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QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY of the STATE of QATAR ______TABLE of CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1
CASE CONCERNING MARITIME DELIMITATION AND TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS BETWEEN QATAR AND BAHRAIN (QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY OF THE STATE OF QATAR _____________________________________________ TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1. Qatar's Case and Structure of Qatar's Reply Section 2. Deficiencies in Bahrain's Written Pleadings Section 3. Bahrain's Continuing Violations of the Status Quo PART II - THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND CHAPTER II - THE TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY OF QATAR Section 1. The Overall Geographical Context Section 2. The Emergence of the Al-Thani as a Political Force in Qatar Section 3. Relations between the Al-Thani and Nasir bin Mubarak Section 4. The 1913 and 1914 Conventions Section 5. The 1916 Treaty Section 6. Al-Thani Authority throughout the Peninsula of Qatar was consolidated long before the 1930s Section 7. The Map Evidence CHAPTER III - THE EXTENT OF THE TERRITORY OF BAHRAIN Section 1. Bahrain from 1783 to 1868 Section 2. Bahrain after 1868 PART III - THE HAWAR ISLANDS AND OTHER TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS CHAPTER IV - THE HAWAR ISLANDS Section 1. Introduction: The Territorial Integrity of Qatar and Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 2. Proximity and Qatar's Title to the Hawar Islands Section 3. The Extensive Map Evidence supporting Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 4. The Lack of Evidence for Bahrain's Claim to have exercised Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands from the 18th Century to the Present Day Section 5. The Bahrain and Qatar Oil Concession Negotiations between 1925 and 1939 and the Events Leading to the Reversal of British Recognition of Hawar as part of Qatar Section 6. -
Evolution and Changes in the Morphologies of Sudanese Cities Mohamed Babiker Ibrahima* and Omer Abdalla Omerb
Urban Geography, 2014 Vol. 35, No. 5, 735–756, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2014.919798 Evolution and changes in the morphologies of Sudanese cities Mohamed Babiker Ibrahima* and Omer Abdalla Omerb aDepartment of Geography, Hunter College of the City University of New York, New York, NY 10065, USA; bDepartment of Marketing, Entrepreneurship, Hospitality, and Tourism, The University of North Carolina-Greensboro, Greensboro, NC 27412, USA (Received 20 March 2013; accepted 17 March 2014) This article investigates the morphological evolution of Sudanese cities. The study of morphology or urban morphology involves consideration of town planning, building form, and the pattern of land and building utilization. Sudan has a long history of urbanization that contributed to the establishment of an early Sudanese civilization and European-style urban centers that have shaped the morphology of today’s cities. We identify three broad morphologies: indigenous, African-Islamic, and European style (colonial). The ongoing, rapid urbanization of African cities in general and Sudanese cities in particular points to a need to understand the structure of this urbanization. The morphology of cities includes not only physical structure, but the cultural heritage, economic, and historical values on which it is based. Therefore, preservation, redeve- lopment, and urban policy underlying future urban expansion must be based on the nature of cities’ morphologies and development. Keywords: urban morphology; indigenous cities; African-Islamic cities; European- style cities; Sudan Introduction The objective of this study is to investigate the evolving urban morphology of several Sudanese cities. Sudan has a long history of urbanization, beginning at the time of the Meroitic kingdom that flourished in the central part of the country from approximately 300 BCE to 350 CE (Adams, 1977; Shinnie, 1967). -
GCC Policies Toward the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen: Ally-Adversary Dilemmas by Fred H
II. Analysis Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Abu Dhabi, and King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Saudi Arabia, preside over the ‘Sheikh Zayed Heritage Festival 2016’ in Abu Dhabi, UAE, on 4 December 2016. GCC Policies Toward the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen: Ally-Adversary Dilemmas by Fred H. Lawson tudies of the foreign policies of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries usually ignore import- S ant initiatives that have been undertaken with regard to the Bab al-Mandab region, an area encom- passing the southern end of the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen. Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have become actively involved in this pivotal geopolitical space over the past decade, and their relations with one another exhibit a marked shift from mutual complementarity to recip- rocal friction. Escalating rivalry and mistrust among these three governments can usefully be explained by what Glenn Snyder calls “the alliance security dilemma.”1 Shift to sustained intervention Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE have been drawn into Bab al-Mandab by three overlapping develop- ments. First, the rise in world food prices that began in the 2000s incentivized GCC states to ramp up investment in agricultural land—Riyadh, Doha and Abu Dhabi all turned to Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda as prospective breadbaskets.2 Doha pushed matters furthest by proposing to construct a massive canal in central Sudan that would have siphoned off more than one percent of the Nile River’s total annual downstream flow to create additional farmland. -
