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Ethnic Identity, National Identity, and Music in Indo-Trinidadian Culture City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Publications and Research CUNY Graduate Center 2000 Ethnic Identity, National Identity, and Music in Indo-Trinidadian Culture Peter L. Manuel CUNY Graduate Center How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_pubs/92 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] I � -� �----� �.c:.J �.�'' ETHNIC IDENTITY, NAT IONAL IDENTITY, AND INDO-TRINIDADIAN MU SIC 319 Q_� r� � .f �'\or'-'\'\ fested in the series of ongoing and spirited socio-musical polemics, ' in private and, more overtly, in public forums like newspapers, ament sessions, and calypsos. These controversies, aside from their inherent intere�t, often serve as· remarkabfy concrete articulations of broader, more abstract socio-cultural processes. 9 Aside from studies of calypso,such socio-musical issues have received passing reference in the otherwise considerable body of scholarly . Ethnic Identity, National Identity, and hterature devoted to race relations in Trinidad, which, indeed, has been ibed as a "social science laboratory" for the academic :lttention it has Music in Indo-Trinidadian Culture received (Yelvington 199 3: 15). Despite the value of this literature, dra­ developments within recent years have substantially altered the PETER MANUEL tural and political situation in Trinidad, calling for an updating and · · g of prior paradigms. This article explores aspects of the most music-related ethnic controversiesin Trinidad, with passing to Guyana. In particular, it aims to illustrate how these issues e in the · • be seen as key texts in the complex negotiations involved in the le­ uch of the literature regarding race and ci.lltu� West Indies, has . ll't"uwu.c.•'"·'v" of new socio-cultural paradigms based on pluralism rather icas, including theEnglish-speaking . to establish assimilation. Given the fratricidal ethnic conflicts currently raging Mon the struggles of Mro-American peoples While this in the world, and the lingering possibility of real violence in tural identity in the face of white discrimination. race relations in Caribbean, the study of West Indian progress toward multicultural­ irrelevant to Trinidad, Guyana, and Suriname, not may be of more than academic interest. the presence of substantial countries have a distinct dynamic due to their own identity · · Indian communities seeking to legitimize socio-cultural EAST INDIANS IN THE WEST INDI ES ditionally black-dominated political and self-awareness, aulucu�.:•o::• a. these E:�st Indi:�n popul:�tions grow in size, in complex nn:>ct:ssc!s emancipation of West Indian slaves in 1834-40, British politic:�! power, they find themselves engaged first,rel-orJmu.lattng ...v,vua,.., sought to replenish the supply of cheap plantation labor by im­ cultur:�l reorientation. These processes involve, to mainstream West indentured workers, especially from India. Under this program, own senses of culture and identity in relation framework that ..• n ....,,u .. �·n 1845 and 1917 some 14 3,000 East Indians came to Trinidad contexts; and, second, pressing for a multicultural their West L"T\L\"'" to British Guiana, and lesser numbers to other parts of the Wes; both their East Indian ethnic identity and :�ccommodate While some of these workers returned to India, most stayed; their have been the subject of· dian national identity. Both processes as within the now constitute a majority of the population of Guyana and and controversy, on national levels as well . negotiation largest ethnic groups in Suriname and Trinidad, where they surpass Indian communities themselves. of distinct ethnic · "creole" (black and mixed-race) population; together, East Indians In Trinidad and Guyana, while a sense conditions have for around twenty percent of theEnglish-speaking West Indian mains important to mostEast Indians, changing emblems of Indianness, oouJatton 1 some of the most important traditional the Hindi language While most free blacks in colonial Trinidad and British Guiana caste consciousness and, more importantly, only to a few elders, the arduous life of the sugar plantations, in many cases moving Bhojpuri Form), which is now known . · has acquired . the towns and cities, the first generations of East Indian laborers oth�r learned persons. In such circumstances, music identity (LaGuerre [ . to remain concentrated in agricultural regions even after in­ preeedented significanceas a symbol of ethnic amount of musical IPnn•rP�h p. Living in their insular, rural communities and shunning 1985: xiv), as reflected in the extraordinary Music's importance for fear of proselytization, most colonial-era Indo-Trinidadians Trinidad, among East Indians as well as others. 