DOCSLIB.ORG

Brazil & Southern Cone

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Brazil & Southern Cone LATIN AMERICAN NEWSLETTERS latin american regional report Brazil & Southern Cone April 2019 - RBS-19-04 ISSN 1741-4423 C O N T E N T S URUGUAY 2 Introduction Ruling party remains united, but opposition prepares for intense primaries In this edition of the Latin American Regional Report: Brazil & Southern Cone are included articles on matters that look set to have an impact on the BRAZIL 5 governments of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay. From having to pre - Brazil’s airspace is open for business – the Trump-Bolsonaro deal pare for highly contested elections to facing questions over public security, economic, and foreign policy decisions, the topics analysed pose chal - ARGENTINA 7 lenges that could diminish public support for the respective governments. Argentina’s poverty problem CHILE 10 In the midst of a general election year and with party primaries due in June, Piñera under fire over ID checks for public attention in Uruguay is turning towards who is going to be vying for minors the presidency and the general state in which the different political parties ECONOMIC HIGHLIGHTS 12 will arrive at the election. The election looks set to be one of the most contest - ed ever, with a record number of candidates expected to run. It is also believed that the leftist ruling Frente Amplio (FA) coalition will face the biggest chal - lenge since it came to power in 2005. Against this backdrop the competition for presidential nominations in the opposition parties is proving to be intense. In Brazil , the decision by President Jair Bolsonaro to sign a bilateral deal that for the first time allows the US access to the South American country’s satel - lite launching facility located in its northern coast could be a double-edged sword. The deal reinforces Brazil-US ties and opens up potentially signifi - cant business opportunities. But critics are concerned that it could lead to the displacement of local communities; that it could produce environmental damage; and that in order to secure it the Bolsonaro government made too many concessions to the US. As such the agreement, which requires con - gressional ratification, has the potential to become a source of discontent with the Bolsonaro administration. Argentina may, like Uruguay, also be holding a general election this year, but the attention is currently focused on the revelations that the country’s poverty rates are once again rising. This appears to be an indictment of the economic policies implemented by the government led by President Mauricio Macri. The Macri administration may argue that this is sympto - matic of the dysfunctional domestic economy that it inherited from the pre - vious administration and that it is still trying mend. But inevitably, the gen - eral deterioration of living standards makes Macri’s prospective re-election less likely as public support for his governments falls. Meanwhile, in Chile we focus on an initiative promoted by the Sebastián Piñera government that seeks to improve public security by allowing the police to perform identity checks and searches on minors. The initiative is proving highly controversial and has even been denounced as a violation of children’s rights by international organisations. The controversy is further undermining the public image of the already unpopular Piñera government. Latin American Brazil & Southern Cone Report 1 April 2019 - RBS-19-04 URUGUAY | POLITICS Ruling party remains united, but opposition prepares for intense primaries Uruguay’s electoral race looks like it will boil down to a neck-and-neck contest between the leftist ruling Frente Amplio (FA) coalition and the cen - tre-right opposition Partido Nacional (PN, Blancos). All public opinion polls currently suggest that the FA is in the lead but that it will once again face a run-off if it is to win a fourth consecutive presidential term. All polls favour the ruling party. It currently has 40% of voting intentions, fol - lowed by the PN on 29%, the right-of-centre opposition Party Colorado (PC) on 16%, the right-wing Partido de la Gente on 4%, the centrist Partido Independiente on 4%, Unidad Popular on 1%, and the Partido Ecologista Radical Intransigente (Peri), according to the latest survey by local pollster Cifra. But if the FA does not secure 50% plus one of the vote in the first round, it will have to contest a run-off with the PN, which would have to obtain the support of the other opposition parties to win the presidency. In addition, all political Chainsaw analysts agree that the FA will have a hard time in retaining the narrow con - In his 2009 campaign gressional majority that it has enjoyed since it first came to power in 2005. Lacalle Herrera said FA united that if elected he Although there are four FA pre-presidential candidates (Daniel Martínez, would “take a Carolina Cosse, Marío Bergara, and Óscar Andrade) they have all been more concerned about displaying the sort of party unity that has long eluded the chainsaw” to social opposition than with anything else. This was evident during a political rally government held in the northern department of Paysandú at the end of March to mark th spending in order to the 48 anniversary of the creation of the FA, which was attended by all four reduce the fiscal pre-candidates. deficit. Lacalle The pre-candidate that leads the race for the FA nomination according to the Herrera’s unpopular polls is Martínez, who won election as mayor of Montevideo in 2014 but has chainsaw remarks since resigned to run in the presidential primaries. He delivered a unifying speech and defined the coalition as “the unity of the various”. Eduardo marked the 2009 Bottinelli, a political analyst and director of local pollster Factum, explained election and to LatinNews that maintaining unity is in the FA’s nature. “The