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Ethnic Identity, National Identity, and Music in Indo-Trinidadian Culture

Ethnic Identity, National Identity, and Music in Indo-Trinidadian Culture

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2000

Ethnic Identity, National Identity, and in Indo-Trinidadian Culture

Peter L. Manuel CUNY Graduate Center

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This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] I � -� �----� �.c:.J �.�'' ETHNIC IDENTITY, NAT IONAL IDENTITY, AND INDO-TRINIDADIAN MU SIC 319 Q_� r� � .f �'\or'-'\'\ fested in the series of ongoing and spirited socio-musical polemics, ' in private and, more overtly, in public forums like newspapers, ament sessions, and calypsos. These controversies, aside from their inherent intere�t, often serve as· remarkabfy concrete articulations of broader, more abstract socio-cultural processes. 9 Aside from studies of calypso,such socio-musical issues have received passing reference in the otherwise considerable body of scholarly . Ethnic Identity, National Identity, and hterature devoted to race relations in , which, indeed, has been ibed as a "social laboratory" for the academic :lttention it has Music in Indo-Trinidadian Culture received (Yelvington 199 3: 15). Despite the value of this , dra­ developments within recent years have substantially altered the PETER MANUEL tural and political situation in Trinidad, calling for an updating and

· · g of prior paradigms. This article explores aspects of the most music-related ethnic controversiesin Trinidad, with passing to . In particular, it aims to illustrate how these issues

e in the · • be seen as key texts in the complex negotiations involved in the le­ uch of the literature regarding race and ci.lltu� West Indies, has . ll't"uwu.c.•'"·'v" of new socio-cultural paradigms based on pluralism rather icas, including theEnglish-speaking . . to establish assimilation. Given the fratricidal ethnic conflicts currently raging Mon the struggles of Mro-American peoples While this in the world, and the lingering possibility of real violence in tural identity in the face of white discrimination. race relations in , the study of West Indian progress toward multicultural­ irrelevant to Trinidad, Guyana, and , not be of more than academic interest. the presence of substantial countries have a distinct dynamic due to their own identity · · Indian communities seeking to legitimize socio-cultural IN THE WEST INDI ES ditionally black-dominated political and self-awareness, aulucu�.:•o::• a. these E:�st Indi:�n popul:�tions grow in size, in complex nn:>ct:ssc!s emancipation of West Indian slaves in 1834-40, British politic:�! power, they find themselves engaged first,rel-orJmu.lattng ...v,vua,.., sought to replenish the supply of cheap plantation labor by im­ cultur:�l reorientation. These processes involve, to mainstream West indentured workers, especially from . Under this program, own senses of culture and identity in relation framework that ..• n ....,,u .. �·n 1845 and 1917 some 14 3,000 East Indians came to Trinidad contexts; and, second, pressing for a multicultural their West L"T\L\"'" to British Guiana, and lesser numbers to other parts of the Wes; both their East Indian ethnic identity and :�ccommodate While some of these workers returned to India, most stayed; their have been the subject of· dian national identity. Both processes as within the now constitute a majority of the population of Guyana and and controversy, on national levels as well . negotiation largest ethnic groups in Suriname and Trinidad, where they surpass Indian communities themselves. of distinct ethnic · "creole" (black and mixed-race) population; together, East Indians In Trinidad and Guyana, while a sense conditions have for around twenty percent of theEnglish-speaking West Indian mains important to mostEast Indians, changing emblems of Indianness, oouJatton 1 some of the most important traditional the language While most free blacks in colonial Trinidad and British Guiana consciousness and, more importantly, only to a few elders, the arduous life of the plantations, in many cases moving Bhojpuri Form), which is now known . . · has acquired . the towns and cities, the first generations of East Indian laborers oth�r learned persons. In such circumstances, music identity (LaGuerre [ . to remain concentrated in agricultural regions even after in­ preeedented significanceas a symbol of ethnic amount of musical IPnn•rP�h p. Living in their insular, rural communities and shunning 1985: xiv), as reflected in the extraordinary Music's importance for fear of proselytization, most colonial-era Indo-Trinidadians Trinidad, among East Indians as well as others.