Automatic Exchange of Information: Status of Commitments
As of 27 September 2021 AUTOMATIC EXCHANGE OF INFORMATION (AEOI): STATUS OF COMMITMENTS1 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES IN 2017 (49) Anguilla, Argentina, Belgium, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Bulgaria, Cayman Islands, Colombia, Croatia, Cyprus2, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Faroe Islands, Finland, France, Germany, Gibraltar, Greece, Guernsey, Hungary, Iceland, India, Ireland, Isle of Man, Italy, Jersey, Korea, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Mexico, Montserrat, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Seychelles, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Turks and Caicos Islands, United Kingdom JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2018 (51) Andorra, Antigua and Barbuda, Aruba, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan3, The Bahamas, Bahrain, Barbados, Belize, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Canada, Chile, China, Cook Islands, Costa Rica, Curacao, Dominica4, Greenland, Grenada, Hong Kong (China), Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Lebanon, Macau (China), Malaysia, Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Monaco, Nauru, New Zealand, Niue4, Pakistan3, Panama, Qatar, Russia, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Sint Maarten4, Switzerland, Trinidad and Tobago4, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Uruguay, Vanuatu JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2019 (2) Ghana3, Kuwait5 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2020 (3) Nigeria3, Oman5, Peru3 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2021 (3) Albania3, 7, Ecuador3, Kazakhstan6 -
The Archaeology and Heritage of the Sudanese Red Sea Region: Importance, Findings, and Challenges
The Archaeology and Heritage of the Sudanese Red Sea Region: Importance, Findings, and Challenges AHMED ADAM Head Department of Archaeology - University of Khartoum Director of the Red Sea Project for Archaeological Research Abstract This paper seeks to shed a high light on the archaeological sites discovered in the area of Suakin, Arkaweet, and Sinkat as a part of the project of the department of Archaeology ß university of Khartoum, so, the archaeological sites discovered in this region belong to different periods such as Pre-Historic, Medieval, Islamic, and others are unknown, which means that the region used to link the Red Sea Cultures with those on the central Sudan and Egypt far north and Eretria in the east. Through this study I am also seeking to evaluate the field work (Archaeological and Ethnographic) conducted in the area of Arkaweet and Sinkat town, and Suakin port, then to put a plan for the managing and protecting the archaeologi- cal sites and ethnographic materials. Therefore I will follow or apply a number of approaches in this study such as description, survey analysis of the sites and its contents as well a comparison will be made between the results of the present study with the results of the previous studies in the field of archeology and ethnography conducted on other sites in the Sudanese Red Sea Region. The historical sources will also be compared with the study findings. Keywords Red Sea, Archaeology, Heritage, Sudan, Survey, Suakin 188 1. INTRODUCTION The Red Sea lies in an ideal geographical location between eastern and west- ern seas in general, and between the Mediterranean Sea and the Indian Ocean in particular. -
Qatar ν Bahrain in the International Court of Justice at the Hague
Qatar ν Bahrain in the International Court of Justice at The Hague Case concerning Maritime Delimitation and Territorial Questions1 Year 2001 16 March General List No. 87 JUDGMENT ON THE MERITS 1 On 8 July 1991 the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Qatar (here- inafter referred to as "Qatar") filed in the Registry of the Court an Application instituting proceedings against the State of Bahrain (hereinafter referred to as "Bahrain") in respect of certain disputes between the two States relating to "sovereignty over the Hawar islands, sovereign rights over the shoals of Dibal and Qit'at Jaradah, and the delimitation of the maritime areas of the two States". In this Application, Qatar contended that the Court had jurisdiction to entertain the dispute by virtue of two "agreements" concluded between the Parties in December 1987 and December 1990 respectively, the subject and scope of the commitment to the Court's jurisdiction being determined, according to the Applicant, by a formula proposed by Bahrain to Qatar on 26 October 1988 and accepted by Qatar in December 1990 (hereinafter referred to as the "Bahraini formula"). 2 Pursuant to Article 40, paragraph 2, of the Statute of the Court, the Application was forthwith communicated by the Registrar of the Court to the Government of Bahrain; in accordance with paragraph 3 of that Article, all other States entitled to appear before the Court were notified by the Registrar of the Application. 3 By letters addressed to the Registrar on 14 July 1991 and 18 August 1991, Bahrain contested the basis of jurisdiction invoked by Qatar. -
