Articulation and in Romance

Daniel Recasens† † Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Spain E-mail: [email protected]

on-glide, i.e., [j j] > [jej] > [i] and [j w]> [jew]> [iw], as ABSTRACT   exemplified by Haute Loire [sjejs] (SEX, “six”), [seizo] Research carried out by Romance dialectologists, (CERESIA, “cherry”), [djew], [diw] (DEU, “God”) [4: 82, historical linguists and phoneticians since the end of the 96-97]. On the other hand, lowering has applied to XIX century has contributed to clarify the role of [jj] and [jw] but not so to [jej] and [jew], e.., [mjj]> articulatory factors in sound change. By focusing on data on Romance dialects and on theoretical approaches [mjaj] (MEDIU, “half”) in Vaux and [djw] > [djaw] > advocated by Romance linguists in the past, the present [djçw] (DEU) in Diois [5: 177; 6, vol. I: 373]. paper attempts to show the relevance of articulatory detail The fact that dissimilatory lowering is not prone to to the understanding of sound change processes and apply to rising with (mid) high may be phonetic production mechanisms. associated with the strict articulatory requirements 1. INTRODUCTION involved in the production of these vocalic sequences. Regarding sequences with the on-glide [j], high Analyses of available data on Romance dialects in articulatory demands appear to be related to the monographs and linguistic atla ses allow us to formulate prominence of the carryover effects associated with credible hypotheses about the intermediate stages in dorsum and and with jaw raising phonetic derivations connecting input forms with both for the glide and for the vowel nucleus ([7]). A high their output correlates in Romance. This reconstruction constriction degree at the and at the tongue dorsum for task puts us in an invaluable position for gaining a better the on-glide and the vowel in the case of [wo] may also understanding of those articulatory mechanisms involved result in salient C-to- carryover effects and a heavily in the implementation of phonetic evolution. Within this constrained CV sequence. Evidence for salient carryover framework, I will focus on data collected by Romance effects associated with rounding accounts for specific linguists on several sound change topics, namely, vowel changes occurring after a labial or a labial shifts in diphthongs and triphthongs (section 2), velar vowel: glide insertion, as for Judeo-Spanish [pwade] palatalization and velar softening (section 3), segmental (PATRE, “father”) and dialectal Catalan [kow ] (CODA, categorization of the CV and VC transitions (section 4), ´ “tail”) [8: 357; 9: 302]; vowel , as for Tuscan and consonant weakening and strengthening (section 5). fucina (OFFICINA, “office”) [10: 169]; consonantal Section 6 deals with sound changes which have been explained in articulatory terms by Romance linguists but absorption, as for [awi] for [awi] in dialectal are better accounted for on a perceptual basis. Catalan (OPERIRE, “to open”) [9: 201]. (b) Another relevant trend is the reluctance for 2. VOCALIC SEQUENCES heterorganic rising and falling vocalic sequences to Production factors appear to play a relevant role in undergo assimilatory vowel raising and dissimilatory the development of diphthongs and triphthongs arisen vowel lowering. Indeed, vowel lowering is not prone to through contextual or spontaneous vowel affect the rising diphthongs [jç], [jo], [ju], [w], [we] and diphthongization in Romance. This view is in contrast [wi] and the falling diphthongs [çj], [oj], [uj], [w], [ew] with perception- based accounts of segmental assimilation and [iw], or the triphthongs [j j], [joj], [w w] and [wew]. and according to which those processes ç  result in an increase in perceptual salience and Vowel raising may also be blocked in the tripthongs just distinctiveness [1, 2] or else are motivated by mentioned. hypocorrection or hypercorrection [3]. A possible rationale for the absence of changes in (a) Data from Romance dialects show that (mid) vowel height in this case could be associated with the fact high vowel nuclei may undergo assimilatory raising but that the production of sequences such as [we] and [jo] are reluctant to undergo dissimilatory lowering when involves antagonistic gestures, i.e., tongue occurring in rising diphthongs and triphthongs with a fronting/raising and lip unrounding after [w] ([we]) and homorganic on-glide (i.e., [ji], [je], [wu], [wo], [woj], tongue backing and lip rounding after [j] ([jo]). Rather than being subject to vowel raising and lowering, those [wow], [jej], [jew]). Thus, Latin [] has undergone a vocalic complexes appear to undergo changes two-step raising shift in Occitan triphthongs with a palatal contributing to a simplification of the articulatory articulatory gestures for the adjacent vowel and movements involved such as on-glide deletion and vowel consonant. rounding in the case of the vocalic sequences with [w]. Regressive tongue dorsum lowering/ retraction in Illustrative examples are [w] for [ww] (OVU, “egg”) VC sequences with dark [l], [w] and the alveolar trill [] in Gascon, and [pø] from [pwet] (POTET, “he/she can”) (and also anticipatory lip rounding associated with [w]) in French [11: 122; 12: 91-92]. accounts for the insertion of glides with a lower F2 than the preceding