Labour Standards and Structural Adjustment in Hungary LIBRARY [Pvkiatt9 45

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Labour Standards and Structural Adjustment in Hungary LIBRARY [Pvkiatt9 45 C C INTERDEPARTMENTAL PROJECT ON STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT Occasional Paper 7 Roger Plant Labour standards and structural adjustment in Hungary LIBRARY [PvkiAtt9 45 CIANNIN! FOC,NDATZN AGFOCtil.Tur- AL CA;r,S tea:fr,o 4.c44 kt; IIQU International Labour Office Geneva . Interdepartmental•Project on Structural Adjustment The aim of the Interdepartmental Project on Structural Adjustment is to strengthen ILO policy advice in relation to structural adjustment policies in order to make those policies more consistent with ILO principles and objectives. The project investigates various options to give a different focus to adjustment policies, emphasising major objectives as equitable growth, improved human resource development and social acceptability and it tries to establish how various ILO policies and policy instruments can contribute to such a different focus of adjustment policies. The range of policy instruments encompasses labour market regulation, social security, wages policies, training policies, industrial relations as well as the employment and income effects of monetary, fiscal and price policies. Greater involvement of the ILO in the area of structural adjustment needs therefore to reflect the inter- disciplinary nature of the adjustment problem by combining activities from different departments in the ILO. During the 1992-93 biennium, the project concentrates on developing policies for the following five main areas: — the role of the public and private institutions in stnictural adjustment; — the role of fiscal policy in generating employment and favouring equitable growth in a process of adjustment; w the role and function of compensatory programmes and social safety nets during adjustment; public sector adjustment, including issues pertaining to privatization; the role and function of the social partners in the adjustment process. Further information can be obtained from the Project Manager (Rolph van der Hoeven) or the Project Officer (Andres Marinakis). Labour standards and structural adjustment in Hungary Note: Occasional Papers are preliminary documents circulated in a limited number of copies solely to stimulate discussion and critical comment. International Labour Office Geneva April 1993 , Copyright 0 International Labour Organization 1993 Publications of the International Labour Office enjoy copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention. Nevertheless, short excerpts from them may be reproduced without authorization, on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to the Publications Branch (Rights and Permissions), International Labour Office, CH-1211 Geneva 22, Switzerland. The International Labour Office welcomes such applications. ISBN 92-2-108929-0 First published 1993 The designations employed in ILO publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the International Labour Office concerning the legal status of any country, area or territory or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers. The responsibility for opinions expressed in signed articles, studies and other contributions rests solely with their authors, and publication does not constitute an endorsement by the International Labour Office of the opinions expressed in them. Reference to names of firms and commercial products and processes does not imply their endorsement by the International Labour Office, and any failure to mention a particular firm, commercial product or process is not a sign of disapproval. ILO publications can be obtained through major booksellers or ILO local offices in many countries, or direct from ILO Publications, International Labour Office, CH-1211 Geneva 22, Switzerland. A catalogue or list of new publications will be sent free of charge from the above address. Printed by the International Labour Office. Geneva, Switzerland Table of contents Page 1. Introduction 1 2. Economic restructuring in Hungary: An overview 2 2.1 The pre-adjustment situation 2 2.2 The adjustment process: An overview 2 3. International labour standards and Hungary 4 4. Structural adjustment in Hungary: The political context 5 5. Employment policies and trends, and the regulatory framework 7 5.1 Employment and unemployment trends 7 5.2 Employment policies and legislation 8 5.3 Issues in employment policy 9 5.4 Human resources development 10 6. The social welfare system: Constraints and emerging policies 11 6.1 The socialist legacy 11 6.2 Restructuring social security: Government, IMF and World Bank approaches 12 a. IMF appraisals 12 b. World Bank appraisals 13 6.3 National perspectives 14 7. Towards tripartism: Issues of labour law and relations 15 7.1 Preliminary observations 15 7.2 The industrial relations system before 1988 15 7.3 Initial developments after 1988 16 .7.4 The 1992 Labour Code 18 7.5 Issues in labour law and relations 19 8. International labour standards and the adjustment process 21 8.1 Preliminary observations 21 8.2 Labour law and industrial relations 21 8.3 Employment and unemployment 22 8.4 Social policies 23 9. Conclusions 23 Bibliography 25 •• 1. Introduction 1 This case study considers the role of labour standards in adjustment, in a formerly socialist country undergoing transition to a market economy. Parallel to the programme of economic restructuring and adjustment, Hungary has also experienced significant reforms to its political institutions, including labour laws and the industrial relations system. The economic and political aspects of adjustment are thus closely related, and extensive analysis of both is