318 320 PETER MANUEL ETH NIC IDENTITY, NAT IONAL ID ENTITY, AND INDO-TRINIDADIAN MUSIC 321 took little part in the mainstream of their country's social and calypso; and, as we shall discuss, by a de facto collapse of creole life. Gradually, however, increasing numbers urbanized and esta as well as political hegemony. footholds in commerce. Aided by traditional values of thrift, •'r'11"'�"'' ousness, and family cohesion,East Indians have now come to uuuwua• ETHNICITY AND CREOLIZATION business sectors in both countries, surpassing the formerly en creole populations. Accompanying this process has been a revival of dad and Guyana have been characterized as "plural" societies in the tural awareness, pride, and assertiveness, stimulated by such described (1965), by M.G. Smith in which ethnic groups coexist ments as the import of Indian films from the 1930s, the Black mixing or sharing basic institutions or values (see also Despres Movement erupting around 1970, and the spread of modern colrtce:ots 1982). . , La Guerre Many Trinidadians continue 1992: . . to live in ethni­ pluralism and cultural revivalism (see Vertovec chap. 4). . · homogeneous . communities where there is little exposure to other As Indians grow in power and self-assurance, they have come to and family . life still tend to be segregated, and politics increasingly resentful of perceived sorts of discrimination. In black consciousness movements . have further polarized the races from the mid-1950s until 1986, political life was dominated by the Independence. However, urbanization and the greater participa­ oriented People's National Movement (PNM), withthe on:domu1an1 ofEast Indians in mainstream society have made the situation more East)ndian opposition parties being marginalized through •vu'�-'""" than Smith's model might suggest. Increasingly, and especially dering, electoral fraud, occasional persecution of political leaders; towns, Indians and blacks interact and socialize amicably, and there is their own internal difficulties (see, e.g., Mahabir 1995: 88-89, increase in racial intermarriage, producing a growing popula­ 1989). The charismaticEric Williams, who led the PNM until his of"douglas," or black-Indian mulattos. 1981, But as Lowenthal observes. in was at best indifferentto theEast Indians, whom he once' : 165), increased contact has also generated increased tension, and acterized as a "recalcitrant and hostile minority." PNM economic blacks have come to feel threatened by the greater Indian presence cies since independence in 1962 largely favored the party's assertiveness 1951 in society. In a calypso, Killer voiced the subse­ ency-urban working-class and bourgeois creoles:..._at the y familiar sentiment that the Indians are "taking over": the East Indians, who have arguably constituted the country'smost nomically productive social sector (see Vertovec 1992: 132ff., ... As for the men and dem I must relate 1972: 162, Hintzen 1989). Accordingly, as we shall discuss below, Long time all dey work was in cane estate ans have felt that state cultural policies have also tended to favor But now dey own every theater 1991: 8) culture. Yes, hotel, rumshop, and hired car. (Constance 1985, Since however, changes in Trinidad's political Ethnic tension is heightened by the different mainstream values of public culture have disrupted the comfortable hegemony community and the tendency to stereotype the other community joyed by the PNM and its constituency. In 1986, the ncJ·ea!;m�{IY terms of these values. Daniel Miller (1994) describes Trinidadian so­ credited PNM government was ousted by a coalition which ...... u•u"' as being characterized by a fundamental dualism between, on the invigorated Indian-based party led by . While the hand, a"bacchanal" culture of partying, hanging out ("liming"), and menting of this coalition enabled the PNM to regain power in 199 and transient male-female relations; and on the other hand, new prime minister, , made concerted efforts of frugality, hard work, and responsibility to the . and organized East over sectors of the now assertive, affiuent, ar discourse and to a considerable 1995 extent in reality, such polar­ population. Snap elections called in led to a triumph . . lifestyles are associated with blacks and Indians, respectively (see his'lhdian-based (UNC). In the B. Williams 1991). the East Indian reco zed by the declaration presence was gni the asymmetries between the two groups are the dis­ a national holiday, ""; by the unprecedented cultural orientations toward their respective ancestral . nence and recognition of Indians in the subsequent Carnival the whole, Indo- have been able to maintain much closer PETER MANU EL 322 ETH NIC IDENTITY, NAT IONAL IDENTI TY, AND INDO-TR INIDADIAN MU SIC 32 3 links to India than have West Indian.blacks to , in terms of From this perspective, calypso and steel band, unlike Indian sing� cultural retentions as well as ongoing engagement with the Old ing and tassa drumming, are similarly "indigenous" forms. 3 \Vhilecreoles Most of the Indians arrived later than did the blacks, and they have thus reconciled themselves to their new , Indians are seen spared the deculturating effects of the slave plantation. Their tradit as still looking hack to the ancestral homeland and merely perpetuat­ ally strong, multi-generational family structure and geographic '"""'"•vu ing or imitating Indian music and culture rather than creating. Trinidad 1 also facilitated cultural retention (Despres 1967: 45ff., Vertovec is thus "the land of steel band and calypso," and of the people who cre­ 14). While Hindi as a spoken language has essentially died out, lmlnCJ,rtf!G ated them. Hindi films (usually with subtitles) and film music recordings This Trinidadian "creole" culture-English-based, syncretic, and promoted knowledge of and identification with India since the 193 ''Mro-Saxon"-is traditionally upheld as the national mainstream cul­ Trinidad has also hosted a small but influential trickle of visitors ture. "Creole" culture thus largely excludes, on the one hand, neo­ India, including Hindu pandits and figures like Hari Shankar Mrican forms like Shango worship and, on the other, Indo-Caribbean who taught Indian music classes in the 1960s and 1970s. ldenttllcaltlOI music, which again is seen as the foreign import of a particular ethnic wit'h'lndia has been furtherfacilitated by the existence of a ""''-"'"'"'""d · minority, whose )ncreased presence in public culture represents an es­ North Indian cultural "Great Tradition" and by the fact that most sentially divisive "special interest." By contrast, the mainstream creole migrants came from the same Bhojpuri-speaking region of India, culture, although largely the province of Mro- · Trinidadians and mulat­ sharing a language and a set of relatively uniform cultural . tos, has traditionallybeen celebrated as a national, cosmopolitan, and es­ By contrast, one can generalize that Trinidadian and Guyanese sentially universal idiom to which other groups have been expected to are far more alienated from their Africancultural roots, instead integrate (see, e.g., Lowenthall97 2: 175); such "melting-pot" ideals were ing their own creole expressive like calypso and tending to explicitly articulated by Eric vVilliams and can be seen to have underlain brokers for Euro-American, Afro-American, and Jamaican popular state cultural policies and even the oft-heard slogan, "All o' we is one."4 sic and culture (see Lowenthall972: chap. 4, Deosaran 1987a: 7). Letters from creoles to local newspapers occasionally voice such sen­ traditional associated, for example, with orisha/Shango with particular clarity, such as the following, addressed to the remain marginal phenomena, and most creoles, at least before the 1 · · adian columnist and cultural activist Ravi-ji (Ravindranath have traditionally been largely indifferent to their African ancestry raj), who ad publicly · � lamented the low visibility oflndo-Trinidadian Herskovits and Herskovits 1947: 23). Some Indians regard this tion as the "tragic fate" of a rootless people who gave up their identity . Indo-Trinis [are] a minority secondhand Euro-American culture. As a letter in a Guyanese outside the Pan-African mainstream to which our true per stated, "The in Guyana have a vibrant culture with its national culture and our Afro-Caribbean culture belongs. \Ve cannot regard ground much bigger than Guyana, they have not severed itself · dub, rap, reggae, soul, township jive, highlife and zouk as foreign-they roots," unlike the blacks, who were "bought by cheap sermo11s to are all the products of our people. In sharp contrast, Indo­ Trini "culture", their religion for a watered-down which the white including chutney [an Indo-Trinidadian folk-pop style discussed below] use as a tool and weapon even today."2 and other forms not found in India, can be regarded as foreign-foreign to us. - v Countering this perspective is the recurrent theme in creole It's a black thing Ra i-ji wouldn't understand. (Trinid

· · ing an outrightloss, inspired the dynamic creation of syncretic new. lnd<;:>-Trinidadian attitudes toward such ideologies have not been tural forms-especially calypso, Carnival, and ste�l band. As one. Until relatively recently, many Indians remained largely in­ Trinidadian told me, "I'm glad that the British banned our to national political and cultural activities, and Indian sports drums, because that led us to invent steel band and calypso." It have not helped the situation by cheering for the visiting Pakistani sense of having createda new culture (along with the prior arrival Indian cricket teams rather than local ones.5 Increasingly, however, blacks in the Caribbean) that justifies for creoles the feeling· have come to acutely resent being regarded as immigrants, and unlike Indians, are, in common parlance, the "indigenous" West insist on their right to be accepted as Trinis while at the same time ETHNIC IDENTITY, NATIONAL IDENTITY, AND INDO-TRINIDADIAN MUSIC 325 324 PETER MAN UEL