vowel. Illustrative examples are Limousin 3. PALATALIZATION [tjalo] (TELA, “cloth”), [tjaro] (TERRA, “earth”) and Data on velar palatalization in Romance suggest that [vjawre] (VIVERE, “to live”), and Romansh [awlt] realizations of front velars differing in degree (ALTU, “tall”) [6, vol. I: 135, 157, 376; 19: 55]. Other of fronting may give rise to palatal and alveolar . consonantal gestures may cause the regressive and Indeed, it has been shown that these palatal stop progressive insertion of high glides, i.e., [j] in the context may be articulated at the medio-postpalatal of a and [w] in CV sequences with a zone but also at the alveolopalatal zone [13]. If realized as labial or and a . The former palatalized dentoalveolars, they are frequently heard as /tj/ insertion type has taken place in French chièvre (CAPRA, or /t/ in Occitan phonetic variants such as [tju] (CULU, “goat”) and Western Catalan [kaja] (CAPSA, “box”) “bottom”) in Haute Loire, and [keti] (‘French celui-ci’, [11: 163; 9: 288], and the latter accounts for Occitan “this one”) in Provence [4: 167; 14: 83]. This view runs [kwolp] (COLAPHU, “blow”) and dialectal Portuguese against the claim that velar softening should be accounted [vwaso] (VASU, “vase”) [6, vol. I: 388; 20: 78]. for through the perceptual identification of the release These data are in accordance with our present noises for a front and for a front [15]. knowledge about the temporal sequencing of articulatory A possible reason for the existence of a large array of events during the implementation of consonant gestures. palatal articulations originated at the front velar or Thus, regressive glide insertion may be associated with postpalatal zone may be sought in the difficulty involved gestural complexity for dark [l] (the production of which in making a full dorsal closure at the hard . involves an alveolar closure and a secondary velar or Palatographic data from different language groups suggest pharyngeal constriction) and for [w] (which is produced indeed that palatal stops and nasals are more frequently with a bilabial and a dorsovelar closing gestures), and articulated at the alveolopalatal zone than at the hard with (trilling for [r] and laterality palate [13]. Also, palatalized dentals and palatals derived from dental stops appear to be taken less often for for [l]). These place and manner requirements cause the palatalized velars than viceversa. Examples of the former tongue dorsum to start moving downwards before the substitution are Franc-Comtois [kjjo] from TILIOLU tongue tip starts raising or the lips start closing [21, 22]. On the other hand, mechanico-inertial properties (“lime tree”) and Francoprovençal [gj ] from DEU O associated with tongue body raising for palatals and velars (“God”) [16: 120; 5: 225]. and with the formation of a narrow labial constriction for In summary, closure fronting along the labials may cause glide insertion to occur at the alveoloprepalatal, mediopalatal and postpalatal zone may progressive level. be the key factor causing front velars to be categorized as Other instances of glide insertion provide some front affricates. Palatal stop releases at the alveolopalatal information about the articulatory configuration and or alveolar zone may sound []-like or [s]-like, thus kinematic properties associated with specific consonantal rendering the change of front velars into [t], [ts] possible. gestures. Thus, [j] and [w] may be inserted in the Existing intermediate forms for originary [pj] also adjacency of dental stops and alveolar suggest that labial palatalization in Romance is not based presumably since these may be produced with on acoustic similarity [17] but on an increase in some tongue dorsum lowering or raising depending on constriction degree for [j]. Thus, anticipation of the tongue positon and other factors. Illustrative examples dorsum raising gesture for the palatal glide appears to are Franc-Comtois [gwt] (GUTTA, “drop”), Northern have caused the labial stop to become strongly palatalized. Portuguese [djente] (DENTE, “tooth”), Auvergnat Later changes involve glide devoicing, obstruentization [b ws] (BOSCU, “forest”), Provençal [mejs] (MENSE, and fronting, and stop , through evolutions such as ç “month”) [16: 312; 23: 234; 6, vol. I: 188, 366]. [pj]> [p]> [pc]> [pt]> [t] > [], as exemplified by the Northern Italian variants [pten], [pe], [te] (PLENU, 5. WEAKENING AND STRENGTHENING “full”) [10: 253]. Data gathered from Romance dialects throw light 4. TRANSITIONAL VOCALIC ELEMENTS onto the articulatory mechanisms involved in consonant weakening and strengthening. They also show that It has been known for some time that glide segmental changes traditionally attributed to weakening may arise through the phonemic categorization or strengthening may not be associated with variations in of the vowel transitions in CV and VC sequences [18]. duration and constriction degree but with aerodynamic Moreover, as shown by the examples below, the quality of and perceptual mechanisms. the inserted glide may be accounted for in terms of the (a) Consonantal vocalization may result from a more plausible rationale for the presence of much articulatory reduction when yielding phonetic outcomes contact extension during the articulation of palatal which are clearly related