Chapter 3: an Eco-Systemic Construct of Northern Riverain Sudan
University of Pretoria etd – Osman, A O S (2004) CHAPTER 3: AN ECO-SYSTEMIC CONSTRUCT OF NORTHERN RIVERAIN SUDAN 3.1 SUB PROBLEM 2 The study context needs to be identified eco-systemically. This needs to be initiated by the articulation of social, political, cultural and religious descriptions and the identification of the recurring themes in the literature of the region. 3.2 HYPOTHESIS 2 It is believed that through the eco-systemically based identification of recurring themes in the literature of/on the region, essential and incidental attributes of the place and culture can be articulated. This can become a tool in interpretation of tangible/ intangible artefacts, spatial interventions, and social practice. 3.3 OUTLINE OF CHAPTER 3 This chapter is initiated by looking at the history of the region. The reasons behind the delimitation of the area of study are articulated and justified. The recurring themes are then expressed through an intensive literature review. The origins of the people are explained and elaborated. The identity of the northern riverain people is established as a political and a religious concept. The northern Sudanese riverain people are thus introduced. 3.4 THE CONTEXT: ITS HISTORY AND ITS VALIDITY AS AN AREA OF STUDY Three main civilizations lived on this land, extending along the Sudanese Nile valley from the present northern border with Egypt to the town of Sennar on the Blue Nile and Kosti on the White Nile: the Kushites, the Meroites and the Funj (refer to Table 3.1). The Kushites had their centres at Kerma and then at Napata. -
The History of the People's of the Eastern Desert
The History of the Peoples of the Eastern Desert edited by Hans Barnard and Kim Duistermaat Monograph 73 Cotsen Institute of Archaeology University of California, Los Angeles THE COTSEN INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY PRESS is the publishing unit of the Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA. The Cotsen Institute is a premier research organization dedicated to the creation, dissemination, and conservation of archaeological knowledge and heritage. It is home to both the Interdepartmental Archaeology Graduate Program and the UCLA/Getty Master’s Program in the Conservation of Archaeological and Ethnographic Materials. The Cotsen Institute provides a forum for innovative faculty research, graduate education, and public programs at UCLA in an effort to impact positively the academic, local and global communities. Established in 1973, the Cotsen Institute is at the forefront of archaeological research, education, conservation and publication and is an active contributor to interdisciplinary research at UCLA. The Cotsen Institute Press specializes in producing high-quality academic volumes in several different series, including Monographs, World Heritage and Monuments, Cotsen Advanced Seminars, and Ideas, Debates and Perspectives. The Press is committed to making the fruits of archaeological research accessible to professionals, scholars, students, and the general public. We are able to do this through the generosity of Lloyd E. Cotsen, longtime Institute volunteer and benefactor, who has provided an endowment that allows us to subsidize our publishing -
Middle Eastern Base Race in North-Eastern Africa
STUDIES IN AFRICAN SECURITY Turkey, United Arab Emirates and other Middle Eastern States Middle Eastern Base Race in North-Eastern Africa This text is a part of the FOI report Foreign military bases and installations in Africa. Twelve state actors are included in the report: China, France, Germany, India, Italy, Japan, Russia, Spain, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom, and United States. Middle Eastern states are increasing their military region. Turkey’s political interests are in line with those presence in Africa. Turkey and the United Arab of Qatar on the question of political Islam and the MB, Emirates (UAE), two influential Sunni powers with but clash with the agenda of the UAE and Saudi Arabia. contrary views on regional order and political Islam, The conflict among the Sunni powers has intensified since are expanding their foothold in north-eastern Africa. the Arab Spring in 2010, in particular since the UAE-led Turkey has opened a military training facility in blockade against Qatar in 2017. Eastern Africa has thus Somalia and may build a naval dock for military use become an arena for the rivalry between regional powers in Sudan. The UAE has established bases in Eritrea of the Middle East. and Libya, and is currently constructing a base in President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his AK party have Somaliland. However, Turkey and UAE are not the strengthened the Sunni Muslim identity of the Turkish only Middle Eastern countries with a military presence state, while de facto approving a neo-Ottoman foreign in Africa. Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Israel, and Iran, also policy that implies a growing focus on the Middle East seem to have military activities on the Horn of Africa. -