1972: or not) its occasional Indian-oriented projects and hirings as maintaining their distinctive ethnicity (see, e.g., Lowenthal Dev 1993). seen as · Much of the debate regarding the role of Indian music in public cui­ The accompanying Indian cultural activism can be The has focused on the perceived under-representation of Indian music itly animated by demands for two complementary reforms. to include culture on the broadcast media (Mahahir 19R4).'• In both Trinidad that the concept of "creole" culture be broadened like Guyana until recently, radio and television were exclusively state­ Indo-Trini syncretic forms-especially, hybrid entities in accordance with British norms. While a few weekly raciio pro­ soca. The second is that the hegemonic notion of a creole of Indian music-primarily Hindi film music-had been es­ itself be replaced or supplemented by a paradigm of last "'"'"''''"u in the 1940s, these accounted fo r only a tiny percent of air that the "melting pot" be traded fo r a "salad bowl." In the an uu>

.· .. ,, t' ET HNIC IDENTITY, NAT IONA L IDENTITY, AND INDO-TRI NIDADIAN MUSIC 327 326 PETE R MAr-/UEL

Thus, for example;· In 1992, the Trinidad government formally recognized the pan's scope of their private-sector cultural patronage. · eness in local culture by declaring it to be the "national instru­ 1994, the Trinidadian impresario Moea·nMohammed could state: , Proposals were made to fund the introduction of pan in schools ting represented on state radio was an uphill struggleall the way. But and to construct a US $1.5 million theater for pan performances. While we h;we all the air time we want, and we don't rieed any help from most Trinidadians, including Indians, presumably regarded such propos­ government" (pers. comm.). Aside from the new radio stations, such' als as harmless, a small but vocal sector of the Indian populace vigorously tivities would include the massive Mastana Bahar amateur pe opposed them. Most prominent among the latter was Satnarayan "Sat" competitions, the similarly annual Indian Cultural Pageant (both Maraj, secretary general of the Sanatan Maha Sabha (SDMS), from the 1970s), and the privately sponsored Chutney-Soca a conservative-and increasingly isolated-Hindu organization (see Competition inaugurated in 1996 as a new fixture in the Carnival 1992: 123-25, 183-84; LaGuerre [1974] 1985: 181). Also largely funded by private Indian donors are the festivities son. ·· • · In two extensive paid advertisements in the TrinidadExpress (S. Maraj rounding the newly inaugurated Indian Arrival Day (unlike the · 994a, 1994b), Maraj vigorously denounced the proposal, arguing that subsidized, Afro-Trinidadian-oriented Emancipation Day). the Ministry of Culture were to support steel drums in schools, then in public culture, whether becoming an official state policy or not� Indian sponsorship. funding should be given to the harmonium, which is the most thus become a de facto reality via private-sector · instrument used to play Indian music. In the first manifesto, cordingly, for many Indians, creole acceptance of the Indian reiterated the patriotism oflndo-Trinidadians and its compatibil- national culture may be becoming both irrelevant as well as with their distinct sense of ethnicity. He furthernoted that although pan is associated with the black experience, it is used primarily to_ PAN VERSUS HARMONIUM play Western music, including calypso. Moreover, as advised by a local promoters to bypass Inusician, he argued that the pan is inherently unsuited to Indian music, Despite the increasing ability of Indian cultural · its "discordant" timbre renders it unable to render the twenty-two state, the perceivedly discriminatory policies of the Ministry of or microtonal intervals, allegedly essential to all forms of Indian continued to provoke controversies in the 1990s, including one The steel drum, he claimed, is an inherently "imperfect" instru­ which exposed in a particularly dramatic way some of the ment, unlike, say, the sitar or harmonium; indeed, in the pan, "Trinidad and complexities of the problematic relationship of lndo-Trini has given the w<)rld [merely] an Idea ... which is being perfected but identiry to national culture. The focus in this case was the steel not here," rather in Japan, Sweden, and other countries. By contrast, the a seemingly innocent instrument, but one which is of prodigious instrument to render Indo-Caribbean music is the harmonium· bolic importance in the country. The steel dnim, or "pan," was i the musically illiterate" would argue that the harmonium "is � in depressed black neighborhoods like Laventille in the late 1930s instrument introduced into India," it having undergone various early 1940s for use in Carnival street processions. The steel bands · changes" rendering it suitable for Indian music. The govern­ associated from the start with lumpen black youth gangs, whose proposal of "pushing pan down everyone's throat" thus consti­ rivalries provoked heavy-handed police repression and stigmatized tutes yet another instance of "afro-Trinidadian [sit:;] cultural arrogance," instrument among Indians and the middle classes. Since the 1970s, .-n. the creole-oriented Best Village competitions. shed its negative associations, ...... ever, the steel drum has largely . columnist KimJohnson reported the response of a Ministryof a focus of Carnival festivities and one of the most cherished �' ,·-'--''" ture official,who observed, among other things, that the harmonium, creole national identity, played by many dozens ofamateur its piano-like keyboard, is no more able than the pan to play mi­ throughout the country and elsewhere in the West Indies. The shrutis.Johnson went on to (correctly) note that the legendary drum, indeed, is an icon for creole culture in general, as a truly ...... •···� shrotishave never been systematically used in the folk and bean entiry created, as one correspondent put it, "out of a long -uu1uu•a• music patronized by Indo-Trinidadians; even in ancient Indian of common struggle of the people against Massa's brutal attempt!t treatJ:ses. their alleged use is confinedto , giving that suppress their cultural expressions" (Clyde Weatherhead, letter to T7inidnd Gum·dian, 23 September 1992). as he somewhat injudiciously put it, its "characteristic whining 328 PETER MANUEL ETH NIC IDENTITY, NAT IONAL IDENTI TY, AND INDO-TR INIDADIAN MUSIC 329