considered necessary in this study. As in other countries of Central and Eastern Europe now undergoing a transition to a market economy, a serious factor has been the rapid growth of unemployment, and the need to establish an appropriate safety net including unemployment insurance. A further need has been to maintain to the extent possible the structures of social protection and security which were an important characteristic of socialist society, while ensuring their financial viability as the role of the State in economic and social management progressively declines. A third need has been to define the role of the social partners in economic and social policy issues in general, and in employment and welfare issues in particular, within the framework of the evolving social market economy. Rather more than in the developing countries, the adjustment lending of the international financial institutions has been addressing issues of this kind, with particular reference first to social security and protection and second to human resource development. The manner in which these issues have been addressed by the Bretton Woods institutions therefore deserves quite detailed attention. I This case study was prepared as part of a more comprehensive global study on International Labour Standards and Structural Adjustment, carried out within the framework of the ILO's Interdepartmental Project on Structural Adjustment. At ILO Headquarters, particular thanks are due to the project manager, Rolph van der Hoeven, who provided valuable comments and assistance throughout, and also to Gyorgy Sziraczki, Hector Bartolomei, Edward Yemin and Jean-Paul Arles. In Hungary, an extensive programme of interviews with different government departments was arranged by the Department of International Programmes of the Ministry of Labour. Particular thanks are due to Peter Klekner and to Katalin Nagy for arranging this programme, and to Gabriella Schmeider and Krisztina Roman for providing interpretation. Among the many others who gave generously of their time and information were: Lajos Hethy, Maria Lado and Lazio Neumann (Institute of Labour Research); Csilla Lehoczky and Mariann Varga (labour lawyers); Mihaly Csako, Janos David, Istvan Gabor, Janos Kollo and Istvan Toth (academics and researchers), Andrew Rogerson (World Bank representative); and the many representatives of employers' and workers' organizations. 2. Economic restructuring in Hungary: An overview 2.1 The pre-adjustment situation The main aspects of economic and industrial restructuring relate to macroeconomic stabilisation, trade liberalization, and privatization and enterprise restructuring. Of these three aspects, some considerably predate the present political transition. Until the late 1960's, Hungary was a rigidly centrally planned economy. The New Economic Mechanism, adopted in 1968, was the first attempt at limited market reforms. The regulatory framework was adjusted, to limit the influence of central planning, and to permit more autonomous decision-taking by state enterprises. Compulsory annual planning for enterprises was abandoned, prices were determined by the market forces of supply and demand, and some enterprises were permitted to participate directly in foreign trade. Further reforms during the second NEM decade after 1979 aimed to increase economic efficiency. New pricing regulations were introduced, to connect most producer prices directly with foreign trade prices. And multiple exchange rates were replaced by a unified rate in order to prepare for the eventual convertibility of the Hungarian national currency. The banking structure was reformed, to permit the development of autonomous commercial banks. Significant efforts were also made to promote the development of small private industry, in the urban industrial and agricultural
Recommended publications
  • This Version: July 6, 2017 MY PAPERS in ECONOMICS: an ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY Edmar Bacha1
    1 This version: July 6, 2017 MY PAPERS IN ECONOMICS: AN ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY Edmar Bacha1 1. Introduction Since the mid-1960s, I have written extensively on development economics, the economics of Latin America and Brazil’s economic problems. My papers include essays on persuasion and reflections on economic policy-making experiences. I review these contributions roughly in chronological order not only because of the variety of topics but also because they tend to come together in specific periods. There are seven periods to consider, identified according to my main institutional affiliations: Yale University, 1964- 1968; ODEPLAN, Chile, 1969; IPEA-Rio, 1970-71; University of Brasilia and Harvard University, 1972-1978; PUC-Rio, 1979-1993; Academic research interregnum, 1994-2002; and IEPE/Casa das Garças since 2003. 2. Yale University, 1964-1968 My first published text was originally a term paper for a Master’s level class in international economics at Yale University. In The Strategy of Economic Development, Albert Hirschman suggested that less developed countries would be relatively more efficient at producing goods that required “machine-paced” operations. Carlos Diaz-Alejandro interpreted machine-paced as meaning capital-intensive 1 Founding partner and director of the Casa das Garças Institute of Economic Policy Studies, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. With the usual caveats, I am indebted for comments to André Lara- Resende, Alkimar Moura, Luiz Chrysostomo de Oliveira-Filho, and Roberto Zahga. 2 technologies, and tested the hypothesis that relative labor productivity in a developing country would be higher in more capital-intensive industries. He found some evidence for this. I disagreed with his argument.
