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'Featuring the system' Hip Hop Pedagogy and Danish Integration Policies Ringsager, Kristine

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Citation for published version (APA): Ringsager, K. (2017). 'Featuring the system': Hip Hop Pedagogy and Danish Integration Policies. Suomen Antropologi, 42(2), 75-93. https://journal.fi/suomenantropologi/article/view/65787/26611

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Downloaded from vbn.aau.dk on: October 02, 2021 Kristine Ringsager ‘Featuring the System’: Hip Hop Pedagogy and Danish Integration Policies

abstract During the past decades rap and hip hop culture have been utilized and institutionalized in public programs combating the radicalization and criminalization of marginalized ethnic minority youths in Denmark. Such a use of rap music, in particular, in institutionalized social work and political matters has created what I refer to as a ‘rap as resource industry’ that operates within the social sector, parallel to the ‘regular’ music industry. This article analyses personal and political inferences in policies of the system among rappers who engage with this industry as social workers and educators. Such engagements are examined by way of the metaphor of the feature: a musical practice distinct to hip hop, based on reciprocity and mutual gain. This article examines how their precarious position as mediators between youths and the system affects the individual rappers and how they handle the implicit or explicit demands and expectations placed upon them. Many of such social, rap-based projects are considered by funding bodies and users alike as great successes. Yet the articles argues that the utilization of rap and hip hop culture as social technologies can be problematic, highlighting how neo-liberal policies of outsourcing public responsibility seem to invade and affect hip hop’s ideals of social responsibility and authenticity.

Keywords: Denmark, hip hop, integration, rap pedagogy, welfare state, social work

Introduction: When If you look in the Cambridge Dictionary of featuring the system English, the verb feature is defined as an act ‘to include someone or something as an important Tactically I have articulated my musical part’, and, within hip hop culture, the metaphor projects to meet the Danish welfare model. of the feature works as a musical practice based (…) Totally deliberately, you know, in order on support, reciprocity, and mutual gain for to be able to make projects. (Ali, May 27, both parties of a musical collaboration. Based 2014)1 on material collected through my doctoral field research,2 this article examines and discusses

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how rappers—primarily rappers of visible ideas about hip hop culture, and the system. minority background3—within a Danish These features come out in different versions— context feature the system and vice versa. In this from the artistic work of writing and producing case the system is a Scandinavian welfare state, theatre shows generating inter-cultural dialogue, or ‘the Danish welfare model’, as the rapper through campaign songs communicating official Ali puts it in the opening quote—a model that messages and moralities, to educational, rap- gives subsidies to, for instance, associations, based social work with marginalized youths. youth clubs, and projects of societal interest that When featuring rappers to do artistic work, are based on the idea that citizens should have the system often explicitly requests ‘their own equal rights to social security and education. words in your voice, written by you’ (Babak, During my field research, several of February 4, 2014), as the rapper Babak has the rappers I spoke with pointed out that put it. Contrary to this, the features around the public social service sector working to educational work with marginalized minority advance citizenship and integration during youths often encompass complex positions the 2000s increasingly became a ‘business’, and blurred power relations between the system, where rappers could be employed as ‘important the rappers and the young target group. These parts’ mediating between the system and features between the system and rappers engaging marginalized visible minority youths in Danish as rap coaches in social educational programs society. These new avenues of employment for targeting marginalized visible minority youths— rappers emerged in a post-9/11 context, where most often young men (teenagers) living in securitization was layered onto pre-existing socially disadvantaged urban areas—are the concerns about integration, joining together empirical focus in this article. Such features parallel concerns about immigration, crime, and give rise to particular constellations of hip hop associations between Muslims and violence culture as a social technology, where rap music, wherein visible minority youth were considered in particular, works as an expedient resource a problematic target group for interventions to achieve the particular goal of making well- (Rytter and Pedersen 2013). Such use of rap and behaved Danish citizens out of problematic hip hop culture4 in political matters has created visible minority youths. Furthermore, the a kind of ‘rap as resource industry’ that operates features exemplify the moral ambiguity of the within the social sector, in parallel to the ‘regular’ field of youth development in general—and the music industry. internal moral conflicts within hip hop culture This article analyses personal and political in particular. inferences drawn from the policies of the system In the following pages I expand upon by rappers who engage with this industry, these features: first, by elaborating the increasing either by working within official integration blending of Danish integration policies and hip and citizenship programs or by making their hop pedagogy post-9/11; second, by describing own musical practices, political ideologies, and how features between rappers and the system social work align with these. In this article, I see can be understood within a theoretical frame the welfare state’s engagement with rappers as of social technologies; third, by illustrating how features, opening the analytical space to focus rap coaches in their everyday lives negotiate on the processes, negotiations, and at times their often difficult, fuzzy, and peculiar positions awkward alliances between rap artists, their between the young target group and the

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system, where they have to navigate between how did the rap coaches negotiate this moral implicit or explicit (often differing) demands ambiguity within hip hop culture in their and expectations; and finally, by addressing the educational work with the young participants? impact of rap as a social technology in relation to On this specific organization’s now closed the young target group and in broader contexts website, you could read that the purpose of the of inclusion, integration, and citizenship within organization was ‘to create positive successful Danish society. experiences and support the musical develop- ment’ and how it would ‘work as an important Hip hop pedagogy mouthpiece and a diplomatic representative of in a post-9/11 world the messages of the youths’ (Purpose and Vision, my translation). Furthermore, the organization When in spring 2009 I was coincidentally described itself as: engaged as a singing teacher in a (now closed) non-profit organization working with rap a music association, a music school, a culture music production in a socioeconomically factory, a record company, an inclusion and disadvantaged area in the Danish capital of multiplicity project in one. (…) a non-profit Copenhagen, I was pretty green about hip hop organization primarily working to make culture. Besides giving singing lessons, I hung positive successful experiences for youths out with some of the engaged rap coaches, as well as initiating and conducting culture social workers, and with the young teenage activities for people living in exposed areas boys (and the few girls) attending the programs. (…) giving youths the opportunity to Here I was often met with stories about how develop themselves musically, regardless engaging in the rap programs kept the young of residence, economy and background. participants out of a criminal career, inspired (…) one of the very first agents in the them to read, to write, to express and articulate strong, growing hip hop movement in themselves, to engage in school work, to meet the past few years—a movement, which is schedules, and to adapt to and cope with especially seen among youths with ethnic different social situations and people in their minority background in the Nordic capitals. everyday lives. Many of the participants further (About Us, my translation) explained to me how their parents urged them to go to the studio, to hang out with the coaches This organization, which was initiated in 2006 and to write and produce rap music—because, (and closed down in 2012), exemplifies how as a boy caricaturing his father expressed it: ‘It’s rap music and hip hop culture within Danish good you’ve found something you like doing, society has, since the 2000s, been utilized in because otherwise you could have gotten into social work for integration and citizenship- criminality’ (Underage rapper, February 1, building, addressing marginalized and 2013).5 This stirred my curiosity. How could a vulnerable visible minority youths, with the musical form like rap, where dissent and violent economic support of public authorities as well imagery is a common part of the expressive as private funding. Managed by well-educated repertoire, at the same time work as a means and socioeconomically advantaged rappers or to prevent a criminal career and as a means of producers—sometimes in cooperation with educating youths on ‘the edge of society’? And people working on multicultural issues—this