indignant ad-, opinions sound" (Johnson 1994). Maraj responded with another (e.g., letter to the editor, Trinidnd Exp1·ess, 13 July 1994), until vertisement, accusing Johnson of "contempt and ignorance" for calling 1995, when the state agreed to purchase harmoniums for some schools, Indian music "whining," and deriding Johnson's inability to hear the and a conciliatory PNM Prime Minister Patrick Manning embraced . Sat, twenty-two shmtis which, Maraj insisted, pervade even Indian filmsongs �aying, "I'll pump the bellows, and you play the keyboard." Clearly, intuitive, and chutney. "Every Indian singer," Maraj claimed, "has an the Issue had touched a national nerve, no douht because of the knowledge of shmti." .. broader questions it involved regarding the relations between ethnicity/ re- race It is easy to see how this polemic could spin offinto esoteric debates and cultural entities like music. Is the steel drum primarily an Afro­ garding the use of microtones in diverse African, Indian, and Caribbean Trinidadian instrument, or a national and universal one? How do Indi­ ans musics, as happened in my own conversations with Indo-Trinidadians and their music relate to the pan's "creole" status? What factors on the' subject. One could opine that Maraj could have based his case for determine the ethnic character of a musical entity like steel band-the (1) the · instrument's equal funding for the harmonium on three solid arguments: historical origin, the nature of the music played on it, or monium is a cheap, portable, and versatile instrument-suitable, the ethnicity its performers and audiences? all sorts In \ deed, for learning keyboard and harmonic skills applicable to ·this case, the origin of the instrument in the urban Afro­ to Trinidadian music, including calypso; (2) the harmonium is better suited community is a non-negotiable historical fact, but the eth­ nic music than the pan because of its ability to play sustained pitche� associations of the pan's repertoire and personnel are inherently flexible, thus to better approximate vocal styles; and (3) the harmonium, open to contestation, and arguably more important.9 Aswe have seen, simply, is the most popular instrument of the Indo-Trinidadian Sat Maraj argued that pan is essentially an Afro-Trinidadian in­ strument; munity. Maraj was perhaps ill-advised to rest his argument on the even after the pan outgrew its lumpen black hooligan associ-. Indian ations, lematic issue of shmtis, whose systematic usage in modern Indians have often been made to feel unwelcome in pan bands by what one sica\ music, not to mention genres like chutney, has been informant called the "proprietary air" displayed by many ere­ ales disproven.R toward the instrument.10As the calypsonian Chalkdust (Hollis Liv­ Aside from Maraj's factually questionable statements, the erpool) sang in a 1982 calypso (or "kaiso"), sive tenor of his manifestos no doubt offended many creole r.,,,.,.,•. .,. Some still laugh at the Indian man \Vhile dismissing the pan as merely "an Idea," Maraj When he. sing kaiso or beat pan. (in Constance 1991: belittled the originality of creole music as a whole, deriding blacks 35) It is "[giving] up their culture to satisfy the whims and fancies of the under these circumstances thatMaraj and others regarded the official ..,,.,... .,,_, ... "' declaration pean and American." Kim Johnson's inability to hear the of pan to be the national instrument as adding insult to injury. sbmtis in Indo-Trinidadian music, Maraj opined, was a case of "pearls ' For their part, supporters of the Ministry of Culn1re position argued the that fore swine." (I would be inclined to compare the shrutis to the steel drum, notwithstanding its Afro-Trindadian origins, is the tone . patrimony 1 1 emperor's clothing.) Indeed, the provocative and insulting of all Trinidadians. They pointed out that one of the coun­ cornmu' try's Maraj's\articles clearly alienated many even in the East Indian leading pan a�rangers is an East Indian (Jit Samaroo of the Amoco my own Renegades) nity. While no systematic opinion polls have been taken, and that, further, the instrument is quite compatible with acquaintances included some who trusted Maraj's discourse Indo-Trinidadian music. Indeed, among the flurry of contemporary who· crossover shmtis and appreciated his righteous militancy, and others fads (pan-parang, rap-calypso, soca-reggae, �tc.), there have been missed him as a divisive fool increasingly out of touch with his several local fusionsof pan and Indian music, including some hybrid

ency and unnecessarily provoking ethnic animosity. ' , .· by Moean Mohammad, a "pan chutney" competition started belabor the Ifllll:si•�.:u•u�J 1995, In this chapter it is perhaps inappropriate to �nd inn�vative "pan-tar" collaborations of the sitarist Mangal cal esoterica involved in Maraj's arguments, and one might well With leadmg black pannists. Patasar's group performs in a wide Guardian:"Pan thize with the succinct headline of an essay in the of locales, including calypso tents-otherwise strongholds of culture; harmonium is foolish" (letter to the editor, 6 July 1994). in the new official spirit of ethnic inclusivity, he and a voice the debate raged on, with leading politicians being asked to were featured on the cover of the country's 1996 telephone ETHNIC IDENTITY, NATIONAL IDENTITY, AND INDO-TRINIDADIAN MUSIC PETER MAN UEL 331 330

sang in problematic in much the same sense as that of steel drum, in that its �ri-· directory. As the Indian soca singer Drupatee Ramgoonai gin, content, and performers have always been overwhelmingly creole. "Hotter than a Chulha [stove]" (19?9), oriented toward the urban black lower-class male culture From the hills of Lord way up in Laventille which it emerged, calypso has only in recent years come to accom­ Pan man skills must spill into Caroni a few women :md E:1st Indi:ms. As with steel drum, the complex­ For we goin' an' cause a fusion with the culture of calypso's relationship to the East Indian community are the sub­ To widen we scope and vision for the future. of ongoing negotiation and controversy, which serve as indicators of "ng concepts of ethnic and national identity. (Garoni is a predominantly Indian region of central Trinidad). one kind of One important aspect of this subject involves the representations dru;h, indeed, is not strictly associated with any many play Indians in creole calypsos themselves. Here I will deal only in pass­ though most pan ensembles play current soca tunes, A with this topic, partly because of my intent to focus on Indo­ thing from European classics to the national anthem. of the coiltrLi111Lre�>entations in song. While a few calypsos appealed for racial har­ deed, are typical of a postrnodern world where cultural entities others mocked Indians or portrayed them as a threat, often in the rooted from their original meanings, and musical ' unenlightened terms. As today, polemics raged in the media and in global style pool are freely borrowed, rqixed, and scrambled. Some amcnt as indignant Indian leaders protested perceivedly racist songs. such musical re-significations do not occur without friction. world, and By the 1970s, the crudely derogatory tone of earlier calypsos was pass­ are said to resentJit Samaroo's presence in the pan Indians who gout of vogue. Instead, the norm was represented by songs like Mighty Patasar himself has come under criticism from purist Nevertheless, the parrow's "Marajin" (1982), depicting Indian women as desirable, or by he has "degraded" the sitar by mixing it with pan. perspective, has whimsically exploiting bilingual puns, such as Crazy's "Nani controversy, while a tempest in a teapot from one national "nani'' meaning "grandmother" in Hindi, and short for "pu­ itlustrated the inexorable redefining of Trinidadian the or vagina in local slang. Calypsos continued to provoke ethnic The fusions of pan with Indian music have epitomized state's tTr1•UPir

