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Military Spending and the EU Crisis Frank Slijper April 2013
GUNS, DEBT AND CORRUPTION Military spending and the EU crisis Frank Slijper April 2013 “We should not have If you would account “No one is saying ‘Buy acquired systems that for Greece decades of our warships or we we are not going to use, formidable military won’t bail you out.’ But for conflict situations that spending “there would the clear implication is do not exist and, what is be no debt at all” that they will be more worse, with funds that we Greek economist supportive if we do” did not have then and we Angelos Philippides Aide to then Greek prime do not have now.” minister George Papandreou Former Spanish secretary of defence Constantino Méndez Guns, Debt and Corruption Military spending and the EU crisis Frank Slijper April 2013 Executive Summary Five years into the financial and economic crisis in Europe, and there is still an elephant in Brussels that few are talking about. The elephant is the role of military spending in causing and perpetuating the economic crisis. As social infrastruc- ture is being slashed, spending on weapon systems is hardly being reduced. While pensions and wages have been cut, the arms industry continues to profit from new orders as well as outstanding debts. The shocking fact at a time of austerity is that EU military expenditure totalled €194 billion in 2010, equivalent to the annual deficits of Greece, Italy and Spain combined. Perversely, the voices that are protesting the loudest in Brussels are the siren calls of military lobbyists, warning of “disaster” if any further cuts are made to military spending. -
Samaras and Erdogan Meet to Seek New Way to Further Discussion Money Laundering Charge Obstacle for Cyprus Amb.'S Dinner Heral
S O C V ΓΡΑΦΕΙ ΤΗΝ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ Bringing the news W ΤΟΥ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ to generations of E ΑΠΟ ΤΟ 1915 The National Herald Greek- Americans N c v A weekly Greek-AmericAn PublicATiOn www.thenationalherald.com VOL. 16, ISSUE 804 March 9-15, 2013 $1.50 Samaras and Erdogan Money Laundering Charge Obstacle for Cyprus Meet to Seek New Way Anastasiades Seeks to Secure $17 Billion To Further Discussion From Wary Eurozone ISTANBUL (AP) — Regional ri - odds over a broad range of is - TNH Staff vals Greece and Turkey want to sues, including war-divided overcome long-standing differ - Cyprus, Aegean Sea boundaries, NICOSIA, Cyprus – The top ences through dialogue and can and illegal immigration. Greece agenda item for Nicos Anastasi - resolve Cyprus's division if they is a main transit point for illegal ades, the newly-elected presi - show the will, Turkish Prime immigrants entering the Euro - dent of the Republic of Cyprus, Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan pean Union, with most crossing is securing a a 17 billion euro said Monday. into the country through Turkey. bailout from the members of the Erdogan was speaking along - "We may have different opin - Eurozone. One of the main ob - side his Greek counterpart, An - ions but we want to solve these stacles is the island nation’s rep - tonis Samaras, following the by launching new channels of utation as a haven for money- second joint ministerial council dialogue," Erdogan said. "I hope laundering, meeting between Turkey and we will overcome the Cyprus is - Cyprus partners also have Greece aimed at building trust sue through our common will.. -
The Cold War in the Eastern Mediterranean: an Interpretive Global History
University of Arkansas, Fayetteville ScholarWorks@UARK Theses and Dissertations 12-2017 The oldC War in the Eastern Mediterranean: An Interpretive Global History James M. Brown University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, International Relations Commons, Islamic World and Near East History Commons, and the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Brown, James M., "The oC ld War in the Eastern Mediterranean: An Interpretive Global History" (2017). Theses and Dissertations. 2577. http://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd/2577 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UARK. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UARK. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. The Cold War in the Eastern Mediterranean: An Interpretive Global History A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History by James Brown University of Arkansas Bachelor of Arts in History, International Relations, 2014 December 2017 University of Arkansas This thesis is approved for recommendation to the Graduate Council. _______________________ Alessandro Brogi, Ph.D. Thesis Director _______________________ _______________________ Tricia Starks, Ph.D. Laurence Hare, Ph.D. Committee Member Committee Member Abstract This thesis offers the first global history of the Cold War in the eastern Mediterranean. It examines the international linkages that bound Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus with superpowers, non-aligned states, and transnational movements during the second half of the twentieth century, and it considers the effects of such linkages upon the eastern Mediterranean’s domestic arenas. -