    [Show full text]
  • Fostering Markets: Liberalization, Regulation, and Industrial Policy
    FOSTERING MARKETS: LIBERALIZATION, REGULATION, AND INDUSTRIAL POLICY EW DJSPUTE THE CENT1t&L ROLE OF THE STATE IN Many countries with weak institutional capability are F-securing the economic and social fundamentals saddled by their history with governments whose reach is discussed in Chapter 3. There is much less agreement, overextended; for them, privatization and market liberal- however, about the state's precise role in regulation ization is a key part of the policy agenda. As capability and industrial policy. A counterpart to the rise of state- develops, public organizations and officials will be able to dominated development strategies in the early postwar take on more challenging collective initiatives, to foster years was a dramatic expansion in government regulation markets and to make increasing use of efficientbut dif- in many countries. As countries have liberalized, those ficult to manageregulatory tools. aspects of the regulatory framework that have proved Privatizing and liberalizing markets in counterproductive are being abandoned. But govern- overextended states ments are learning that market reforms and fast-changing technology pose their own regulatory challenges. States Interest has revived in finding ways for the government to cannot abandon regulation. The task, rather, is to adopt work with the private sector in support of economic devel- approaches to regulation that fit not merely the shifting opment, and to provide regulatory frameworks supportive demands of the economy and society but, critically, the of competitive markets. Yet in all too many countries, state country's existing institutional capability. and market remain fundamentally at odds. Private initia- Attention to the proper match between the state's tive is still held hostage to a legacy of antagonistic relations role and its institutional capability helps reconcile some with the state.
    [Show full text]
  • Industrial Policy: a Theoretical and Practical Framework to Analyse and Apply Industrial Policy 2
    Module 2 Industrial policy: a theoretical and practical framework to analyse and apply industrial policy 2 Industrial policy: a theoretical and practical framework to analyse and apply industrial policy 1 Introduction the first place. Section 4 moves to more practical matters, providing some examples of successful module Government intervention, and industrial policy and less successful industrial policies. Section 5 more specifically, have been issues of conten- discusses some of the current challenges to in- tion as long as the economics profession has dustrial policies in developing countries, distin- existed. Early political and development econo- guishing between internal and external factors mists such as Paul Rosenstein-Rodan, Albert influencing industrial policymaking. The overall Hirschman, Alexander Gerschenkron, and Raúl objective of the module is to provide the reader Prebisch emphasized the importance of gov- with both a theoretical and practical framework ernment intervention and the ability of a state to analyse and apply industrial policy. to mold economic activity in ways that would be most beneficial to society. In the early 1980s, At the end of this module, students should be development policy shifted towards a more able to: market-centered approach, limiting government intervention to policies that try to make market • Explain what industrial policy is and how it outcomes more efficient by increasing competi- can be best designed and implemented; tion or providing public goods. This view even • Describe the policy instruments that can be led some economists to argue that the best in- used to implement industrial policies; dustrial policy is not to have an industrial policy. • Describe the different views on the role of in- More recently, however, there has been increased dustrial policies; public pressure to reduce unemployment and • Analyse country experiences with specific in- stimulate economic growth, and, in this context, dustrial policy instruments; and a revived interest in industrial policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Rebirth of Industrial Policy and an Agenda for the Twenty-First Century
    Journal of Industry, Competition and Trade https://doi.org/10.1007/s10842-019-00322-3 Rebirth of Industrial Policy and an Agenda for the Twenty-First Century Karl Aiginger1,2 & Dani Rodrik3 Received: 24 September 2019 /Revised: 9 October 2019 Accepted: 7 December 2019 # Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2020 JEL Codes L10 . N60 . O25 . Q50 1 The Rebirth of Industrial Policy: Reasons and Open Questions After a period of decline in interest and premature predictions of demise, industrial policy is back on the scene. Avariety of trends have contributed to the renewed interest. In the developing world, there has been a pushback against the market-fundamentalist approach, typically associated with the Washington Consensus. Even when growth rates have been high, economies in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America have experienced unsatisfactory rates of productive transformation and shortfalls in generating quality jobs in manufacturing or modern services. This has created a demand for proactive government policies to diversify and upgrade economies beyond simply freeing up markets. In the advanced economies, generalized labor market malaise and the lingering effects of the financial crisis have produced similar effects. Low growth dynamics occurred especially in the euro zone, as countries with trade and budget double deficits with a common currency struggled to come out of the crisis. The continuing decline in the employment shares of manufacturing in the USA and Western European countries and the increasing compet- itive threat posed by China on world markets have pushed in the same direction.1 Interest in 1While virtually all countries have experienced deindustrialization in employment terms, some have managed to maintain high levels of output at constant prices.