fa mily cohe­ by creoles, from Derek Wa lcott to Mighty Sparrow. Ravi-ji observed, weakening of traditional Indian values of hard work and spokesper­ "We have fa iled to contemporise our music and lyrics ...we have to sion. Such concerns intensify the desires voiced by Indian the val­ make our music speak fo r us" (R. Mara; 199Ja). sons to be able to creolize on their own terms without eroding their• · . In hopes of ameliorating this perceived crisis of lyric self-representa- ues that have enabled them to progress, and to be able to maintain of na� tion, in 1993 Ravi-ji, director of the HPK, decided to establish a category own di.stinct cultural practices within a pluralistic conception · of chowtal competition fo r so-called "pichakaaree" songs in English or tiona) identity. ·· mixed Hindi and English.14 Anticipating objections by purists, he noted . how Tu lsidas' sixteenth-century rendering of the Rnmayana in colloquial MUSIC AND CREOLIZATION I Avadhi (rather than in esoteric ) helped popularize the epic and as it is became one of the classics of (R. Maraj 1993a). (Simi­ In Tr inidad, the phenomenon of creolization is as complex the .·. larly, the SDMS itself had earlier instruc.ted pandits to improve their troversial. Some Indian cultural activists have celebrated that English in order to better impart ; La Guerre 1985: 179.) musics of Drupatee, Mangal Patasar, and others as indications culture of When competing chowtal groups and amateur solo singers avidly rose dians, rather than merely perpetuating or mimicking the it · to the occasion, purists did indeed protest the move as one more example dia, are creating distinctively local fo rms of culture. However, of cultural erosion and creolization. Sat Maraj denounced the experiment local creation need not involve creolization, also be pointed out that · classical "seducing chowtals into calypso singing" (T1inidnd Exp 1·ess, II March in the case of the nco-traditional "tan-singing" or "local . 1993), while another critic wrote, "if this practice ...is not stopped, the sung by semi-professional specialists at weddings and other senu-c:Ias�;lcaJ age of soca, dub, and calypso tunes will obliterate all traces of Holiness in Although originally derived from North Indian fo lk and evolving Holi'' (letter to the editor, T1 i11idndGuar dian, 8 April l993). A pandit de­ music, tan-singing has developed into a unique song style, creole the songs as "unnecessary concessions that are made to non- more or less Indian aesthetic lines without any significant Hindus" and claimed that Tu lsidas' translation was accepted only after tic influence. ,IS ining it was sanctioned by God Creolization itself has been used as a means of susta .. God not having spoken on the subject of chowtal, it has heen up to Tr inidadian music culture, albeit in somewhat syncretic and Tr i mortals to' resolve the issue. Moderate reservations were raised by controversial fo rms. The conservative SDMS and institutional Patasar, w�o, while recognizing and even composing pichakaa­ dian Hinduism in general have survived partly by incorporating as a parallel development to Hindi chowtals, fe ared that the fo rmer of Chr.is'tian practice, such as the custom of holding Sunday 1992: I obliterate the latter and questioned whether such efforts would services (see, e.g., Lowenthal 1972: 152-53, Ve rtovec calypso rn•nn.., t match calypsos in quality (pers. comm.). Ravi-ji and his supporters, Similarly, tan-singing competitions at once imitated music and . , see pichakaaree songs as illustrating how creolization-here tions, while serving as celebrations of traditional Indian a the fo rm of using English-can promote Indian identity by revitaliz­ As Myers (1983) has observed, creole Carnival has served as ..."IJ'"'""u' and contemporizing a music genre which remains Indian in style and some aspects of the springtime Phagwa (Holi), festival- >nc�man'on. Further, the pichakaaree songs, however amateurish, are chowtal (a Bhojpuri fo lksong genre) competitions organized as constituting yet another fo rm of syncretic cultural e1·eation, Hindu Prachar Kendra (HPK). most the Indo-Trinidadian stake to genuine citizenhood in the In Indo-Tr inidadian music itself, creolization is perhaps Guyana in the fo rm of language. While Indians in Tr inidad and an contradictions in the use of creolized practices to promote In­ hearing Hindi-language songs and cherish the language as music are even more evident in the Mastana Bahar phenomenon. Indianness, very fe w are conversant in Hindi. Thus, as cultural .. ... �,l...... Bahar is an Indo-Trinidadian amateur song and dance compe­ like Ravi-ji have noted, Indo- Trinidadians have been unable td network fo unded in 1970 by Sham and Moean Mohammed, two uate the rich poetic heritage of India and, in the absence of art · entrepreneurs also prominent as radio deejays, record pro­ language Indo-Caribbean lyric tradition, they have contributed and concert impresarios. The primary Mastana Bahar activities the realm of \Vest Indian verse, which has instead been created 336 PE TER MANUEL ETHNIC IDENTITY, NATIONAL IDENTITY, AND INDO-TRINIDADIAN MUSIC 337

are the weekly variety-show auditions held in various parts of the · the dichotomies between "Indian" and "creole" musics in many respects ' throughout most of the year, leading to finalcompetitions held in as does the utility of the concept of "creolization" itself. At the urns.Te levision broadcasts ofthe auditions are avidlywatched by .....� ..... ,.,, same time, one of the basic features of modern global culture is the un­ and �o�e 80,000 people are estimated to have competed in the show coexistence of such inexorable trends 'toward syncretism and hy­ its inception (R. Maraj 1992). As such, Mastana Bahar has evolved ty with tendencies toward ethnic essentialism. Such contradictory an institution in Trinidadian culture. processes are particularly evident in the chutney boom, which we may · As Moean Mohammed readily acknowledges (pers. comm.), many as a final text in the (de)construction of Tri nidadian national pects of the program have been modeled on the calypso LUJlluo;:;uLJu" with significant differences including the reliance on private ""''"''"

cia! sponsorship and, of course, the show's orientation toward CHUTNEY art fo rms. Thus Mastana Bahar again illustrates how creolized musical institutions can be used to promote Indian culture, serving the late 1980s, a dramatic new development occurred in lndo­ bulwark against the "raging flood of Afro-Saxon and ·an music culture which threw the ranks of Indian critics cultural fo rces" (Shamoon Mohammed 1976: 29). The Mohammeds commentators into yet another round of polemics. The subject in quite justified in boasting that they have played a significantrole in case was the phenomenon of "chutney"-a term which in lndo-

Indo-Tr inidadian cultural revival occurring since the early 1970s, .·• ribbean culture had long denoted not only a spicy condiment, but a