to the articulatory properties of consonants is the difficulty involved in closure formation the input , e.g., [j] out of palatal consonants and at the hard palate (see above). [w] out of labials and back velars, as in the case of [ juna]  6. PERCEPTUAL EQUIVALENCE for [¥una] (LUNA, “moon”) in Campania, and of It has been proposed convincingly that, in some [ d wt ] and [ awm ] (DEB(I)TU, “debt”;  E ´  ´ cases, the replacement of one sound by another one could IAC(O)MU, “James”) in Catalan [10: 216; 24: 219-220]. be attributed to the perceptual confusion of acoustic cues However, the fact that vocalized outcomes may alternate rather than to articulatory factors. A need for a perceptual with contextual diphthongs suggests that the former explanation appears to hold for non reversible sound realizations may arise from the latter through segmental changes involving acoustically similar segments and simplification rather than through gliding. Thus, occurring in the same contextual conditions. This would segmental simplification may have yielded forms such as be so for the substitution of clear [l] by an alveolar tap and Occitan [mej] (MENSE, “month”) and French haut for the replacement of the tap by the alveolar lateral in (ALTU, “high”) out of [mejs] and [awlt] still found in intervocalic position and syllable finally, as for arguno for Romance (see above) [6, vol. I: 366; 12: 154]. alguno (“somebody”) and cuelpo for cuerpo (“body”) in Articulatory reduction explains why dental stops Spanish dialects [8: 314] . may undergo deletion more often than labial or velar stops A considerable articulatory distance between the in syllable final position, and is in accordance with the fact input and output segments may be the key factor for that [t] and [d] involve a small closure area and may advocating a perceptual explanation for exchanges overlap easily with other consonants. Weakening may also between syllable final labial and velar stops (e.g., dialectal account for non reversible substitutions affecting Catalan [art] for [ark] derived from ARCU, “arch”) and dentoalveolars and involving a decrease in closure degree, for the aspiration of the voiceless labiodental e.g., and presumably [s] aspiration [25, 26, 27]. (e.g., dialectal Spanish [ hwerte] for fuerte) [9: 243; 33: In other cases however apparent weakening is not related » to articulatory reduction. Thus, voicing and of 72]. syllable initial back velar stops is probably due to the fact Contrary to the view advocated by Romance that, in with labials and dentals, the formation linguists in the past [34], changes in vowel quality of an occlusion at the soft palate for back velars may not associated with vowel cannot be related to be tight enough for these consonants to be effectively changes in articulatory configuration but ought to be identified as voiceless stops or even as stops. Illustrative attributed to vowel spectral modifications induced by the examples may be found in all and addition of nasal [35]. Vowel nasalization dialects, e.g., Catalan gàbia (CAVEA, “cage”), graelles accounts for other events, namely, the generation of (CRATICULAS, “grill”) [9: 248]. This mechanism is [] or of an off-glide out of a nasalized vowel, as quite different from the process causing velar stops to illustrated by the Northern Italy forms [ma], [maN] undergo devoicing, i.e., an increase in oral pressure (MANU, “hand”), [bej] (BENE, “well”), [bow] (BONU, associated with a small back cavity size. “good”) [10: 427; 36: 261]. Both events may be attributed Aerodynamic rather than articulatory factors should to the fact that the velar nasal and nasalized vowels exhibit be adduced in order to account for other processes which high frequency spectral antiresonances which runs against have been traditionally attributed to segmental weakening. Thus, tongue tip lowering, tongue body hollowing and the notion that [N] derives from [n] through weakening tongue postdorsum retraction and elevation in the case of [33]. the of the alveolar trill ([r]> [R]) should not The perceptual integration of the vowel transitions be attributed to weakening [28] but to a strategy for could also account for unnatural vocalization processes, reducing tongue tip tension and thus resistance to airflow e.g., the substitution of the grave consonants dark [l], [B] [29]. and back [ƒ] by [j] rather than by [w] before a (b) The replacement of word initial [l] and dentoalveolar and after a back rounded vowel. Relevant intervocalic [ll] by [ ] and analogous substitutions, e.g., ¥ examples are the Occitan forms coitivar (CULTIVARE, Catalan [ba¥] (VALLE, “valley”) and [¥um] (LUCE, “to cultivate”), joine (JUV(E)NE, “young”), coide “light”), is in accordance with the notion that segmental (CUBITU, “elbow”) [6, vol. II: 255; 37: 298]. strengthening is implemented through an increase in duration and constriction degree. This does not imply however that the production of palatal consonants ought to involve much articulatory effort [30]. In fact, large degrees of lingual contact for palatals have been attributed to other factors, namely, little articulatory effort [31] or the implementation of two simultaneous and independent tongue front and tongue dorsum gestures [32]. In our view,

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