318 320 PETER MANUEL ETH NIC IDENTITY, NAT IONAL ID ENTITY, AND INDO-TRINIDADIAN MUSIC 321 took little part in the mainstream of their country's social and calypso; and, as we shall discuss, by a de facto collapse of creole life. Gradually, however, increasing numbers urbanized and esta as well as political hegemony. footholds in commerce. Aided by traditional values of thrift, •'r'11"'�"'' ousness, and family cohesion,East Indians have now come to uuuwua• ETHNICITY AND CREOLIZATION business sectors in both countries, surpassing the formerly en creole populations. Accompanying this process has been a revival of dad and Guyana have been characterized as "plural" societies in the tural awareness, pride, and assertiveness, stimulated by such described (1965), by M.G. Smith in which ethnic groups coexist ments as the import of Indian films from the 1930s, the Black mixing or sharing basic institutions or values (see also Despres Movement erupting around 1970, and the spread of modern colrtce:ots 1982). , La Guerre Many Trinidadians continue 1992: . to live in ethni­ pluralism and cultural revivalism (see Vertovec chap. 4). · homogeneous . communities where there is little exposure to other As Indians grow in power and self-assurance, they have come to Religion and family . life still tend to be segregated, and politics increasingly resentful of perceived sorts of discrimination. In black consciousness movements . have further polarized the races from the mid-1950s until 1986, political life was dominated by the Independence. However, urbanization and the greater participa­ oriented People's National Movement (PNM), withthe on:domu1an1 ofEast Indians in mainstream society have made the situation more East)ndian opposition parties being marginalized through •vu'�-'""" than Smith's model might suggest. Increasingly, and especially dering, electoral fraud, occasional persecution of political leaders; towns, Indians and blacks interact and socialize amicably, and there is their own internal difficulties (see, e.g., Mahabir 1995: 88-89, increase in racial intermarriage, producing a growing popula­ 1989). The charismaticEric Williams, who led the PNM until his of"douglas," or black-Indian mulattos. 1981, But as Lowenthal observes. in was at best indifferentto theEast Indians, whom he once' : 165), increased contact has also generated increased tension, and acterized as a "recalcitrant and hostile minority." PNM economic blacks have come to feel threatened by the greater Indian presence cies since independence in 1962 largely favored the party's assertiveness 1951 in society. In a calypso, Killer voiced the subse­ ency-urban working-class and bourgeois creoles:..._at the y familiar sentiment that the Indians are "taking over": the East Indians, who have arguably constituted the country'smost nomically productive social sector (see Vertovec 1992: 132ff., ... As for the men and dem I must relate 1972: 162, Hintzen 1989). Accordingly, as we shall discuss below, Long time all dey work was in cane estate ans have felt that state cultural policies have also tended to favor But now dey own every theater 1991: 8) culture. Yes, hotel, rumshop, and hired car. (Constance 1985, Since however, changes in Trinidad's political Ethnic tension is heightened by the different mainstream values of public culture have disrupted the comfortable hegemony community and the tendency to stereotype the other community joyed by the PNM and its constituency. In 1986, the ncJ·ea!;m�{IY terms of these values. Daniel Miller (1994) describes Trinidadian so­ credited PNM government was ousted by a coalition which ....... u•u"' as being characterized by a fundamental dualism between, on the invigorated Indian-based party led by Basdeo Panday. While the hand, a"bacchanal" culture of partying, hanging out ("liming"), and menting of this coalition enabled the PNM to regain power in 199 and transient male-female relations; and on the other hand, new prime minister, Patrick Manning, made concerted efforts of frugality, hard work, and responsibility to the extended family. and organized East over sectors of the now assertive, affiuent, ar discourse and to a considerable 1995 extent in reality, such polar­ population. Snap elections called in led to a triumph . lifestyles are associated with blacks and Indians, respectively (see his'lhdian-based United National Congress (UNC). In the B. Williams 1991). the East Indian reco zed by the declaration presence was gni the asymmetries between the two groups are the dis­ a national holiday, "Indian Arrival Day"; by the unprecedented cultural orientations toward their respective ancestral homelands. nence and recognition of Indians
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