FA has a contributed to the political agreement of its joint members that goes beyond differences. It is FA’s victory that year. something that the PN doesn’t have yet. Each FA member has their own pro - file but there are no attacks,” Bottinelli said . This has meant that Martínez’s candidacy has not encountered too many problems. The FA pre-candidates are more interested in attacking rivals outside of the coalition. Notably, Cosse, who is currently running second in voting inten - tion polls, has been focused on criticising Luis Lacalle Pou, the PN’s presi - dential candidate in the 2014 election who is once again the favourite to win that party’s nomination. “When I hear Lacalle Pou speak of austerity I think of a chainsaw,” Cosse has said of Lacalle Pou’s pledge to tackle Uruguay’s fis - cal deficit and in reference to the remarks made in 2009 by former president Luis Alberto Lacalle Herrera (1990-1995), the PN’s 2009 presidential candi - date and Lacalle Pou’s father ( see sidebar ). In Bottinelli’s opinion, Cosse’s success will depend on her leading an aggressive campaign and securing the support of the Movimiento de Participación Popular (MPP) FA faction led by former president José Mujica (2010-2015). According to the latest polls of FA voters, Martínez has 42% support, Cosse has 21%, Andrade 14%, Bergara 8%, and there are 15% who still do not know who they will vote for. PN primary Unity is not observed in the PN primary race. “In this political force there are differences in styles, policies, and presentation,” Bottinelli comments. The Latin American Brazil & Southern Cone Report 2 April 2019 - RBS-19-04 two leading pre-candidates, Lacalle Pou and Jorge Larrañaga, have been con - ducting a hard-fought contest. The first element that divides both pre-candi - dates is Larrañaga’s campaign to collect signatures in support of holding a national referendum over the adoption of major initiatives aimed at improv - ing public security. These include the creation of a 2,000-strong national guard. Larrañaga has succeeded in collecting the requisite 400,000 signatures to hold the referendum. However, Bottinelli explains that “this has divided the party because Lacalle Pou does not agree with the proposals”. Instead Lacalle Pou, who forced President Tabaré Vázquez into a run-off in 2014, is once again focused on improving Uruguay’s economic fundamen - tals. During the formal launch of his candidacy on 30 March, Lacalle Pou pre - sented five ‘shock’ measures that his prospective government will adopt to achieve this: promoting government austerity, improving economic compet - Rented supporters itivity, improving public security, rethinking social policies to move away According to El from simple ‘welfarism’ to an approach more focused on eradicating pover - Observador , in ty, and the development of knowledge and cultural economic areas. October 2018, even But Larrañaga and Lacalle Pou are not the only contenders in the PN primar - before Satori had ies. Juan Sartori, a young millionaire who has suddenly entered the national formalised his political realm, has unexpectedly shaken the contest and the party. Sartori has seen his support in voting intention polls increase significantly in recent candidacy, his weeks. He is currently running third behind Lacalle Pou and Larrañaga, campaign was ahead of the historic PN leader and governor of Maldonado department, already paying 30 Enrique Antía. Between February and March, support for Sartori increased people Ur$15,000 by eight percentage points in the Cifra poll, from 9% to 17%. Support for Larrañaga over the period increased from 18% to 29%, while support for (US$440) a month to Lacalle Pou fell from 59% to 40%. spread Satori’s name in poor “He is leaving his rivals perplexed,” Bottinelli remarks of Sartori. While all candidates appear in the media, Satori appears to be able to use his economic neighbourhoods for clout to place advertisements in all mass communication outlets, helping to four hours a day.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • FORM 20-F Bioceres Crop Solutions Corp
    Table of Contents As filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission on March 14, 2019 UNITED STATES SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION WASHINGTON, D.C. 20549 FORM 20-F (Mark One) o REGISTRATION STATEMENT PURSUANT TO SECTION 12(b) OR (g) OF THE SECURITIES EXCHANGE ACT OF 1934 OR o ANNUAL REPORT PURSUANT TO SECTION 13 OR 15(d) OF THE SECURITIES EXCHANGE ACT OF 1934 OR o TRANSITION REPORT PURSUANT TO SECTION 13 OR 15(d) OF THE SECURITIES EXCHANGE ACT OF 1934 For the transition period from to OR x SHELL COMPANY REPORT PURSUANT TO SECTION 13 OR 15(d) OF THE SECURITIES EXCHANGE ACT OF 1934 Date of event requiring this shell company report: March 14 , 2019 Commission file number Bioceres Crop Solutions Corp. (Exact name of Registrant as specified in its charter) Cayman Islands (Jurisdiction of incorporation) Ocampo 210 bis, Predio CCT, Rosario Province of Santa Fe, Argentina (Address of principal executive offices) Gloria Montaron General Counsel Ocampo 210 bis, Predio CCT, Rosario Province of Santa Fe, Argentina Phone: 54-341-4861122 Email: [email protected] (Name, Telephone, E-mail and/or Facsimile number and Address of Company Contact Person) Copies to: Conrado Tenaglia, Esq. Matthew S. Poulter, Esq. Linklaters LLP 1345 Avenue of the Americas New York, NY 10105 Phone: (212) 903-9000 Fax: (212) 903-9100 Securities registered or to be registered pursuant to Section 12(b) of the Act: None Securities registered or to be registered pursuant to Section 12(g) of the Act: None Table of Contents Securities for which there is a reporting obligation pursuant to Section 15(d) of the Act: Ordinary Shares Warrants Indicate the number of outstanding shares of each of the issuer’s classes of capital stock or common stock as of the close of business covered by the annual report.