    [Show full text]
  • Unlocking Domestic Investment for Industrial Development
    Inclusive and Sustainable Industrial Development Working Paper Series WP 12 | 2016 UNLOCKING DOMESTIC INVESTMENT FOR INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT DEPARTMENT OF POLICY, RESEARCH AND STATISTICS WORKING PAPER 12/2016 Unlocking domestic investment for industrial development Miriam Weiss UNIDO Consultant Michele Clara UNIDO UNITED NATIONS INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT ORGANIZATION Vienna, 2016 The designations employed, descriptions and classifications of countries, and the presentation of the material in this report do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries, or its economic system or degree of development. The views expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect the views of the Secretariat of the UNIDO. The responsibility for opinions expressed rests solely with the authors, and publication does not constitute an endorsement by UNIDO. Although great care has been taken to maintain the accuracy of information herein, neither UNIDO nor its member States assume any responsibility for consequences which may arise from the use of the material. Terms such as “developed”, “industrialized” and “developing” are intended for statistical convenience and do not necessarily express a judgment. Any indication of, or reference to, a country, institution or other legal entity does not constitute an endorsement. Information contained herein may be freely quoted or reprinted but acknowledgement is requested. This report has been produced without formal United Nations editing. Table of Contents 1. Introduction: Domestic investment ............................................................................... 1 2 Best practice in investment promotion policymaking ..................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Industrial Policy and Trade Management in the Commercial Aircraft Industry.*
    Industrial Policy and Trade Management in the Commercial Aircraft Industry.* Laura D'Andrea Tyson and Pei-Hsiung Chin *This chapter is based on a larger study included in the forthcoming book Who's Bashing Whom: Trade Conflict in High-Technology Industries to be published by the Institute for International Economics. The study was co-authored with Pei-Hsiung Chin, a PhD student in economics at the University of California, Berkeley. 1 I. Historical Decisions in a Strategic Industry "Judged against almost any criterion of performance--growth in output, exports, productivity, or innovation--the civilian aircraft industry must be considered a star performer in the [postwar] U.S. economy."1 The industry stands out as the country's largest exporter, running a net surplus of $35 billion between 1985 and 1989. American producers account for almost 80% of the world's commercial aircraft fleet (excluding the former USSR). More than any other, the commercial aircraft industry is a symbol of America's technological and market dominance. But today American producers face two critical challenges: an internal challenge resulting from cutbacks in defense procurement and indirect military subsidies; and an external challenge resulting from the growing competitive strength of Airbus. Continued American success depends on how American companies and the American government respond to these two challenges. Airbus is a government-backed consortium of companies from France, Britain, Germany, and Spain.2 After two decades of massive government support, Airbus has developed a family of aircraft, capturing about one-third of the world market for large commercial jets in 1991, up sharply from its 14% share in 1981.