only spreading awareness of Indian music and dance but, more · category of lively, up-tempo Hindi-language folk songs and ac­ tantly, inspiring a prodigious amount of amateur performance. At • "ng dance. Chutney was typically performed at Hindu wed­ same time, they repeatedly proclaim their fierceTri nidadian •auvu<•u wherein groups of women would indulge in animated and often . and insist that Indian arts not be seen as fo reign (e.g. Sham wHJilJ""'-' "' lewd in secluded settings with no men present. By 1979: 13). 1970s, most Tr inidadian Hindu weddings had come to include lively Aside from the general goal of promoting Indian culture, the •hnt-nP·udancing, in settings that were no longer sexually segregated, with hammeds stress how Mastana Bahar is intended to inspire the being provided by an ensemble of singer with harmonium, of a uniquely Indo-Tr inidadian musical culture, rather than mere I drum), and dantal, a metal idiophone. In the mid-1980s, chutney tion of India. "l'he main vehicle fo r such attempts has been the thusiasts spont:meously c:tstoff m ost remaining soci:tl inhibitions, ::ts ager��nt of"local songs," which combine Hindi and English (see · chutney dances started to be held in large entertainment halls. Mohammed 1979: I 7). The Mohammeds note with pride how a then, every weekend in two or three locales, several hundred In­ ditional Indo-Caribbean local songs have even become popular in male and female, young and old-gather to listen to chutney as rendered by Babla and Kanchan, a singer-producer duo from to socialize, and, as the beer takes effect and the music quickens, bay (e.g. Sham Mohammed 1983). push aside the fo lding chairs and dance. 16 · However, at least ninety percent of the Mastana Bahar fare Chutney is a mixture of old and new. On the one hand, most of of amateur (and decidedly amateurish) renditions of Indian film. songs, although often original, are sung in. Hindi and in standard and dances. Indeed, critics allege that Mastana Bahar, rather than 'puri-derived Indo-Caribbean fo lk style. The dance style, although mating local creation, has in fa ct served to stifle it with an flamboyant, is also largely traditional, combining graceful Indian­ of film music. Ironically, much of modern Indian film music is hand gestures with sensuous pelvic "wining," whether performed heavily Westernized, incorporating disco rhythmsand or with a partnerof either gender. On the other hand, the practice often consisting of Hindi-language cover versions of We stern pop men and women performing such dances together and in public is re- Thus Hindi film music, via Mastana Bahar, serves both as a (except, paradoxically, insofar as it has been inspired by dance of Indian identity and a conduit fo r We stern pop culture. in Indian films). Further, the chutneygroups often add \Vestern As Mastana Bahar uses calypso-influenced competition formats instruments and soca rhythms, producing a hybrid called \Vesternized Indian pop music to promote Indian culture in cmitnev-·so<:a " as performed by Drupatee Ramgoonai and others. 338 PETER MANUEL ETHNIC IDENTITY, NATIONAL IDENTITY, AND INDO-TRINIDADIAN MUSIC 339

ing of nven.: . The chutney vogue, in accordance with its merry flout c� Could it he th:lt the Chutney phenomenon, · . . the wining, is a subconscious ttons,.provo ked· a barrage of vitriol from outraged Indtan cntlcs emulation by the Indian . . people, their response to that bombardment? comm�'nity leaders (self-appointed and otherwise�. The SDMS That out of a fe ar of cultural . , annihilation, they have begun to respond? nated against it, letters to newspapers denounced tt, and a women s That attack-wining -is the best fo rm of defence? That rather than be ganization called on the police to arrest lewd dancers. The swallowed up whole by the omnivorous reach of the cultural imperialism came to involve a complex range of issues, which ca only b of the We st, the Chutney sing � . � ers and dancers are now fightingfire with here. At one level, the debate concerned religion, wtth crtttcs fire ...that via the Chutney ... Indians who might have strayed away in ing the dancing to devotional songs as blasphemous, and defenders the past might once again return prodigally to the fo ld? (L. Siddhartha to the tradition of sensuality in Hinduism. Issues of gender Orie, ing letter to the T1 'inidnd Erp1·ess, 30 Decemh�r 1990) I also involved, as moralists fo cus their wrath on wo�en d ncers, � h•·•rnP\T is thus seen as constituting a bulwark against proponents celebrate chutney as a vehicle fo r female hberatto�. commercial . Wf·�tf•rn and creole culture class has played an important, 1f under-ackno':"ledged, role tn the partially by incorporating some of its fe a­ . While this situation bate, as chutney fe tes are predominantly working-class affalfS, and is paradoxical, it is also a common and oft­ feature of syncretic musics throughout the critics are mostly bourgeois. . developing world. Mu- . genres that remain � ys m whtch frozen and "pure" are often marg Of greater direct relevance in is article are the :'� inalized, while that evolve and syncretize chutney controversy involves questions of local creatiVIty and remain vital and are able to preserve at some aspects of tion. Much of the outrage over chutney has focused O!l the ""'"''�·L·" traditional culture. . · Perhaps more which it allegedly reflects the negative aspe ts of creohzatton.. immediately visible and relevant to Tr inidadians � has the dramatic entrance charge that chutney is a vehicle for the adoptiOn of �e worst of chutney-soca into "mainstream" national since 1995...... �� That year saw the election of the country' Carnival and creole culture-drinking, vulgar danct�g, and, . ... s first In­ prime minister, the establishment illicit sex and the subsequent breakdown of the fa nuly (e.g. m ofindian Arrival Day as a national . . and, on a more grassroots 1990 1992 see also 1990). As one columrust wrote, level, a lively fa d of Indian-oriented ' � and soca songs, as performed and enjoyed by creoles what migh be interpreted as a euphemistic reference t? black and Indi­ alike. In February/March, "why\lo we have to fo llow the decaying sector ofoursoctety and the Calypso Monarch prize went to . Trinidadian) Black Stalin's song entitled "Sundar such an integral part of our Trinidadian heritage?" (D. Mah�raJ Popo," dedicated veteran Indian For their part, chutney's defenders have stressed the ways tn chutney and "local song" crooner. In the subsequent val season commencing is an original and distinctly Tr inidadian phenomenon, whose in the latter part of the year, creole calypso released a veritable pects (soca beat, public performance, et .) strengthen the Indtan. torrent of self-titled "chutney-socas" which, � stylistically Indian of being West Indians rather than tmmtg. rants (e.g. M. or not, nevertheless fo regrounded Indian . in one way or another Elcock 1987). Chutney supporters further argue that for aU t� . in an uriprecedentedlyappreciative spirit. of these songs, Brother chutney-soca nevertheless serves to keep Indian culture alive Marvin's "J ihaji Bhai" (Shipmate), won the runner-up awardP Meanwhile, namic. As the columnist Kamal Persad (1990) wrote, a genuine chutney ("Lutela") by . Indian singer Sonny Mann became one of the season's smash hits Chumey occasions represent Indian cultural con nuity a d carried Mannto the Soca � � Monarch festival-where, however, he was . Such is the strength of this Indian cultural expressiOn that t IS with missiles by creoles � shouting "We eh [ain't] want de ." own against competition from other musical forms emanatmg froll}. incidents notwithstanding, the Indian presence in Carnival was fo r­ the fo llowing cultural streams like African calypso, reggae and dub, and even year with the institutionalization of a Chutney­ roll and pop music from the US. Monarch Competition. Significantly, around half the competitors · event were creole. At the same time, chutney seemed to be syn­ Another columnist hypothesized, in reference to the out of existence, as lndianisms virtually disappeared from the vVestern pop music: chutney-soca, with its , English lyrics and soca style. Nevertheless, ETH NIC IDENTITY, NATIONAL IDENTITY, AND INDO-TR INIDADIAN MUSIC 341 340 PETER MANUEL

