex- tream want, where he has no means to subsist otherwise. – John Locke1 I. Introduction The purpose of this essay is to critically examine Friedrich Hayek’s broadside against the conceptual intelligibility of the theory of social or distributive justice. This theme first appears in Hayek’s work in his famous political tract, The Road to Serfdom (1944), and later in The Constitution of Liberty (1960), but he developed the argument at greatest length in his major work in political philosophy, the trilogy entitled Law, Legis- lation, and Liberty (1973-79). Given that Hayek subtitled the second volume of this work The Mirage of Social Justice,2 it might seem counterintuitive or perhaps even ab- surd to suggest the existence of a genuinely Hayekian theory of social justice. Not- withstanding the rhetorical tenor of some of his remarks, however, Hayek’s actual con- clusions are characteristically even-tempered, which, I shall argue, leaves open the possibility of a revisionist account of the matter. As Hayek understands the term, “social justice” usually refers to the inten- tional doling out of economic rewards by the government, “some pattern of remunera- tion based on the assessment of the performance or the needs of different individuals * Attorney-Advisor, Office of the Pardon Attorney, United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.; e- mail: [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • Hayek's the Constitution of Liberty
    Hayek’s The Constitution of Liberty Hayek’s The Constitution of Liberty An Account of Its Argument EUGENE F. MILLER The Institute of Economic Affairs contenTs The author 11 First published in Great Britain in 2010 by Foreword by Steven D. Ealy 12 The Institute of Economic Affairs 2 Lord North Street Summary 17 Westminster Editorial note 22 London sw1p 3lb Author’s preface 23 in association with Profile Books Ltd The mission of the Institute of Economic Affairs is to improve public 1 Hayek’s Introduction 29 understanding of the fundamental institutions of a free society, by analysing Civilisation 31 and expounding the role of markets in solving economic and social problems. Political philosophy 32 Copyright © The Institute of Economic Affairs 2010 The ideal 34 The moral right of the author has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a PART I: THE VALUE OF FREEDOM 37 retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. 2 Individual freedom, coercion and progress A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. (Chapters 1–5 and 9) 39 isbn 978 0 255 36637 3 Individual freedom and responsibility 39 The individual and society 42 Many IEA publications are translated into languages other than English or are reprinted. Permission to translate or to reprint should be sought from the Limiting state coercion 44 Director General at the address above.
    [Show full text]
  • Mere Libertarianism: Blending Hayek and Rothbard
    Mere Libertarianism: Blending Hayek and Rothbard Daniel B. Klein Santa Clara University The continued progress of a social movement may depend on the movement’s being recognized as a movement. Being able to provide a clear, versatile, and durable definition of the movement or philosophy, quite apart from its justifications, may help to get it space and sympathy in public discourse. 1 Some of the most basic furniture of modern libertarianism comes from the great figures Friedrich Hayek and Murray Rothbard. Like their mentor Ludwig von Mises, Hayek and Rothbard favored sweeping reductions in the size and intrusiveness of government; both favored legal rules based principally on private property, consent, and contract. In view of the huge range of opinions about desirable reform, Hayek and Rothbard must be regarded as ideological siblings. Yet Hayek and Rothbard each developed his own ideas about liberty and his own vision for a libertarian movement. In as much as there are incompatibilities between Hayek and Rothbard, those seeking resolution must choose between them, search for a viable blending, or look to other alternatives. A blending appears to be both viable and desirable. In fact, libertarian thought and policy analysis in the United States appears to be inclined toward a blending of Hayek and Rothbard. At the center of any libertarianism are ideas about liberty. Differences between libertarianisms usually come down to differences between definitions of liberty or between claims made for liberty. Here, in exploring these matters, I work closely with the writings of Hayek and Rothbard. I realize that many excellent libertarian philosophers have weighed in on these matters and already said many of the things I say here.