    [Show full text]
  • INDUSTRIAL POLICY for the TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY* Dani Rodrik Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government 79 Kennedy S
    INDUSTRIAL POLICY FOR THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY* Dani Rodrik Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government 79 Kennedy Street Cambridge, MA 02138 (617) 495-9454 Fax: (617) 496-5747 E-mail: [email protected] http://www.ksg.harvard.edu/rodrik/ This version September 2004 * This paper has been prepared for UNIDO. I am grateful to Francisco Sercovich for his guidance. I am also grateful to Robert Lawrence, Lant Pritchett, Andres Rodriguez-Clare, Andres Velasco, and especially Ricardo Hausmann and Roberto Unger for conversations over the last few years that led to the development of these ideas. None of these individuals should be held responsible for the views expressed here. I also thank Magali Junowicz for expert research assistance. I. Introduction Once upon a time, economists believed the developing world was full of market failures, and the only way in which poor countries could escape from their poverty traps was through forceful government interventions. Then there came a time when economists started to believe government failure was by far the bigger evil, and that the best thing that government could do was to give up any pretense of steering the economy. Reality has not been kind to either set of expectations. Import substitution, planning, and state ownership did produce some successes, but where they got entrenched and ossified over time, they led to colossal failures and crises. Economic liberalization and opening up benefited export activities, financial interests, and skilled workers, but more often than not, they resulted in economy-wide growth rates (in labor and total factor productivity) that fell far short of those experienced under the bad old policies of the past.
    [Show full text]
  • Taxonomy of Industrial Policy
    Inclusive and Sustainable Industrial Development Working Paper Series WP 08 | 2015 TAXONOMY OF INDUSTRIAL POLICY RESEARCH, STATISTICS AND INDUSTRIAL POLICY BRANCH WORKING PAPER 8/2015 Taxonomy of industrial policy John Weiss University of Bradford UNITED NATIONS INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT ORGANIZATION Vienna, 2015 The designations employed, descriptions and classifications of countries, and the presentation of the material in this report do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries, or its economic system or degree of development. The views expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect the views of the Secretariat of the UNIDO. The responsibility for opinions expressed rests solely with the authors, and publication does not constitute an endorsement by UNIDO. Although great care has been taken to maintain the accuracy of information herein, neither UNIDO nor its member States assume any responsibility for consequences which may arise from the use of the material. Terms such as “developed”, “industrialized” and “developing” are intended for statistical convenience and do not necessarily express a judgment. Any indication of, or reference to, a country, institution or other legal entity does not constitute an endorsement. Information contained herein may be freely quoted or reprinted
    [Show full text]
  • Industrial Policy, Learning and Development
    2 Industrial Policy, Learning, and Development Joseph E. Stiglitz 2.1 Introduction Industrial policy is back in fashion, and rightly so. There is now an understanding that markets by themselves may not lead to economic efficiency—let alone a desirable distribution of income. The market may not lead to either a good allocation of resources among sectors or the appropriate choice of techniques. Industrial policies, aimed at affecting the economy’s sectoral allocation and/or choice of technique, are one of the instruments for addressing these market failures. Appropriately designed gov- ernment policies can lead to better outcomes. While this is true even for developed countries, it is perhaps particularly true for developing countries, and this is so even if developing countries have less developed governmental institutions. Limitations on the capacity of government should affect the choice of instruments for carrying out industrial policies, but not whether they should undertake industrial policies. While there is renewed interest in industrial policies,1 recent discussions are markedly different from those that characterized an earlier era in our under- standing of both the objectives and the instruments of industrial policy. There are broader objectives and more instruments, to echo a more general theme I put forward in criticism of Washington Consensus policies (Stiglitz 1999). For instance, the government plays a central role in shaping the economy, not 1 Evidenced, for instance, by the emphasis placed on industrial policies by the previous chief economist of the World Bank, Lin (2012). While I have long had an interest in industrial policies, my more recent engagement began with joint work with Bruce Greenwald (Greenwald and Stiglitz 2006, 2014a, 2014b; Stiglitz and Greenwald 2014a, 2014b).