··.· be based on new paradigms ofmulticulturalism and an expanded, or per­ Prime Miilister Panday publicly hailed chutn�y-soca as "a symbol of the . haps exploded, sense of "creole" cu ln1re. Accordingly, as Earl Lovelace's type of complete harmonization that must characterize our society in hovel Th e Dmgon Can't Dance dramatizes, the challenge fa cing Trinidad years to come." Indeed, chutney-soca has enabled Indians to finally enter may involve starting fr one's own cultural base in � way that opens up the mainstream of Trinidadian culture, and on their own terms to others, relinquishing traditional clannishness but not cultural differ­ than on the traditional creole turf of pan and calypso. With L"''""�" ence, to place culture in the service of a broader struggle fo r human dig­ entrenched on radio, in Carnival, in creole dance clubs, and even ty s( ee, e.g., Taylor 1993: 272). Accordingly, cultural activistc; have em- BWIA's in-flight soundtracks, Trinidad is already being referred to t.,•Pv IJUa:;I;t;e;;u how Indian culture can at once sustain Indo-Tri nidadians while however belatedly-as "the land of calypso, steel band, and rh,, ing national culture as a whole (e.g. Parmasad 1973: 290). In the on of such a pluralistic rather than "plural" society, all ethnic com­ CONCLUSION es would ideally transcend neo-colonial i11feriority complexes and by achieving both self-respect and mutual respect. In 1991 a T71nidadExpress editorial described the ongoing debate a At the same time, the self-conscious celebration ofindian identity and African, Indian, and Tr inidadian identity as "tired old rumshop · culturalism-with its dangers of ethnic fragmentation -has been ("Indians Flavour Cultural Callaloo," 11 August, 8). The vehemence by the trendtoward various fo rms of syncretism. One aspect of this the ongoing socio-musical polemics, however, reveals that when is the increased East Indian participation in creole musical voked by concrete issues, the nature of Indian and Trinidadian es like steel band and calypso. As this process continues, such mu- continues to be a matter of prodigious import and animated may become genuinely "mainstream" in the sense of being national Indeed, what is at stake is no less than the fo rging of a workable multi-ethnic rather than overwhelmingly Afro-Tr inidadian. The consensus in a country otherwise in danger of fragmenting along ·cal process of creole interest and participation in Indian arts, lines. had earlier commenced with tassa drumming, has now intensified Tri nidadian national identity was stunted from the start by the· lly with chutney-soca. A related fo rm of syncretism involves of any'l1istory of pan-ethnic independence struggle ,( see Trotman . creolization of Indian musical culture itself, whether inspired by 184}. While the labor movement of the 1930s (like CheddiJagan's or by Westernized Hindi film music. One ramification of these ist mobilizations in Guyana) sought to fo ster a sense ofnr.">IPt'lrt<>n clarity, its goal of ethnic collaboration was premature, due to pments is that "the Tr inidadian creole mainstream," in the words ,one columnist, "is in a state of collapse ... [and] is being replaced norance between the two communities and the existence of too , a radically different understanding of society based on ethnicity" problematic issues which remained to be worked out. The estat>l.tsn:me i 1996). Centrifugal ethnic revivals and centripetal syncretic of a creole "mainstream" under PNM leadership provided only a thus emerge as the twin bases of Trinidadian culture, as of the and temporary solution, as it largely excluded Indian as well as , .....,...... , ,_rf.orn global scene in general. Ironically, both trends serve to un­ African culture under a shallow integrationism, which was itself . cur largely on Afro-Saxon terrris. the nation-state as a fo undation fo r identity. The spirited socio­ polemics in Trinidad illustrate how the transitions involved in The Black Power Movement of 1970 forced a new and p'rocesses can be successfully negotiated in the public sphere, at confrontation of these issues. While celebrating Afrocentricity, it sustaining national polity and making it increasingly irrelevant. re-ignited East Indian racial consciousness, leading to a cultural which came "perilously close to mimicry" (La Guerre 1985: 1 dashikis and Afros on one side were matched by chutney and NOTES Bahar on the other. For the Indian historian John La Guerre, netic culn1ra1 revivalism of the 1970s and 1980s constituted yet fo r this article was conducted in several fieldtrips to Tri nidad, Guyana, stage which the East Indians were to undergo and eventually Suriname in 1993-98 (two of which were funded by a PSC-CUNYgrant), , fa ct, however, the revival appears to be intensifying rather than excursions to Holland and To ronto, and in ongoing interaction with ing, and it is clear that whatever national consensus emerges will bbeans in New Yo rk City. While assuming full responsibility for the

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342 PETER MANUEL ETHNIC IDENTITY, NATIONAL IDENTITY, AND INDO-TRINIDADIAN MUSIC 343 ..\ : content of this article, I must acknowledge my debt to the friends and to some extent seen as a stronghold of Afro-Tr inidadian musical culture. When tances who assisted me in my work, especially Mangal Patasar, Narsaloo Indian girl sang parang at a 1993 concert, a creole acquaintance of mine laugh­

Moean Mohammed, Praim Singh, the late Gora Singh, and other · quipped to his friend, "Now we really losin' it!" and musicians too numerous to cite. 0. The columnist Morgan Job commented on this sentiment in an article I. The country ofTrinidad and To bago is referred to here simply Trin ido d Guardian, 11 Fe bmary 1991. An Indian musician similarly com­ fe w Indians live on To bago itself.In Guyana, Indians constitute 51% , "Indians do not get too much involved in pan-playing because they nbtion; in Suriname, 37%; and in Tr inidad, around 45%. The were made to feel it belongs to the Afro-Tr inidadians" (in Danny tion growth rate is roughly twice that of blacks, although their may also be somewhat higher. . The Mro-Tr inidadian scholar Gordon Rohlehr (in criticizing the novel- 2. Letter to the Stabroek (Guyana), 1 December 1992. Several S. Naipaul's disdain for pan) described pan music as "the single common pressed such opinions in Guyanese newspapers in I992 -93, in the where Trinidadians of all races meet on a basis of equality" (in Lowenthal the Indian demand fo r more media presence. See also S. Maharaj I ; 175). 3. One commentator wrote articulately of the Mro-Trinidadian 12. Ken Parmasad related to me how his daughter's entrance in the ca­ "Much had to be reinvented and even improvised on the spot, be it competition was greeted with heckles and calls of "What dat coolie girl gion, or fa mily organization. Such a challenge must indeed have been · dere?" one to the extent that it has had to be fa ced up to without many of the 13. The Syrian-Trinidadian singer "Mighty Tr ini" had earfier fa ced similar, ordinarily exercised by the ancestral legacy. What the latecomers for vehement, opposition from his own, predominantly bourgeois community.