Turkish Political Culture and the Future of the Greco-Turkish Rapprochement
TURKISH POLITICAL CULTURE AND THE FUTURE OF THE GRECO-TURKISH RAPPROCHEMENT Costas Melakopides∗ The Questions Conflicting signals are emanating from Ankara regarding its bilateral relations with Greece, its next move vis-a-vis Cyprus, and the unfolding, frequently tempestuous, relations of Turkey with the European Union. Most of these developments began taking shape by the European Council at Helsinki. They are also being conditioned by Turkey's prolonged economic crisis, widespread social frustration, and political uncertainty. Meanwhile, it is indubitable that Greece and Turkey have been forging a bilateral modus vivendi akin to détente. This is the case after the change of leadership in the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Spring of 1999; the "seismic diplomacy" that followed the catastrophic earthquakes of August-September of the same year; the "citizens diplomacy" that erupted almost ex nihilo at the same time; and, most important, by the December 1999 Helsinki summit. On the other hand, Turkey's foreign policy exhibits signs of indecision or confusion in the post-Helsinki period and especially since November 2001. Instead of exploiting richly the historic opportunities afforded by Helsinki, regarding both its disconcerting domestic problems and its serious external difficulties, Ankara's decision-makers behave ambiguously vis-a-vis the EU. Moreover, Athens still awaits reciprocation to its rapprochement gestures, especially regarding its tangible assistance to Turkey's EU candidacy ambitions at, and after, Helsinki. In fact, -
National Integrity System
1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Transparency International-Greece would like to thank everyone who contributed in any way to this research, and particularly: the Advisory Committee of the project for their full support and useful comments, all those who accepted to be interviewed by the researcher, testifying their valuable knowledge and experience, the external supervisor Mr. Stathis Kalyvas, Arnold Wolfers Professor of Political Science, Yale University, our partners in different branches of Transparency International, who shared their experience with us, our partners in the Secretariat of Transparency International for their contribution in matters of design and methodology. 2 ABBREVIATIONS ACA Anti-Corruption Agencies ACCI Athens Chamber of Commerce & Industry ADEDY Supreme Administration of Civil Servants’ Trade Unions AED Supreme Special Court AP Supreme Court APOPLOUS “Principles of Attachment to the Quality of Operation and Organisation Serving Our Aims” ASE Athens Stock Exchange BA Bachelor’s Degree POESY Pan-Hellenic Federation of Journalists’ Unions . CBR Code of Books and Records CL Compulsory Law DEI Public Power Corporation of Greece DEY Directorate of Internal Affairs of Hellenic Police DHSY Democratic Alliance Party DSA Athens Bar Association ECB European Central Bank ECJ European Court of Justice ELAS Hellenic Police ELTA Hellenic Post Office EMU Economic and Monetary Union 3 ABBREVIATIONS ES Court of Audit ESDDA National School for Public Administration & Local Administration ESIEA Union of Journalists of Daily Newspapers of Athens -
Arms Procurement Decision Making Volume II: Chile, Greece, Malaysia, Poland, South Africa and Taiwan
Arms Procurement Decision Making Volume II: Chile, Greece, Malaysia, Poland, South Africa and Taiwan Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent international institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of arms control and disarmament. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden’s 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed mainly by the Swedish Parliament. The staff and the Governing Board are international. The Institute also has an Advisory Committee as an international consultative body. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Ambassador Rolf Ekéus, Chairman (Sweden) Dr Willem F. van Eekelen (Netherlands) Sir Marrack Goulding (United Kingdom) Professor Dr Helga Haftendorn (Germany) Dr Catherine Kelleher (United States) Professor Ronald G. Sutherland (Canada) Dr Abdullah Toukan (Jordan) The Director Director Dr Adam Daniel Rotfeld (Poland) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Signalistgatan 9, S-169 70 Solna, Sweden Cable: SIPRI Telephone: 46 8/655 97 00 Telefax: 46 8/655 97 33 E-mail: [email protected] Internet URL: http://www.sipri.se Arms Procurement Decision Making Volume II: Chile, Greece, Malaysia, Poland, South Africa and Taiwan Edited by Ravinder Pal Singh OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 2000 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence -
Shifting Sands Or Burning Bridges?