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kind of educational work varies between In Denmark, this Critical Hip Hop individual work in small studios, sometimes Pedagogy has, since the 2000s, been played connected to local youth clubs, and larger out in the context of global securitization in a associations with their own facilities and many post 9/11-world, where the presence of young, employees. Generally speaking, empowerment male, visible minority youths in society has emerges as the dominant discourse. But where been problematized in new ways. The Danish some projects link empowerment to issues of self- state’s so-called ‘security / integration response’ esteem and individualized optimism, others align (Bleich 2009: 355) to the internationally it with more established practices of political significant events of 9/11 (and to increasing communication and principles of community instances of riots in Europe by marginalized organizing (see also Ringsager 2015a). minority urban youths) has led to policies This use of rap as a social means revolving including administrative expulsion, temporarily around educational and pro-social messages legalizing body searches without probable cause for marginalized youths can be understood in in certain urban areas, the repeal of compulsory terms of mobilized activism and community mother tongue education in schools, and the organizing, which have been key elements of introduction of a new citizenship examination hip hop culture since it was placed on the map (see Gad 2011; Rytter and Pedersen 2011). Such in the streets of New York City in the 1970s (see, restricting political initiatives have had huge e.g., Forman 2013). Since then it has often been effects on the everyday lives of people from argued within educational hip hop research Muslim-majority countries in the Middle East that rap lyric production and analysis might or North Africa, and their descendants, who comprise the basis for a ‘critical pedagogical’ as a consequence of the securitization have framework for giving agency to marginalized become hyper-visible and subjected to scrutiny as cultural, ethnic, and racial minority youths all problematic, stereotyped Others (Khawaja 2011). around the world. Inspired by Paulo Freire’s Furthermore, various pre-emptive measures problem-posing method, (e.g., Freire 1990; and plans of action have been implemented. 1994) this so-called Critical Hip Hop Pedagogy These include anti-radicalization programs (e.g., Hill 2009; Parmar 2009; Porfilio and Viola in which, for example, so-called ‘front-line 2012; Runell and Diaz 2007) has a deliberate personnel of the welfare state’ (such as teachers emphasis on developing youths’ critical thinking and social workers) are trained to prevent skills through active exchange and discussion, and take action against processes of religious making young people able to critique and radicalization and other potential threats question (‘deconstruct’) the veracity of dominant (Kühle 2011: 91–93). The featuring of socially texts within society (Gosa and Fields 2012). engaged rappers and hip hop activists as a kind Besides the pedagogical potential of motivating, of ‘musical front-line personnel of the welfare creating and developing learning possibilities state’ can thus be related to this process of for youngsters, hip hop culture’s potential to securitization—a process that has contributed engage youths around a ‘common third’ is to professionalizing rap and hip hop culture in emphasized, creating a kind of ‘belonging’ that what Amir, the manager of the social project aims to transcend marginalization and increase where I was engaged as a singing teacher, has the social sense of self (Elkjær et al. 2015). referred to as ‘the integration business’ (Amir, June 7, 2012).

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Rappers featuring the system as rap coaches listen to and by referring to themselves and in educational work within this ‘integration friends with a ‘G’ after their names: business’ often join critics in noting that rap music, due to commodification, has become No matter which ghetto you enter, the a site of contestation with a corporate music kids will put G after their names. Ahmed industry incredibly adept at redirecting hip hop’s G, Muhammed G, Abdi G—everybody social energies away from critical expressions of G. G for ‘gangster’. It says a lot when, struggle, protest, and resistance—and towards for instance, a six-year-old says ‘G’ about messages of materialism, greed, individualism, himself, right? (…) Their identities are and the depiction of stereotypical racial and developed around the so-called hip hop sexual identities, tacitly accepting misogyny and culture stressing topics like ‘I’m tough’, ‘We male sexism as well as masculine aggression and shoot in the ghettos’. 50 Cent lyrics and violence (see also Forman 2013). According to that stuff. Not that they’ll do it because 50 such critique, this not only devalues the ideals Cent says it, but the music you listen to of hip hop culture but also negatively affects and what you identify with create a kind the young people listening to rap music. Amir of frame for your life. (Babak, July 8, 2010) exemplifies this worry when describing how the young people (most of them teenage boys) For most of the rappers and producers engaging attending the workshop the first years looked up in rap-based educational work, therefore, to the gangsta-rapper Marwan, who released his their main purpose is less to make the young Danish-language debut album P.E.R.K.E.R.6 participants successful rappers, than to produce the same year as Amir started his work: values, ideals, and identities that can provide alternatives to commercially produced identities The only thing they talked about was such as criminal gangsters, ‘niggas’ or ‘perkere’. shooting: ‘We’re going to shoot, we gotta As, for instance, rap coach Erkan, working at get some weapons’. And then they had a youth club in a disadvantaged urban area, has Marwan in one ear: ‘We’re going to be put it: [rapping] ‘perker, perker, perker’, ‘self-made well-made’, ‘perker, perker’. It was really Musically speaking, there are plenty of an ugly picture. Suddenly, Marwan had things you could work on getting better. become a role model for a generation And I present these things for them of confused youngsters who didn’t know, regularly, but it’s not my main focus. My what to do. (Amir, June 7, 2012) main focus is the things they are writing. That they become more mature. (Erkan, Concerns about how Marwan’s stereotypical June 27, 2013) representation of the criminal perker influences the youths, illustrating the moral conflict within Furthermore, for several of the rap coaches hip hop culture in general, are also presented and program managers I have spoken with, by the rap coach Babak. He describes how the motivation for engaging in this kind the youngsters attending his workshops often of educational work is based on personal identify as ‘gangsters’ through the music they experiences from their own childhood and