    [Show full text]
  • What We Know and Do Not Know About the Natural Rate of Unemployment
    Journal of Economic Perspectives—Volume 11, Number 1—Winter 1997—Pages 51–72 What We Know and Do Not Know About the Natural Rate of Unemployment Olivier Blanchard and Lawrence F. Katz lmost 30 years ago, Friedman (1968) and Phelps (1968) developed the concept of the "natural rate of unemployment." In what must be one of Athe longest sentences he ever wrote, Milton Friedman explained: "The natural rate of unemployment is the level which would be ground out by the Wal- rasian system of general equilibrium equations, provided that there is imbedded in them the actual structural characteristics of the labor and commodity markets, in- cluding market imperfections, stochastic variability in demands and supplies, the cost of gathering information about job vacancies and labor availabilities, the costs of mobility, and so on." Over the past three decades a large amount of research has attempted to formalize Friedman's long sentence and to identify, both theo- retically and empirically, the determinants of the natural rate. It is this body of work we assess in this paper. We reach two main conclusions. The first is that there has been considerable theoretical progress over the past 30 years. A framework has emerged, organized around two central ideas. The first is that the labor market is a market with a high level of traffic, with large flows of workers who have either lost their jobs or are looking for better ones. This by itself implies that there must be some "frictional unemployment." The second is that the nature of relations between firms and workers leads to wage setting that often differs substantially from competitive wage setting.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Action Vs
    Kiel Institute for the World Economy | Kiel, 19 July 2016 Paradigm Debate: “Human Action vs. Phishing for Phools – Two Perspectives of Socio-Economics” Human Action Towards a Coordinationist Paradigm of Economics Stefan Kooths Forecasting Center KOOTHS | Human Action – Towards a Coordinationist Paradigm of Economics 1 Crisis of mainstream economic thinking Reconstruction or revolution of economics? KOOTHS | Human Action – Towards a Coordinationist Paradigm of Economics 2 Reconstruction of economics Coordinationist paradigm of economics inspired by „Austrian Economics“ (Entrepreneurial Economics) methodological backbone Praxeology: Science of Human Action Catallactics: Science of human inter-action via (market) exchange KOOTHS | Human Action – Towards a Coordinationist Paradigm of Economics 3 Fundamental axiom Man acts. KOOTHS | Human Action – Towards a Coordinationist Paradigm of Economics 4 Implications of “human action” (1/2) . Purposeful conduct: Aiming at reducing uneasiness » The human actor “wants to substitute a state of affairs that suits him better for one that suits him less”. (Mises) » Human beings as universal entrepreneurs (explorers, not decision automata) » Action: decision making + search for means . Individuals act … » … but not in isolation (society formed by voluntary interaction) » … groups/aggregates do not (anti-collectivist approach) . Preferences as ranks only » Chosen ends are strictly subjective » Making choices on means (no discussion of ends) » No room for interpersonal comparison of utility (no social planner) KOOTHS | Human Action – Towards a Coordinationist Paradigm of Economics 5 Implications of “human action” (2/2) . Diminishing marginal utility » Follows from praxeological approach (outcome, not an assumption) » Not a psychological/physiological phenomenon . Action in time » Dynamic disequilibrium approach » Evenly rotating economy as a state of non-action (thought experiment only) .
    [Show full text]
  • Mill's "Very Simple Principle": Liberty, Utilitarianism And
    MILL'S "VERY SIMPLE PRINCIPLE": LIBERTY, UTILITARIANISM AND SOCIALISM MICHAEL GRENFELL submitted for degree of Ph.D. London School of Economics and Political Science UMI Number: U048607 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U048607 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 I H^S £ S F 6SI6 ABSTRACT OF THESIS MILL'S "VERY SIMPLE PRINCIPLE'*: LIBERTY. UTILITARIANISM AND SOCIALISM 1 The thesis aims to examine the political consequences of applying J.S. Mill's "very simple principle" of liberty in practice: whether the result would be free-market liberalism or socialism, and to what extent a society governed in accordance with the principle would be free. 2 Contrary to Mill's claims for the principle, it fails to provide a clear or coherent answer to this "practical question". This is largely because of three essential ambiguities in Mill's formulation of the principle, examined in turn in the three chapters of the thesis. 3 First, Mill is ambivalent about whether liberty is to be promoted for its intrinsic value, or because it is instrumental to the achievement of other objectives, principally the utilitarian objective of "general welfare".
    [Show full text]
  • From Economic Security to Financial Insecurity
    Forum Finance and Society 2017, 3(2): 188-96 © The Author(s) Perpetual anarchy: From economic 10.2218/finsoc.v3i2.2578 security to financial insecurity S.M. Amadae Massachusetts Institute of Technology, USA Marieke de Goede argues that there has traditionally been a close relationship between finance and both national security and the economic security of nations. Hence, “finance cannot be understood to be a new security concept” (Goede, 2010: 109, emphasis in original). This is because financial soundness is essential to individual and national economic security, and fiscal wherewithal is crucial to maintaining military presence. The smooth functioning of an economy enables the funding of military protection. Conversely, as the recent global financial crisis once again demonstrated, national sovereignty itself depends on economic solvency that is a function of the prudential financial management of firms and governments. De Goede discusses this two-directional relationship with respect to how finance plays an instrumental role in making it possible to maintain national security, and how finance itself directly relates to the viability of households and nations, which require a positive balance of outputs against inputs. She also addresses a third way to consider the relationship between finance and security in view of their historical and conceptual entanglement. From this perspective, the development of modern nation states is inseparable from financial instruments including, for example, those of sovereign debt. Considered historically, after World War II financial tools evolve, and “risk comes into focus as a technique [insofar as it is quantified] that bridges finance and security” (de Goede, 2010: 107, emphasis in original).