Policy Paper / Κείμενο Πολιτικής No 22_February 7th, 2014 Shifting Sands or Burning Bridges? The Evolution of Turkish-Israeli Relations after the Mavi Marmara Incident and the Strategic Energy Calculations of Greece & Cyprus Dr. Theodoros Tsakiris Assistant Professor, Geopolitics of Hydrocarbons at the University of Nicosia & Coordinator, Energy & Geopolitics Programme at ELIAMEP Copyright © 2014 Hellenic Foundation for European & Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) & Theodoros Tsakiris 49, Vas. Sofias Ave, 106 76 Athens, Greece Tel.: +30 210 7257 110 | Fax: +30 210 7257 114 | www.eliamep.gr | [email protected] All Rights Reserved Shifting Sands Or Burning Bridges? The Evolution of Turkish-Israeli Relations after the Mavi Marmara Incident and the Strategic Energy Calculations of Greece & Cyprus by Dr. Theodoros Tsakiris Assistant Professor, Geopolitics of Hydrocarbons at the University of Nicosia & Head of Energy & Geopolitics Programme at ELIAMEP From 2008 to 2013 Dr. Tsakiris also worked as the Senior Analyst for the Middle East Economic Survey, covering major oil & gas developments in Iran, the Caspian Sea and (part-time) the Eastern Mediterranean. From September 2010 to December 2011 Dr. Tsakiris was the Director of the Observatory for European Energy Policy (http://www.ekemeuroenergy.org/en) at the Hellenic Centre for European Studies (EKEM) which is attached to the office of the Greek Minister of Foreign Affairs. Dr.Tsakiris is also a member of the High-Level Expert Group on the Geopolitics of Energy in the Eastern Mediterranean that was established in 2013 by the U.S. Atlantic Council and Egmont-the Royal Institute of International Affairs of Belgium. Dr. Tsakiris most recent publications on the Politics & Economics of East Med Gas include occasional papers that will be published in the Spring of 2014 by the Atlantic Council of the United States, the Royal Institute for International Affairs of Belgium Egmont and the London School of Economics (LES Ideas). -
The Backsliding of Democracy
STUDY The Backsliding of Democracy DIMITRI A. SOTIROPOULOS DECEMBER 2018 n Democracy in Greece has survived the economic crisis, but democracy’s long- term problems have been accentuated during the crisis. Democracy has started backsliding. n The backsliding of democracy is related not only to the gravity of the recent crisis, but also to long-term, historical legacies, such as political clientelism, populism and corruption. n Political clientelism has thrived, as discriminatory access to state resources was offered to favoured individuals and particular social groups even under the crisis. n Populism has attracted the support of popular strata but has failed to deliver on its promises, contributing thus to disaffection with democracy. n Corruption has undermined transparency and accountability, negatively affecting the rule of law. n Long-term reforms are required, in order for a reversal of democracy’s backsliding to be achieved and a new political and economic crisis to be averted. SOTIROPOULOS | THE BACKSLIDING OF DEMOCRACY IN TODAY’S GREECE Table of Contents 1. Introduction..............................................................................................................7 2. Democracy and Democratization Today..................................................................8 3. The Relative Backsliding of Democracy in Greece..................................................9 4. Political clientelism and democracy in today’s Greece.........................................11 4.1 Clientelism as political participation.................................................................12 -
2020 Greece Country Report | SGI Sustainable Governance Indicators
Greece Report Dimitri A. Sotiropoulos, Asteris Huliaras, Roy Karadag (Coordinator) Sustainable Governance Indicators 2020 © vege - stock.adobe.com Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2020 | 2 Greece Report Executive Summary Greece’s political and economic environment improved during the period under review, largely owing to the fulfillment of the final requirements of the Third Economic Adjustment Program for Greece (2015 – 2018), the emergence of timid economic growth and the smooth change of government in July 2019. In comparison to the previous government (Syriza-ANEL), the incoming New Democracy administration appeared far more willing to correct missteps in various policy sectors such as pensions, migration and higher education, and to introduce reforms. During the period under review, the previous government, consisting of a coalition of the radical-left Syriza party and its minor coalition partner, the rightist nationalist ANEL party, was on its way out. The coalition government’s performance was uneven and mixed. On the one hand, the ANEL party left the coalition after Syriza notched its most important foreign-policy success in the winter of 2018 – 2019. This success was the negotiation and ratification of the so-called Prespes Agreement, which Greece made with its neighboring country, North Macedonia, with the aim of resolving the almost 30-year-long dispute over the use of the name “Macedonia.” On the other hand, until it lost power in July 2019, the Syriza-ANEL government delayed implementation of agreements it had signed with private investors on gold-mine exploitation in northern Greece, and for urban and tourist development along the east coast of Athens. -