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youth, and personal narratives of how music Rap coaching as a social production had ‘saved’ them from ending up technology in a criminal career. In that sense, much of the work is based on identification and common There is this discourse saying that the experiences between the young participants and reason why so many youngsters are the rap coaches. As Babak has explained: hanging on the street, making trouble, is because they don’t have anything to do. So The most important thing—and the that’s the identification of the problem. reason why you should support such And the available solutions: They don’t projects economically—is because it gives have anything to do and they don’t use the empowerment. Not because it makes good existing offers, so let’s offer some new. And musicians or rappers. It might spit out because rap is part of their culture, and a couple of groups, but more importantly, the people practicing hip hop—which are it gives people a feeling of success, right? the people wanting to make the projects— In life. It gives people an identity. Instead argue that that’s how it is, this became of being the psycho with the hardest a solution. (Ali, December 21, 2010) blow, you become the guy who can blow it hard in the mike, or the guy who writes Ali was conscious of the complex political good rhymes, or the guy who is good at negotiations and processes behind his work, beatboxing, or making beats or singing or as were most of his rap coach colleagues. This (…) whatever, right? It gives people, who awareness has made Ali position himself as one way or the other are nothing but some a provider of solutions by designing structured fucking perkere another approach to life, rap music production programs and courses where they can say, ‘I’m also a rapper’, and specifically targeting marginalized visible ‘I’m the one being good at that’. That’s also minority youths living in disadvantaged urban why I began to rap. (Babak, July 8, 2010) areas. In this way, as Ali pointed out, rap coaches and project managers like himself also appear to Thus, rappers engaging in social work are often uphold the very idea that rap is the solution— driven by philanthropic motivations, and a belief and thus something that the integration and that the use of the right tools and techniques citizenship-oriented part of the social sector can allow the participants to be heard and should support. Rap coach Erkan has made understood within majority society and get a similar reflection: them to behave in ways that will keep them on ‘the right track’. It is, as Ali puts it, most often The local communities and administrations ‘perkere helping perkere’ (Fieldnotes, July 7, 2010). are realizing that it [rap education] works. As described however, this hip hop pedagogical They hear from the institutions that, for activism has been adopted by the Danish instance, it attracts a lot of teenage boys welfare state as part of the securitization process and it keeps them off the streets. There implemented post-9/11. Besides bringing an is something anti-crime in it—because increase in public funding to the area, this has that is what they are told by, for instance, also placed rap-based educational work within people like me: ‘It’s good they come here complex political negotiations and processes. [to the youth club], because then they

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can vent their frustrations in another and democratic ideals and intentions precondition much better way than setting fire to cars.’ educational concerns (Söderman 2011: 215; see But you know, it’s not because we know also Ringsager 2015a). that for sure. It’s the theory. (Erkan, June This entangling of (musical) education 27, 2013) and (social) enlightenment, of agency and regulation, of emancipation and disciplining As shown in Ali’s and Erkan’s statements, rap was intensely present in the everyday lives coaches and project managers are themselves of the rappers I followed in their social work, involved in demonstrating that rap is ‘the as coaches, project leaders, studio owners or solution’, when rappers feature the system in consultants. However, in order to understand doing youth development work. The question the statements of Ali and Erkan quoted above, remains, however, how this self-reinforcing the educational enlightenment taking place process is best understood. within social, rap-based work might to a greater The Swedish music education researcher, extent be regarded in terms of the Foucauldian Johan Söderman (2011), has argued that notion of social technologies. Within this there are apparent pedagogical continuities analytical approach, the production of rap music between traditional forms of Scandinavian taking place within social institutionalized work non-formal education, Folkeoplysning (People’s is regarded as instrumentalized—as engineered, Enlightenment),7 and the contemporary mobilized, and acted upon—and ‘integrated voluntary education of marginalized visible into a larger management technology that minority youths through rap and hip hop. is structured to manifest particular kinds of According to Söderman, from its very beginning citizenship’ (Forman 2013: 254). According to Folkeoplysning had had two sides to it. On the Foucault, all technologies are by default social one hand, it has promoted the belief that people (Foucault 1988: 18; see also Jöncke, Svendsen can achieve emancipation and empowerment and Whyte 2004: 403; Rose, O’Malley and through education. In this sense Folkeoplysning Valverde 2006: 85). Traffic lights are, for is a radical educational ideal empowering instance, a (scientific) technique that becomes people through their own engagement and a social technology when it is used to regulate investment in education and social critique, the behavior of road users (see Jensen 2005: 43; with the ultimate aim of changing society. On Moos 2007: 9). Using the same terminology, the other hand it has also been—and still is— rapping and writing rap lyrics is a technique used to discipline people, ideally replacing that becomes a social technology when it is used the ‘old habits’ and ‘bad taste’ of the poorly in social work to achieve particular goals, like educated lower classes with more refined habits making well-behaved Danish citizens out of and tastes. In this sense, it can be regarded as problematic visible minority youths. an elitist educational ideal, where people are According to Jöncke, Svendsen and Whyte seen as objects to be ‘empowered’ and ‘helped’ (2004: 391) social technologies can be defined to enlightenment, and where the overall aim by three characteristics: first, social technologies is about taming and disciplining the ‘wild’ contain languages of power enabling and (working class). Inspired by Pierre Bourdieu, promoting certain actions and understandings, Söderman claims that a certain degree of while regarding others as irrelevant and symbolic violence must be present, even when impossible; second, social technologies embed