    [Show full text]
  • Adam Smith on Justice, Rights, and Law David Lieberman
    Adam Smith on Justice, Rights, and Law David Lieberman Jurisprudence and Social Policy Program University of California, Berkeley [forthcoming in Knud Haakonssen (ed.), Cambridge Companion to Adam Smith (Cambridge University Press)] Preliminary Draft - please do not cite or quote December, 1999 Adam Smith on Justice, Rights and Law 1. The Unexecuted Account of Law and Government “I shall in another discourse,” Adam Smith reported in the final paragraph of The Theory of Moral Sentiments, “endeavour to give an account of the general principles of law and government, and of the different revolutions they have undergone in the different ages and periods of society …” (TMS.VII.iv.37). Smith’s announcement of this future volume on the general principles of law and government - originally presented in the 1759 first edition of his moral treatise - was then reissued over the next three decades in all the subsequent editions of The Theory of Moral Sentiments published in Smith’s own lifetime. Even the heavily-revised sixth edition of 1790, published in the year of Smith’s death, retained the passage; though by this time Smith acknowledged that his “very advanced age” left him “very little expectation” of completing “this great work” which some thirty years earlier he “entertained no doubt of being able to execute” in its entirety (TMS, “Advertisement”, p.3) i. As in the case of Smith’s two most famous publications, the projected work on “the general principles of law and government” took shape as part of Smith’s duties as a professor at Glasgow University. He had, in fact, first lectured on law and jurisprudence even before he received election in 1751 to the first of his two Glasgow chairs.
    [Show full text]
  • Imputation and Value in the Works of Menger, Böhm-Bawerk and Wieser
    E-LOGOS/2005 ISSN 1121-0442 _____________________________________________ Imputation and Value in the works of Menger, Böhm-Bawerk and Wieser Šimon Bi ľo University of Economics, Prague [email protected] Alford Fellow, The Ludwig von Mises Institute, July 21, 2004 Version January 10, 2005 1 Abstract: Analysis of the discussions within the first two generations of the Austrian school of economics constitutes an inevitable cornerstone of every further inquiry on the fields of the theory of value and imputation theory. Only with knowledge of Menger’s, Wieser’s and Böhm-Bawerk’s understanding of cardinalism and problems related with utility, value and their interdependence, we are apt to understand correctness or incorrectness of their positions and also positions of their followers. Thus, we could trace back cardinalist notions of utility seeded by Menger and understand later Mises’- Čuhel reformulation of the whole value theory into an ordinalistic one. Mises fully escaped the Mengerian tradition in this point and also transformed the whole theory of imputation into the theory of pricing of the factors of production. The only exception, from the point of view of imputation theory of highest importance, is his insistence on the value equation of means and ends that confused his successors and was investigated only recently. Within the context of present state of value and imputation theories, two related problems arise: “What constitutes theory of imputation, theory of value and valuation of the factors of production, today?” and “Is Menger-Böhm-Bawerkian solution of imputation theory really suitable for the explanation of the pricing process and isn’t Wieser’s objection of circularity of the imputation theory applied in price-creation justified?” These are the questions that are badly needed to be answered in order to clarify the theory in the field.
    [Show full text]
  • Texte Intégral
    Working Paper History as heresy: unlearning the lessons of economic orthodoxy O'SULLIVAN, Mary Abstract In spring 2020, in the face of the covid-19 pandemic, central bankers in rich countries made unprecedented liquidity injections to stave off an economic crisis. Such radical action by central banks gained legitimacy during the 2008-2009 global financial crisis and enjoys strong support from prominent economists and economic historians. Their certainty reflects a remarkable agreement on a specific interpretation of the Great Depression of the 1930s in the United States, an interpretation developed by Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz in A Monetary History of the United States (1963). In this article, I explore the origins, the influence and the limits of A Monetary History’s interpretation for the insights it offers on the relationship between theory and history in the study of economic life. I show how historical research has been mobilised to show the value of heretical ideas in order to challenge economic orthodoxies. Friedman and Schwartz understood the heretical potential of historical research and exploited it in A Monetary History to question dominant interpretations of the Great Depression in their time. Now that [...] Reference O'SULLIVAN, Mary. History as heresy: unlearning the lessons of economic orthodoxy. Geneva : Paul Bairoch Institute of Economic History, 2021, 38 p. Available at: http://archive-ouverte.unige.ch/unige:150852 Disclaimer: layout of this document may differ from the published version. 1 / 1 FACULTÉ DES SCIENCES DE LA SOCIÉTÉ Paul Bairoch Institute of Economic History Economic History Working Papers | No. 3/2021 History as Heresy: Unlearning the Lessons of Economic Orthodoxy The Tawney Memorial Lecture 2021 Mary O’Sullivan Paul Bairoch Institute of Economic History, University of Geneva, UniMail, bd du Pont-d'Arve 40, CH- 1211 Genève 4.
    [Show full text]