Doing Business in (Insert Country Name Here)
Doing Business in Greece: 2014 Country Commercial Guide for U.S. Companies INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT, U.S. & FOREIGN COMMERCIAL SERVICE AND U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 2010. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED OUTSIDE OF THE UNITED STATES. • Chapter 1: Doing Business In Greece • Chapter 2: Political and Economic Environment • Chapter 3: Selling U.S. Products and Services • Chapter 4: Leading Sectors for U.S. Export and Investment • Chapter 5: Trade Regulations, Customs and Standards • Chapter 6: Investment Climate • Chapter 7: Trade and Project Financing • Chapter 8: Business Travel • Chapter 9: Contacts, Market Research and Trade Events • Chapter 10: Guide to Our Services Return to table of contents Chapter 1: Doing Business in Greece • Market Overview • Market Challenges • Market Opportunities • Market Entry Strategy Market Overview Return to top Greece continues to present a challenging economic climate as it emerges from the deepest recession in post-war history. The government has made progress in carrying out widespread economic reforms. Many of these reforms aim to simplify the investment framework, and the government is aggressively seeking to attract foreign investment to drive the country’s long-term economic recovery. After six years of recession, Greece is expected to return to positive growth rates (+0.6%) in 2014. The protracted economic crisis led to a contraction in bank lending, project development, and investment. Business confidence dropped sharply through the crisis, but after Greece and its international creditors reached agreement on a large disbursement of assistance (over €50 billion) for the country in early 2013, sentiment along with several economic indexes improved and this trend continues in 2014 to date. -
What Are the Successes and Failures of Democracy and Its Institutions in Post-1975 Greece?
What are the Successes and Failures of Democracy and its Institutions in post-1975 Greece? Evan Dimos A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Research). 2016 Department of Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Sydney 1 Dedications I’d like to firstly dedicate my thesis to my late father, Kosmas, who sadly passed away on January 09, 2016, and to my mother, Irene. From as young as I can remember, you have both taught me many life lessons, the most important being highlighted in the Greek proverb ever to excel. It is through this philosophy that both of you have instilled in me to study and work hard toward achieving all my dreams and although 2016 has been difficult without Dad, I know I have applied everything you have taught me throughout my entire life to my passion for Hellenism, the Greeks and Greece. From the bottom of my heart, I’d like to say a big thank you for your constant support and love as it’s made me the man I am today. I’d also like to dedicate my thesis to my beloved partner, Bernadette. There are truly no words that can describe how amazing you have been over the last year as well as during all my years of study. In my weakest moments, you have been my rock and given me back a sense of strength, and most importantly, in my strongest moments, you’ve always pushed me to go further and get more out of life. -
Core Exec Draft 29 9 10
1 Core Executive Politics in Greece: the paradox of absent centralisation Paper Presented at: 63rd Political Studies Association Annual International Conference The Party's Over? 25 - 27 March 2013, City Hall Cardiff Kevin Featherstone London School of Economics Eleftherios Venizelos Professor of Contemporary Greek Studies and Professor of European Politics [email protected] Dimitris Papadimitriou University of Manchester Reader in European Politics [email protected] Abstract International attention has focussed recently on the reform ‘failures’ of Greece in the context of its European Union membership. Systemic constraints are increasingly recognised. The present paper argues that attention ought also to be given to the inner workings of government at the centre and their undermining of reform capacity. It explores the nature of the Greek core executive across five premierships and argues the supposed supremacy of the PM is something of a fallacy. In reality, the structure is one of a ‘solitary centre’ amidst a ‘segmented government’. As such, the closest parallels are with central, rather than southern, Europe. In developing its empirical analysis, the paper makes a methodological contribution to the examination of core executive relations and resources. Introduction The sovereign debt crisis in Greece has highlighted deep-rooted problems of the reform capacity of the domestic polity, raising questions as to its position within the euro-zone. Prior to the crisis, the repeated reform failures at home could be attributed to constraints and distortions of a systemic nature (Featherstone and Papadimitriou, 2008; Mitsopoulos and Pelagidis, 2011). But in a political culture that has long emphasised the importance 2 of the ‘leader’, successive prime ministers have been castigated for their failure to do more.