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possibilities and ideas about social interaction; authorities. Thus, the implementation of power and third, social technologies are ‘morally fixed,’ taking place within rap-based social work has to exercising power through their applicability to appear efficient to the system and the supporting central values rather than through their actual authority, while at the same time appear ‘natural’ efficiency. A particular social technology thus to the young participants. defines the very problem at the same time as It remains to be seen how rap coaches, defining the problem’s subjects and solutions. deliberately articulating their work as outlined Moreover, it always contains an implicit moral solutions to social worries about the crimi- rationale about what is the ‘right’ thing to do, nalization and radicalization of marginalized as well as promises about what can be achieved youths, negotiate their position as enactors of if the problem subjects choose to act according social technologies in everyday life. What kinds to the outlined solution ( Jöncke, Svendsen and of strategies do they put into play? And how Whyte 2004: 394; Rose 2010: 52). Relatedly, do they practically impose particular moralities Leif Moos (2009: 87) has noted how social onto the participants and enact ‘silenced forms technologies that are brought into a given social of power’? space are often described as ‘natural’ and ‘neutral’ tools that are readily available to practitioners. Mainstreaming the This conception of the ‘natural’ contributes positive life story to making social technologies ‘powerful but silenced forms of power’. Shortly after I ended my work as a singing Further to the continuum encompassing teacher in the social non-profit organization Critical Hip Hop Pedagogy and People’s in Copenhagen in the summer of 2009, Enlightenment, social technologies can be a similar rap-based project was abruptly (albeit understood as solutions to be implemented temporarily) closed in the Danish city of through institutional effort in light of particular Aarhus, and the rapper hired to coach the young social and cultural definitions of the problem. participants was dismissed. The dismissal of Looking at rap as a social technology helps us the coach and the closure of the project were to understand Ali’s and Erkan’s analyses of their publically justified with these words by the work in the wider context of the welfare state. responsible manager: The relationship between rappers, working as rap coaches, and youths, receiving help to write A song, which we can’t vouch for, has come and produce rap music, always involves modes out in public. The lyrics, which I am very and languages of power, making it possible to sorry about, do not reflect the work we do promote certain actions and understandings. on a daily basis. (Justesen in Mikkelsen This also means that the positions occupied by and Agger 2009, my translation) the rap coaches are essential for the success of rap as the solution. They are in a position The song referred to was titled ‘Messerschmidt wherein they are supposed to act as role models Diss’ and was composed by one of the underage to a group of young people that most often participants under the guidance of the now- regards the system as intervening and regulating, dismissed rap coach. It was a diss8 of several while at the same time implementing the politicians, including the right-wing nationalist very regulation imposed by the supporting politician Morten Messerschmidt, a member

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of The Danish People’s Party.9 In the rap, the process and the hippie pedagogy’ ( Joseph, Messerschmidt was referred to through the June 14, 2012). All this leave the rap coaches in following lines: ‘I’ve got a single bullet for complex positions where they, in their day-to- Morten Messerschmidt / ‘cause he talks a lot day work, have to balance and navigate between of shit / he should come and suck my dick.’10 differing expectations and moral values. When the lyrics of the song were printed as part In enacting this balancing act, rap coach of a local newspaper article about the project, Joseph has, for instance, described how he they quickly made it into national media, always tries to make participants focus on igniting a heated debate and raising a series what he refers to as the ‘narrative, positive life of critical questions regarding the use of rap story’—a story where the participants put their as a resource in social work with marginalized thoughts and feelings into words, describing youths before eventually leading to the closure their past in order to find their way forward of the rap program and dismissal of the rap ( Joseph, June 14, 2012). Through discussions coach.11 with the youths, he tries to give them a sense The closure of the project, the dismissal of belonging by ‘branding the identity of of the rap coach and the huge media attention being Danish and branding the values of surrounding this one song demonstrates how democracy’ (Joseph June 14, 2012), as he puts the use of rap as a tool in social technologies it. Furthermore, the funding authorities often imposes particular moralities, not only onto the explicitly demand that the rap coaches, in their young participants but also onto the rap coaches work, improve the Danish language skills of the featuring the system who constantly have to participating youths (Fieldnotes, e.g. Ali, May negotiate the moral ambiguity associated with 20, 2014). Thus, as the Danish sociolinguists rap and hip hop culture. Although the case was Andreas Stæhr and Lian M. Madsen also an isolated incident, it resonated among the have shown (Stæhr and Madsen 2014), rap many project managers and rap coaches engaged coaches often urge the young rappers to express in social work all over Denmark and created themselves in a more standardized Danish a heightened awareness of the power relations when writing rap lyrics, using majority language taking place within these projects. In particular, terms rather than multi-ethnolectical terms that it highlighted the precarious position of rap further emphasize their minority position in coaches implementing the social technology of Danish society. rap: on the one hand, controlling and regulating The guidance and supervision of lyrical young people and, on the other, treating them productions in the context of social rap with respect and giving them a voice within programs thus expose a pre-existing ideological a music culture where dissent and violent framework as well as parameters of language and imagery is a common part of the expressive content promoting respect, non-antagonism, a repertoire. Moreover, the rap coaches are often positive life style, and an absence of (at least very faced with the participants’ expectations of strong) profanity. In doing so, the rap coaches becoming good and successful rappers within do not only establish alternatives to prevailing the rap scene—and not necessarily good and gangsta themes in commercial and underground successful citizens. As the rap coach and project rap music, for as Forman (2013: 253–4) points manager Joseph has told me, ‘the youngsters out from an American context, rap coaches— are product-oriented, so it can’t just be about working as role models—also clearly advocate