more easily discern are the risks and the dangers of an uncharted · 4. Pichkari is the syringe-like squirt-gun traditionally used in Indian Phagwa were, and the spectre of drift into a mongrel condition" (Best 1993) . . . See articles in the Sunday Guardian, 2 3 March and 4 April 1997. 4. In a much-quoted speech, Williams stated, "There must be . "Pundit: No Cause fo r English in Chowtal Songs," T7-inidad Guardian� India, no Mother Africa" (see E. Williams 1962: 28I). 1993 . 5. As the Indo-Tr inidadian scholarJohn La Guerre stated, "It was . For more expansive discussion of chutney, see Manuel 1998. recently that the Indian community fo rmally decided that it would To the disappointmentof many, the first prize went toa clannish song parcel of Trinidad and To bago" (Trinidad Guardian, I 1990). denouncing blacks for letting Indians win the elections. 6. Mahabir calculated that in 1980 only 1.25% of (TTT) programs had Indian content (1984: 2). In both countries, REFERENCES have for several years given expanded coverage to Indian affairs Ethnic Studies 1 YYS). Lloyd. 199J. "I Am a Dougla." Daily EYpnr.r (Trinidad) (7 June). 7. A contemporary cartoon in the Guyana Chronicle parodied the for Ethnic Studies. 1995. Ethnicity and the Media in T1 -inidad and To bago: showing members of each of the country's six ethnic communities, Research Report. University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad. dougla, seated around a ta ble demanding their own radio nr•�rn·<>tT>c Zeno Obi. 1991. Ta ssa, Ch utney and Soca: The East In dian Contribu­ 8. Despite the discussions (themselves ambiguous and seJit-c<>ntraU to the Calypso. San Fe rnando, Trinidad: By the author. the shnttis in ancient Indian musicological treatises, empirical Phoolo. 1990. "UWIStudent: ChutneyShows a Licence fo r Illicit Sex." vealed that they are not used in any systematic fushion inmodern Express (14 December): 41. classical music, not to mention folk or popular music, most forms 1991. "Bhajan on Pan: Sound of the Future." Trinidad Expms (14 stead use a flexible system of twelve semito nes compatible with that 16, 33. music (Levy 1982,Jairazbhoy and Stone 1963). Hence, for example, 1992. "Indian Wo men Urged to Clean Up ChutneyAct." Trinidod Ex­ compatibility of the harmonium with many fo rms of Indian (17 August): 7. fa ct that the harmonium is indeed an instrument of European Ramesh. 1987a. "The Social Psychology of Cultural Pluralism: Up­ does not specifywhat structural "adaptive changes" the instrument the Old." Caribbean Qum-te1·ly 33: 1-18. . in India.) Maraj may correctly sense that Indian singing-including · 1987b. "The 'Caribbean Man': A Study of the Psychology of Percep­ and chutney-sounds quite distinct fr om We stern singing, but these and the Media." In India in the. Cm-ibbean, ed. David Dabydeen and are due more to nuances of style rather than intonation per se. Samaroo, 81-I I8. London: Hansib/University of Wa rwick. 9. For example, the Ve nezuelan-derived genre parang, Leo. 1967. Cultuml Plu m/ism and Na tionalist Politics in British Guiana. "fo reign" character (including Spanish texts), is regarded as Rand McNally. because it is cultivated primarily by creoles (see R. Maraj 19?2); 1993. "Nation and Integration in Guyana." In East Indians in the New

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II i11Id: f 'i'itb llnniucnary, ed. Somd:n 1\'l:lhabir and lsanl:n Ramdchal, 36-37. Mohammed. Shh:lgo." ,\ 1.:\ . tltnis, l'ni1Trsi11 of tin· \\' est Indies, St. Att(.' !llst inc ' Knopf · Tr inicbd. 11i ntzen, Pcn.-v. I <)H'J. 'fl,c (.'osts ofRcr!;imr Surriml: !?aria/1\T ol>i/iz.ation, !•:lite Dom• Myers, I Jelen. I CJH.l ' . "The l'ro<'css of ( :h:mgc· in Trini : chd Fast lndi:m ,\1 usic." iuatiou, fll/(i (.'ollfnll oft be ,)'tal< iu (;uwma and "/hnidflll. C;lm bridge: C :ambridge · ' In /·:r.ra)'I in i\l nri,-o/op:v. rd. R. ( :. ,\ lrht:l, l.l'J-- ·H. llcnnltar:· Indian :\ 1 usi co- Universitv Press. logical Socict _1 ·. lJo No t Want mp r Port of Spain: R hlehr, Gordon. I 990. L'alvp.rn and S{}(icty in l'rr-lndcp cndmrc Trinidad. Port of Caribbean Publications. . . Spain: . B�· the author. ---. f {(!74] 19R.'i.Ca kutta to Caroni: T/;eF.ast Indians ofTr inidad, 2d ed. keralli, Burton . 1 I)<)( ,_ "Creole Ciiltme on the Rct a " rc t . Sunda· r !·.:rf'rc.rup;Hce. ( !N1. "Need to Become /\ware as to \Vhere We Cbangr. f .on don: i\bnn ' ill:111; \ \':11wid llninTsit I' l rr.s�. lle:H lcd." fntlo-(,'arib/'''tl/1 IVm-!d ('l!ll'!mto) (9 June): 6. , Keith. l'N.l. "Ft hnicit�· :l nd the C:ontcn1pil r:nr C:1l1pso." In '/ 7·inidad ,\lah:lraj, Shastri . I'Jl•aj;o. Port of S pa in: ,\ Jar:l j, R:windranath I Ravi-ji j . 1992. "Mastana Syndrome: Neither Singer PNM Publi sh in g Co. ·in T Song." Tl idr d (,'um·dian (26 January): II. gton , Kc,·in. 1<)'!\. "lmrodm:t ion: Tri nidad Ft hnit:itl. '.'' in '/i·inidad 1-.'tb- --- . I 'l'l.LL " I ndo-Caribbean Images Must Be Recorded in Poetry nnd ., nici�y, ed. K. Yc h·ing-ton, 1--.12. l.llndlln: ;\ 1acmill:ln. 'fi-inirlad (;lllmfian (3 1 January). ----. 1993h. "Begin National Debate on Cultural Policy. " 'lhnidad (16 ,\ lay). Mar:1j, Satnarayan. 1994a. "!Ylusic in Schools: Statement No. 1" 71-inidad (R September). ---. 1994b. "Music in Schools: Reply to Kim Johnson." Trinidad ( 15 July). ;\ tiller, Daniel. I 9'J4. Modnnity: An Etbno,r!;mpbic Approach: Duali.rmand Mass ' -''N..mption in Trinidad. Oxford: Berg.

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