2018 Calculations : عوﺿوﻣﻟا مﺳا Why Does Turkey Resort to Hard
2018 Calculations : ωϭοϭϣϟϡγ Why does Turkey Resort to Hard Power in : ωϭοϭϣϟϥϭϧϋ Tacking Regional Crises? 24/12/2017 : έηϧϟΦϳέΎΗ ϲϟΩΩϳηέϭΧ : ΏΗΎϛϟϡγ : ωϭοϭϣϟ Since its establishment in 1923, Turkey has followed the famous maxim of Ataturk ³peace at home, peace in the world.´It has pursued a policy of closure, steering away from involvement in the conflicts of the Arab and Islamic worlds, but pivoted to the West instead. Over the past decades, until the advent of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2002, this orientation has largely defined Ankara¶s foreign policy. However, current observers of Turkish politics will find it is quite different from the above. During the rule of the AKP, it has undergone several shifts and now is pursuing hard power towards the Arab world, exploiting the current developments in the region to cement its role and influence. This will most likely shape the Turkish policy towards the region¶s crises in 2018.Harbingers of Transition It can be argued that the current Turkish foreign policy is based on the ideas of Prof. Ahmet Davuoglu, as illustrated in his book ³Strategic Depth.´The book outlined his vision that perceived Ankara as a dynamic state in its regional and international environment based on economic, political and security factors, and others related to its vital geopolitical location, as well as its historical relations with geographical proximity. Although the ³zero problems´approach put forward by Oglu failed to achieve its primary objective of having ³zero problems with the neighbours,´the -
Qatar Oman Investment Company – Qpsc Doha
QATAR OMAN INVESTMENT COMPANY – Q.P.S.C. DOHA –STATE OF QATAR FINANCIAL STATEMENTS FOR THE YEAR ENDED DECEMBER 31, 2019 TOGETHER WITH INDEPENDENT AUDITOR’S REPORT QATAR OMAN INVESTMENT COMPANY – Q.P.S.C. DOHA –STATE OF QATAR FINANCIAL STATEMENTS FOR THE YEAR ENDED DECEMBER 31, 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages Independent auditor’s report -- Statement of financial position 1 Statement of profit or loss 2 Statement of comprehensive income 3 Statement of changes in equity 4 Statement of cash flows 5 Notes to the financial statements 7-28 INDEPENDENT AUDITOR’S REPORT TO THE SHAREHOLDERS, QATAR OMAN INVESTMENT COMPANY Q.P.S.C DOHA, STATE OF QATAR Report on the Audit of the Financial Statements Opinion We have audited the financial statements of Qatar Oman Investment Company Q.P.S.C. (the “Company”) which comprise the statement of financial position as at 31 December 2019, and the related statement of profit or loss, statement of comprehensive income, statement of changes in equity and statement of cash flows for the year then ended, and notes to the financial statements, including a summary of significant accounting policies. In our opinion, the accompanying financial statements present fairly, in all material respects, the financial position of the Company as at 31 December 2019 and its financial performance and its cash flows for the year then ended in accordance with International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRSs). Basis for Opinion We conducted our audit in accordance with International Standards on Auditing (ISAs). Our responsibilities under those standards are further described in the auditor’s responsibilities for the audit of the financial statements section of our report. -
An Examination of Qatar and Saudi Arabia
MAPPING RELIGIOUS AUTHORITY IN WAHHABI STATES: AN EXAMINATION OF QATAR AND SAUDI ARABIA Courtney Freer, Ph.D. London School of Economics and Political Science March 2019 © 2019 Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the Baker Institute. Cover image courtesy of Reuters / Naseem Zeitoon. Courtney Freer, Ph.D. “Mapping Religious Authority in Wahhabi States: An Examination of Qatar and Saudi Arabia” This report is part of a two-year project on religious authority in the Middle East. The study is generously supported by a grant from the Henry Luce Foundation. Mapping Religious Authority in Wahhabi States: An Examination of Qatar and Saudi Arabia Introduction When it comes to understanding Islamic authority in the Middle East, Wahhabi structures in the Gulf, traditionally considered to be the strictest in the world and in some respects the most politicized, perhaps also remain the most opaque. In this report, I assess which religious authorities have the most influence in the world’s only two Wahhabi states, Qatar and Saudi Arabia. In particular, I have three hypotheses. First, Saudi religious figures linked to the state establishment—because they are government employees—will receive broader support among citizen populations than other figures in that country, while state alignment will be less consequential in Qatar.