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what is often referred to as ‘conscious rap’, what he refers to as a ‘mainstreaming process’ thereby imposing certain moral genre rules for (Ali, December 21, 2010), where he gradually the youngsters wishing to participate in the introduces certain values and ideas that the projects. That these rules often regulate access for youths slowly internalize. He emphasizes individual young rappers is demonstrated in the that his own status as a recognized rapper way the rap coach Asem handles young rappers and musician is crucial in conducting this who wish to record in the studio he manages, mainstreaming of certain moralities, because it which is affiliated with a local youth club. He gives ‘respect and justification. (…) It makes it told me how he always asked the young rappers possible to push the boys forward and still make to send him their lyrics before they got access to demands and such things’ (Ali, December 21, the studio. When I asked him how this process 2010). It is therefore the particular rap coach’s of regulation actually worked, he explained by ability to balance his position as a mediator of referring to a Facebook-correspondence he had different politically defined moralities, while had with a young rapper: maintaining his position as a recognized rapper, musician, and role model, that finally decides He [the young rapper] can’t get access to whether the social technology’s silenced forms the studio before he has changed this [the of power can be successfully implemented as lyrics]. That’s how I get him to think about a ‘natural’ regulation of the musical and social it. ... The first thing I do is to ask why he behavior of the participating youths. The makes a song like this with so many nasty awareness of this often induces quite a few words. I pass it on slowly. Then he tries considerations for the individual rap coach. Rap again, sends me a revised text where he coach Erkan, for instance, has often considered has removed some of the nasty words, but whether it is actually a disadvantage that there are still many left. Then I tell him to the local youths know that he does not allow remove this and that and send me a revised recordings of gangsta rap or songs with violent version of the song as soon as possible. content—since this probably entails that some And the third time, I directly change it all, young people do not attend his rap workshops and tell him, ‘That’s the way to do it. That’s and studio sessions (Erkan June 27, 2013). what I mean. The other stuff doesn’t work.’ Furthermore, the project manager Amir has (Asem, February 1, 2013) explained how he is very aware of the fact that he: As Asem emphasized, this regulating process was his way (as a rap coach and role model) to can’t just censor ... but you can say, ‘I really take responsibility, and to say, ‘Well, it’s not cool think it’s stupid, when you write that you at all, you know, when you wanna shoot people want to stick a knife in his head. That’s and kill them and smash empty bottles on their not cool at all.’ You can say that to people. heads’ (Asem, February 1, 2013). That’s the way to guide and supervise, until Similarly, the rap coach Ali explained they understand what it means ... Tell that when he interacts socially with the young them how things are done in the music participants, guiding them in picking a theme business, what it is that makes one rap for a rap song and assisting in the actual song a hit and not another—and in this writing and recording process, he conducts sense use the music business and the music

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as the pedagogical common denominator. manager of a project that has released several Instead of just saying, ‘You just can’t do albums with nationwide distribution, explained that.’ (Amir, June 7, 2012) why he finds a curatorial approach to the lyrical content appropriate: If one should talk of a general pedagogical inclination it would be realness: ‘I’ve always If we make an album financed by the been taught that I can’t lie in my songs,’ as an municipality or something, it has to be underage rapper has put it ( June 18, 2012). In within the scope of certain things. I explain order to implement moralities of being real, the that to them [the participants]. And then rap coaches often urge the young rappers to I try to make them understand, that there adopt a position as an ‘everyday politician’ (Ali, is no need to depict something that is not December 21, 2010) representing other youths real. If it’s true that for instance you have in their local ‘hood. However, according to my seen a robbery or something, then it’s research, the regulations and the limitations of permitted to tell that story. But you have what are acceptable musical expressions in the a responsibility towards those listening to context of rap programs is very much dependent your music and towards your little brothers on the rap coach’s personal estimation of the and the next generation, who don’t know individual youths. As Asem explains: ‘If I know and who can’t distinguish between whether you’re a good and decent person, you can scream the story is a lie, or bragging, or something and shout what ever you like. But if I sense you’re real. ( Joseph, June 14, 2012) some kind of psycho, we should definitely have a talk’ (Asem, February 1, 2013). Furthermore, For Joseph the choice to exclude deviant or what is regarded as acceptable musical radical expressions from the albums is supported expression depends on the specific situation and by moral arguments about responsibility towards context of the particular performance. Several the younger generation. Here, he emphasizes of the rap coaches with whom I have spoken that an important strategy in the use of rap seem to distinguish between what is accepted music production as a social technology is also within internal workshops and studio sessions the musical mediation of the positive life story and what is accepted in public concerts or on to a broader audience of youths. albums released in the name of the projects or Besides these pedagogical and moral youth clubs. For example, an underage rapper, intentions, the regulation of lyrical content who has written and performed several songs should also be understood in an economic for albums released by the rap project he context. Within this context, the regulation attended, has explained how he and the rest of of lyrics is important for obtaining (further) the participants were told that they could not funding to continue the rap-based educational contribute with songs that incited others to do work—as well as to maintain the jobs of the something stupid—at least not, as he stressed, rap coaches and project managers themselves. on the albums released in the name of the It is therefore worth noting that, even though project ( June 20, 2012). the rap coaches I have met in my field research There can be several motives for the are driven by philanthropic values, they hold exclusion of deviant expressions from albums positions they are paid to perform.12 Hence, publicly released by social projects. Joseph, the as the musical output of the projects might

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be regarded as a parameter of the individual make them ‘behave’, and to help those who want project’s success, the participants are not only to be helped to get on the ‘right track’ in life. mouthpieces for their local ‘hood or the people The very music produced within the programs with whom they identify, they also represent is, furthermore, often a result of many hours of the projects (or youth clubs) to which they are hard work and (at least in the best productions) affiliated, and thus the rap coaches employed is often highly valued not only by the there. This is something that provides another participants themselves but also by other youths dimension to the complex position of rappers in the local community. Moreover, competitions featuring the system as well as to the desired like Rapkings,13 where young rappers from all success of the particular rap program. around Denmark vie for the position of Rapking of the year, not only work as motivators for the Rap as resource: youths but also create a network between young Expediency and ‘forced rappers from very different (geographical as well means of integration’ as socio-economical) local communities around Denmark. Several participants in the projects I As mentioned earlier in this article, I have been have followed have additionally performed in told many stories about how individual youths television talent shows like MGP (the Danish attending rap-based programs have gained Junior Song Contest hosted by the Danish self-confidence, have learned to reflect upon Broadcasting Corporation) or X Factor. In this themselves as individuals and social agents sense, some of the youths attending rap-based within society, and thus have been ‘civilized’ programs actually manage to reach a broader (Gilliam and Gulløv 2012). I have also listened audience, thereby musically mediating the to stories—told by rap coaches as well as by the ‘positive life stories’ to the local network and the youths themselves—about how youths have surrounding society. gone from making what a rap coach called ‘thug- Finally, the many local rap programs and life-2pac-outlaw stuff ’ (Fieldnotes, December workshops in disadvantaged housing areas 9, 2013) to rapping about experiences of being which have been established during the past a teenager in the local ‘hood, about how they 10–15 years have contributed to making visible felt about the political situation, about girls, or minority youths active, not only in their local about schoolwork and parents—and how this communities (through concerts, studios, album change in attitude had a positive effect on their releases, rap music educational workshops everyday life. etc.) but also in the commercial rap scene Such stories seem to indicate that youths, in Denmark. As Ali has argued, many of the adapting to the rules of the rap programs, are more talented local young rappers, though not conscious of the objectives of these programs participating in the rap programs, have used and self-consciously seek to meet them when facilities and studios and performed at gigs asked about their learning outcomes. However, and on compilation albums released by social it also indicates that the social technologies projects (Ali, June 8, 2012). For this reason, the carried out by the rap coaches, and the silent very presence of publicly funded rap programs power practiced through the mainstreaming and studios in certain neighborhoods has, processes in many ways have the potential to according to Ali, contributed to bringing visible educate the youths in adapting to the rules, to minority rappers from a marginal position