    [Show full text]
  • Industrial Policies, the Creation of a Learning Society, and Economic Development1
    Industrial Policies, the Creation of a Learning Society, and Economic Development1 B. Greenwald and J. E. Stiglitz Industrial policies—meaning policies by which governments attempt to shape the sectoral allocation of the economy-- are back in fashion, and rightly so. The major insight of welfare economics of the past fifty years is that markets by themselves in general do not result in (constrained) Pareto efficient outcomes. (Greenwald-Stiglitz, 1986). Industrial policies seek to shape the sectoral structure of the economy. This is partly because the sectoral structure that emerges from market forces, on their own, may not be that which maximizes social welfare. By now, there is a rich catalogue of market failures, circumstances in which the markets may, say, produce too little of some commodity or another, and in which industrial policies, appropriately designed, may improve matters. There can be, for instance, important coordination failures—which government action can help resolve. But there are two further reasons for the recent interest in industrial policy: First, it has finally become recognized that market forces don’t exist in a vacuum. Development economics routinely emphasizes as central to growth the study of institutions All the rules and regulations, the legal frameworks and how they are enforced, affect the structure of the economy, so unwittingly, government is always engaged in industrial policy. When the U.S. Congress passed provisions of the bankruptcy code that gave derivatives first priority in the event of bankruptcy, but which said that student debt could not be discharged, even in bankruptcy, it was providing encouragement to the financial sector.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Industrial Development Banking in Spurring Structural Change Department of Policy, Research and Statistics
    Inclusive and Sustainable Industrial Development Working Paper Series WP 8 | 2016 THE ROLE OF INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT BANKING IN SPURRING STRUCTURAL CHANGE DEPARTMENT OF POLICY, RESEARCH AND STATISTICS WORKING PAPER 8/2016 The role of industrial development banking in spurring structural change Francesca Guadagno UNU-MERIT UNITED NATIONS INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT ORGANIZATION Vienna, 2016 The designations employed, descriptions and classifications of countries, and the presentation of the material in this report do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries, or its economic sys- tem or degree of development. The views expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect the views of the Sec- retariat of the UNIDO. The responsibility for opinions expressed rests solely with the authors, and publication does not constitute an endorsement by UNIDO. Although great care has been taken to maintain the accuracy of information herein, neither UNIDO nor its member States assume any responsibility for consequences which may arise from the use of the material. Terms such as “developed”, “industrialized” and “developing” are in- tended for statistical convenience and do not necessarily express a judgment. Any indication of, or reference to, a country, institution or other legal entity does not constitute an endorsement. Information contained herein may be freely quoted or reprinted but acknowledgement is requested. This report has been produced without formal United Nations editing. Table of Contents List of acronyms ....................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Effectiveness of Industrial Policy on Firms' Productivity: Evidence From
    ERIA-DP-2019-30 ERIA Discussion Paper Series No. 316 Effectiveness of Industrial Policy on Firms’ Productivity: Evidence from Thai Manufacturing Juthathip JONGWANICH Faculty of Economics, Thammasat University, Bangkok, Thailand Archanun KOHPAIBOON Faculty of Economics, Thammasat University, Bangkok, Thailand February 2020 Abstract: This paper examines the role of industrial policy on firms’ productivity, using 3 years of panel data on Thai manufacturing as a case study. A range of industrial policy tools is defined – tariff measures, subsidies, and investment incentives through the Board of Investment (BOI) – which are the main tools used in Thailand. The effect on firm productivity of partial trade liberalisation undertaken through free trade agreements (FTAs) signed between Thailand and its trading partners is also examined. The key finding is that trade openness and research and development (R&D) are more crucial in fostering firms’ productivity than industrial policies. This is especially true for the narrow definition of industrial policy focusing on trade policy protection, measured by the effective rate of protection. In addition, the FTA-led trade liberalisation effect fails to add substantial competitive pressure and make firms improve productivity. Our results show that sectors benefiting from subsidies show noticeably lower productivity than others. Our study found weak support for investment promotion policy through the BOI, even when the domestic competitive environment is considered in our analysis. Keyword: Industrial policies, productivity, Thailand JEL code: F13, L52, O53 1. Introduction The debate over the role of government in nurturing industry, so-called industrial policy, dates back to the 18th century between Davide Ricardo and Alexander Hamilton. After the very heated debate from the late 1970s to the mid- 1980s, prompted by the economic success of Northeast Asian economies such as Japan and the failure of Latin America, the debate on industrial policy lapsed into three decades of ideologically motivated wilful neglect.
    [Show full text]