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within the commercial rap scene to a more scene and hip hop culture constitute a diasporic dominant one (see Ringsager 2016). community, creating a space of identification for However, in order to get a broader and youths who experience being marginalized and more complex understanding of the effect of alienated in the national space of identification. rap as a social technology working to promote In this sense, the choice of rap appears ‘natural’, inclusion and integration of marginalized but it also allows for a simplified reproduction visible minority youths within Danish society, of the public image of visible minority youths, it is worth dwelling a bit on the articulated establishing hip hop as the youth culture, conceptions underlying precisely why rap providing the grounds for its appropriation and music and hip hop culture are articulated reproduction both by the youths themselves and as the solutions to such societal problems. by policy makers and social workers. George Yúdice (2003: 38) defines the concept Where the idea that ‘rap is part of their ‘expediency’ as a performative understanding culture’ is appropriated in all features between of ‘the strategies implied in any invocation of the system and rappers, the expediency of rap’s culture, any invention of tradition, in relation relating to musical and lyrical production to some purpose or goal’. When culture processes in social and educational programs is contains the opportunity to reach a goal, you also closely attached to the conception of rap can, according to Yúdice, speak of culture as being ‘easy to learn’ (compared with other as a resource (ibid.). Applying this to my forms of music). This conception has been subject field, the general understanding of a recurring statement by the rap coaches and the expediency of rap as a resource in social project managers whom I have spoken with: ‘It’s technologies targeting marginalized visible much easier to sit with pen and paper compared minority youths is closely connected to the with learning to play music. Then you need an idea that ‘rap is part of their culture’, as Ali instrument and everything, you know,’ as the said: ‘They all wear the clothes; they all listen to rap coach Joseph has explained ( June 14, 2012). the music. And when you are part of a culture, Likewise, Erkan has described how he finds that, there will always be a lot of people dreaming ‘It’s much easier to express yourself through rap about being a performer’ (Ali, December 21, than through singing in a blues or rock band. 2010). It has often been suggested that rap This is much more difficult to set up, because and hip hop culture have evolved as a kind of you need a band and so on’ (June 27, 2013). lingua franca or a ‘resistance vernacular’ (Potter Sometimes the rap coaches I have spoken with 1995: 68) among urban youths on a global scale, have underpinned this notion of rap as an ‘easy encompassing the mobility of immigrants and to learn kind of music’ with arguments that rap refugee youths (Forman 2013: 249). The origin for this reason is more ‘democratic’ than other of the aesthetic expressions of hip hop culture kinds of music (see. e.g.. Ali, December 21, among marginalized African-Americans in the 2010; Deniz, September 2, 2014). cities of the USA, and a persistent image of Furthermore, Amir relates the conception rap as the political mouthpiece of ‘the ghetto’, of rap being easier to learn than other kinds seem to have led the way for the use of rap of music to the fact that rap can provide among groups feeling marginalized in other a quick feeling of success, and thus is suited to contexts. The conception that ‘rap is part of their engage particular visible minority youths from culture’ is thus based on the idea that the rap underprivileged urban areas:

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As I see it, the reason why so many (i.e., music training institutions for children Muslim boys are rapping is because it’s and young people which are very common in easier than spending time and energy on Denmark), but are most often associated with learning to play the guitar, for instance. youth clubs (ungdomsskoler) or the work of Because it’s definitely harder to become independent social organizations with their own a good guitarist than a rapper. Becoming facilities, which are often placed in the center of a lyrical rapper is the easiest thing in a disadvantaged area with a high percentage of the world. And it’s also a shortcut to get inhabitants with an ethnic minority background. recognition, and it’s a shortcut to get in The argument for doing so is most often that the spotlight, it’s a shortcut to get some it is in order to meet the target group on their girls, it’s a shortcut to get more friends, it’s own terms. Obviously, the lack of rap classes a shortcut to get social acquaintances. Or in music schools can be explained in terms at least they think so! That’s how I see it. of history, traditions, employment policies, Because, if you go to a local youth club in, and the scope of activities carried out in this for instance, North Zealand [a well-off area particular educational environment that often north of Copenhagen], then the girls and focuses on technical skills and individual boys are practicing day after day: ‘We’re musical excellence. However, the choice of not going to get the perfect singing voice, and supplying rap music at the more established we’ll spend ten years on it’. Whereas here music schools also underlines the idea that [a disadvantaged area in Copenhagen] rap is a particular kind of resource, a particular nobody wants to spent ten years on that! social technology, targeting a particular group Because their dad’s standing right in front of primarily male, visible minority youths in of them telling them: ‘Go out and make order to keep them ‘off the street’ and shape some money. Money is the most important them into ‘good citizens’. Citizenship-building thing.’ (Amir, June 7, 2012) rather than music education, production, and the shaping of good musicians is the objective, In this view, it is essential that rap is easily something also illustrated by the rap coaches’ accessible if you wish to target what Amir statements presented in this article. However, calls ‘Muslim boys’ living in disadvantaged this difference in rap education and other kinds urban areas. The key question, according to of music education contributes to creating Amir, is the upbringing of the boys, where a distinction between young people rapping, and money precludes the time you should spend on young people singing, playing the guitar, and so becoming a good musician / artist.14 Although forth, just like it might attribute to rap a lower several rap coaches have stressed that of course aesthetic status in generalized perceptions of it requires both talent and exercise to become musical genre hierarchies. Contrary to music a good rapper, the recurring conception of rap schools, which are very expensive to attend, it music as ‘much easier’ (or ‘easier to learn than is, furthermore, much cheaper—sometimes for instance singing or playing the guitar’) is a totally free—to attend rap classes or workshops strong premise for the expediency of rap as a affiliated to youth clubs or social projects. If the social technology—and is not without problems. young participants’ socio-economic capacities First, rap programs, courses, and workshops are taken into account, the distinction is almost are rarely affiliated to public music schools self-reinforcing, thereby also reproducing the

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social distinctions and categorizations that are extent do begin to rap, it gets even easier to draw connected with the execution of different kinds the conclusion that this is because rap is ‘part of music and genres. of their culture’—and, as a consequence, that Second, as argued above, a vital point if something could latch onto ‘their culture’ it relating to social technologies is that they not would have to be ‘easy to learn’. With a self- only ‘solve’ a defined problem, they also ascribe reinforcing effect, this once again makes it easier certain understandings, perspectives, and values for rappers wishing to engage in social work to the problem—and in doing so, they also to obtain the means to do it, because they can constitute the problem ( Jöncke, Svendsen and easily convince public and private authorities Whyte 2004). Social technologies are thus not that rap is the best way to reach out to visible only implemented with a view to solve a specific minority youths. The idea of the expediency of problem, they also create a particular social rap as a resource in social technologies targeting reality. Philosopher Ian Hacking describes marginalized visible minority youths thus such a process by using the notion of ‘dynamic becomes manifest—and the category gets ‘real’ nominalism’ (Hacking 1999 [1986]), which (Hacking 1999: 168). indicates that a thing does not become a named, This self-reinforcing process creates the categorized phenomenon until it is recognized ‘danger’ that rap and hip hop culture increasingly as such. Consequently, dynamic nominalism become related to this group of young people describes an anti-essentialist philosophy of which, in light of ideals of inclusion, may well becoming-something (Hacking 1999: 165). One be problematic. Echoing anthropologist Inger of the consequences of positioning rap and hip Sjørslev (2011), this raises the question of hop culture as the most expedient music culture whether the efforts to include marginalized for engaging visible minority youths—thereby visible minority youths in rap-based educational generating subsidies to people designing and programs might have the consequence of implementing rap-based projects and programs actually excluding them. Several of the rap in the field of integration and citizenship- coaches and social workers I have spoken with building—is a high concentration of rap are aware of this paradoxical question. They have programs and studios in underprivileged urban described how, despite the best of intentions of areas (compared with other kinds of cultural promoting agency, self-awareness, and inclusion offerings in the locales). This concentration through rap, to their frustration they see in their might induce young people living there to think daily work that this sometimes contributes to an that this is the type of music they can make and isolation of the participants from other young thus do make. people in the neighborhood or from other This institutionalization of rap in social musicians and the music industry. Hence, as the technologies, and the economic support of rap social worker, Birgitte, has argued, the use of workshops, programs, and studios in certain rap to integrate specifically marginalized visible areas (where engaged rap coaches are waiting minority youths in society actually risks having to help marginalized youth) also contributes the opposite effect: to reproducing the idea of rap as ‘part of their culture’—both internally, in the local The reality is that when you give the communities and externally, in the surrounding migrant boys the majority in rap society. As visible minority youths to a greater communities, you’re helping them without

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actually helping them. Because, if you’re as a social technological resource mobilized to going to make rap projects, ethnicity solve problems related to social integration and should not be the main factor. But that’s the turning of marginalized youths into ‘good what’s happening. Rap is used as a forced citizens’; but the particular constellation of rap means of integration. (Birgitte, December as a resource has also established a niche in the 16, 2010) formal labor market between the music industry and the social sector: creating jobs for rappers. As clarified by Birgitte, features between the James Hay has suggested that because: system and socially and politically engaged rappers might risk using rap as a ‘forced a neoliberal form of governance assumes means of integration’. Working with the best that social subjects are not and should not of intentions and with what is established as be subject to direct forms of state control, the ‘right’ tools and techniques for integration it relies upon mechanisms for governing and inclusion of the target group in Danish ‘through society’, through programs society, the particular constellation of rap as an that shape, guide, channel—and upon expedient resource in social technologies entails responsible, self-disciplining social subjects. the danger of reproducing and reinforcing the (Hay 2003: 166) very societal problems it works to solve. When featuring the system, rap coaches poten­ Concluding remarks: tially constitute just such an institutional Beyond ‘perkere helping mechanism, capable of adjusting particular perkere’ forms of outsourcing. In this sense the rap coaches are positioned in ungrateful yet Utilizing rap music as an expedient tool in powerful positions working to cure societal social technologies targeting marginalized illnesses and ‘civilize’ youths marginalized and minority youths ‘on the edge of society’ has, as alienated from society. As shown in this article, illustrated throughout this article, also utilized rap coaches are often aware of this position, rappers as agents in what Amir referred to as negotiating not only the moral ambiguity the ‘integration business’ (Amir, June 7, 2012). within hip hop culture but also the moral values In many ways this has professionalized social imposed by supporting the authorities in their work with rap music production and it has daily work with the youths. As is evident from created a kind of ‘rap as resource industry’ the statements of the participants, many of them engaging rappers as rap coaches, social workers, do this successfully as they internalize narratives and project managers. Based on Yúdice’s of integration and citizenship building and idea of the expediency of culture it is obvious causally relate this to the act of rap music that, in the Danish context of integration production. However, in designing rap-based of visible minority youths, rap music and programs specifically targeting marginalized hip hop culture have been ‘invoked to solve visible minority youths on the basis of problems that previously were the province conceptions of rap as ‘part of their culture’ and of economy and politics’ (Yúdice 2003: 25). ‘easy to learn’, there are risks that the projects Furthermore, rap and hip hop culture have might actually exacerbate the excluded and become doubly expedient: first and foremost, subordinate position of the young participants

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in Danish society. By professionalizing attending rap workshops without his parents’ rap within the ‘integration business’ the acceptance and awareness, because his father (due to religious belief) objected to his son rapping social engagement of the rap coaches has (Fieldnotes, April 20, 2010). moved beyond ‘perkere helping perkere’ (Ali, 6 Perker is originally an ethnic slur in the Danish Fieldnotes, July 7, 2010). It has been placed language, which (like ‘nigga’ in the USA) has been within a complex network of institutionalized reappropriated by visible minority youngsters as an identification used to mark a distance from authorities and integration policies where the Danish identification and Danish society. To rap coaches act as institutional mechanisms of identify as perker is a strategy most often used the same authorities and policies that, in their in order to deal with feelings of exclusion and in own music, they often call into question. trying to sustain a sense of agency in life (see also Jensen 2011). 7 Folkeoplysning (or People’s Enlightenment) was Notes a movement established in the 19th century, under the guidance of the Danish preacher and 1 All the interviews quoted in this article were poet N. F. S. Grundtvig, working to develop conducted in Danish and translated into English knowledge and self-consciousness among the by the author. peasants. The movement of Folkeoplysning, 2 Between 2010–2014 I conducted field research whose ideas and methods were later taken up among visible minority rappers (see note 3), by the Workers’ movement, created a number focusing on the role of commercial rap as well of institutions of education and cooperation as social rap-based work in the tension between with a lasting effect on the development of the inclusion and exclusion of visible minorities in Scandinavian countries into modern democratic Denmark. Spread across this period, among other welfare societies. things, I regularly participated in social projects 8 Diss is a shortened version of ‘disrespect’, and involving rap music production (some of which a diss track or a diss song is, in hip hop slang, are now closed) and interviewed rap coaches, a song primarily intended to disrespect a person project managers, and participants affiliated or group. to these. In total, I conducted 42 interviews 9 Messerschmidt was at the time a household with 33 rappers, producers, and other persons name partly because of his radical political views, affiliated the rap scene. (Ringsager 2015b; see partly because of his frequent appearances in also Ringsager 2013; Ringsager 2015a; Ringsager glossy tabloid magazines with his girlfriend who 2016). is a cabaret singer. 3 I use ‘visible minorities’ as a generic term to 10 My translation of the original Danish lyrics: ‘Jeg refer to people who are refugees, immigrants, or har en enkelt patron for Morten Messerschmidt / for descendants of people from Muslim-majority han snakker masser shit / han sku’ kom’ og sut min pik.’ countries in the Middle East or Northern Africa. 11 See Ringsager 2015a or Ringsager 2015b for 4 It is not the aim of this article to discuss whether a closer description of the debate. rap has become an independent genre or musical 12 People engaged in temporary positions in self- form without a necessary connection to hip hop financed projects or organizations dependent culture (see also Krogh 2006). Nor is it the aim on private or public economical support are, of to define or draw boundaries between real and course, in much more exposed positions—and unreal or between underground and commercial have much more at risk—than people engaged in hip hop. Rather than drawing up categories, I permanent positions in, for instance, youth clubs. am interested in conceptualizing the musical In the context of this article, this is something and cultural practices that lie behind individual I have chosen not to take into consideration. orientations towards certain ideals, for instance However, in an economical perspective, this real or unreal. distinction is of course important. 5 It should be mentioned that I have also 13 The annual competition, Rapkings, was initiated experienced the opposite: a young teenage boy by the rapper Adonis Gomez from the rap

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group KNA in cooperation with the council of Hacking, Ian 1999 [1986]. Making up people. In Copenhagen and youth clubs around Denmark. Mario Biagioli (ed.). Science Studies Reader. London: 14 Several rappers (both young teenagers and more Routledge. established rappers on the commercial hip hop scene) have substantiated this argument, pointing Hay, James 2003. Unaided Virtues: The (Neo) to how their parents always have expected them Liberalization of the Domestic Sphere and the New to prioritize their work or studies over their Architecture of Community. In J. Bratich, J. Packer music. and C. McCarthy (eds.). Foucault, Cultural Studies, and Governmentality. Albany: State University of New York Press. References Hill, Marc L. 2009. Beats, Rhymes, and Classroom Bleich, Erik 2009. Muslims and the State in the Life: Hip-Hop Pedagogy and the Politics of Identity. Post-9/11 West: Introduction. Journal of Ethnic and New York: Teachers College Press. Migration Studies 35 (3): 353–360. Jensen, Anders Fogh 2005. Mellem ting: Foucault Elkjær, Lea, Gry T. Holm, Mira S. Andersen, filosofi. Frederiksberg: Det lille Forlag. Tobias S. Nielsen and Line L. Mørck 2015. Jensen, Sune Qvotrup 2011. Othering, identity Hiphopkulturen: et fællesskabende og frigørende formation and agency. Qualitative Studies 2 (2): mulighedsrum. Social Kritik 142: 80–93. 63–78.

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Ringsager, Kristine 2013. ‘I Wanna Be a Dark- Sjørslev, Inger 2011. The Paradox of Integration: Skinned Pork Roast’—and Other Stories about Excluding while Claiming to Integrate into Danish how ‘Dark’ Danish Rappers Negotiate Otherness Society. In Karen Fog Olwig and Karsten Pæregaard in their Marketing and Music Productions. (eds.). The Question of Integration: Immigration, CyberOrient 7 (2). http://www.cyberorient.net/article. Exclusion and the Danish Welfare State. Cambridge: do?articleId=9063 Cambridge Scholars Press.

Ringsager, Kristine 2015a. ‘It Ain’t Shit About Stæhr, Andreas, and Lian M. Madsen 2014. the Music!’ Discussions on Freedom of Expression Standard Language in Urban Rap: Social Media, in Relation to Rap Music in Social Work. Danish Linguistic Practice and Ethnographic Context. Musicology Online Special Edition: 109–128. Tilburg Papers in Culture Studies, Paper 94. Tilburg: Tilburg University. Ringsager, Kristine 2015b. Rap, rettigheder, respekt: En musikalsk antropologi om medborgerskab, Söderman, Johan 2011. ‘Folkbildning’ through kosmopolitisme og brune rappere i Danmark. PhD Hip-Hop: How the Ideals of Three Rappers Parallel Thesis. Department of Arts and Cultural Studies, a Scandinavian Educational Tradition. Music University of Copenhagen. Education Research 13 (2): 211–225.

Ringsager, Kristine 2016. ‘Danmark som vi kender Yúdice, George 2003. The Expediency of Culture: det’: Forhandlinger af medborgerskab og andethed Uses of Culture in the Global Era. Durham: Duke i rap og hiphopmusik.’ In Mads Krogh and Henrik University Press. Marstal (eds.). Populærmusikkultur i Danmark siden 2000. Odense: Syddansk Universitetsforlag. Kristine Ringsager Postdoctoral Researcher Rose, Nikolas, Pat O’Malley, and Marianna Department of Communication Valverde 2006. Governmentality. Annual Review of and Psychology Law and Social Science 2 (1): 83–104. Aalborg University [email protected]

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