    [Show full text]
  • La Construcción Del Partido De La Gente: ¿Un Intento Fallido Que Quedará Por El Camino?
    La construcción del Partido de la Gente: ¿Un intento fallido que quedará por el camino? Monografía de grado Licenciatura en Ciencia Política Juan José MORATORIO DATI Tutor: Dr. Felipe MONESTIER 2020 1. Introducción Hoy es un día histórico; hoy ha nacido un nuevo partido; nació de la gente y para la gente; ¡nació el Partido de la Gente! Edgardo NOVICK El Partido de la Gente (PG) se creó el 7 de noviembre del 2016. Su líder y fundador, Edgardo Novick, es un empresario exitoso que en 2015 se había postulado como candidato a intendente de Montevideo por el Partido de la Concertación (PCO), alianza creada por el Partido Nacional (PN) y el Partido Colorado (PC). Las repercusiones generadas por la creación del PG fueron inmediatas. El politólogo Adolfo Garcé se preguntaba: «¿Hasta dónde llegará el “Trump» uruguayo”?» (Garcé, 2016). Para Juan Carlos Doyenart, director de una empresa de opinión pública, era claro que el PG tenía «potencial», entre otras razones, por la existencia de «un sentimiento de descreimiento del electorado en los partidos tradicionales». Para Eduardo Bottinelli, director de la consultora FACTUM, la figura de Novick venía «a llenar un vacío que efectivamente existía» (García, 2016). Además, el nuevo partido parecía despertar entusiasmo y su creación era considerada un hecho positivo por el 65 % del electorado (Montevideo Portal, 2016). La creación del PG representó un hecho novedoso y llamativo en un sistema de partidos altamente institucionalizado1, entre otras razones porque nació con niveles relativamente altos de aprobación. Faltando menos de un año para las siguientes elecciones nacionales, la intención de voto medida por diferentes empresas de opinión pública2 colocaba al PG disputando el tercer lugar con el PC.
    [Show full text]
  • Latin America Francesco Davide Ragno
    Latin America Francesco Davide Ragno Different twins: the political systems of Argentina and Uruguay tested by primary elections It was 1997 and in Uruguay a constitutional reform was ratified: this introduced the obligation to hold internal elections for political parties (or coalitions of parties) for the selection of candidates for national and local executive bodies (provincial and municipal). They were an open and simultaneous primary elections in which all political movements (intending to participate in subsequent elections) had the obligation to take part. Just over ten years later, in 2009, the Uruguayan legislation in terms of selection of the ruling class, mutatis mutandis, became the basis for the development of the Argentine legislation. PASO (Primarias Abiertas Simultaneas Obligatorias) were introduced as a form of selection of national and local political candidates1. The urns of the primaries in Uruguay and Argentina, which for the first time were held only a few weeks apart, have not been closed long. Primary that gave completely different results reflecting the traits of two intimately different political systems. Although geographical proximity has facilitated interactions and cultural exchanges between the two countries, the political sphere today does not seem to strengthen these connections: so homologation effects produced are very minimal. The candidates On June 30, the primaries were held in Uruguay to select candidates for the presidential elections to be held on October 27th. The main political forces presented multiple pre-candidates. The Frente Amplio, which at the moment expresses the Presidency with Tabaré R. Vázquez, is a great coalition in which they take part from the Movimiento de Participación Popular (MPP) to the Socialist Party passing through the Christian Democratic Party, the Communist Party and other minor movements.
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.Las Elecciones Uruguayas De 2014
    RIPS. Revista de Investigaciones Políticas y Sociológicas ISSN: 1577-239X [email protected] Universidade de Santiago de Compostela España Bohigues, Asbel Las elecciones uruguayas de 2014: Tabaré y el Frente Amplio otra vez RIPS. Revista de Investigaciones Políticas y Sociológicas, vol. 15, núm. 2, 2016, pp. 49- 76 Universidade de Santiago de Compostela Santiago de Compostela, España Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=38049062003 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto RIPS, ISSN 1577-239X. ❚❙❘ Vol. 15, núm. 2, 2016, 49-76 Las elecciones uruguayas de 2014: 01/12/2016 Aceptado: Tabaré y el Frente Amplio otra vez Asbel Bohigues UNIVERSIDAD DE SALAMANCA, SALAMANCA, ESPAÑA 01/06/2016 Recibido: [email protected] Resumen: En octubre de 2014 se celebraron las elecciones nacionales en Uruguay, resultando vencedor el expresidente Tabaré Vázquez y revalidándose la mayoría parlamentaria del Frente Amplio. Los resultados electorales fueron similares a los de 2009, confirmando el apoyo popular del Frente Amplio, en la presidencia desde 2005. En este trabajo se analizan los resultados en las elec- ciones legislativas y presidenciales de Uruguay en 2014, situándolos en la evolución del sistema de partidos uruguayo de las últimas décadas, a la vez que se atiende a la distribución territorial del voto, y el contexto político y socioeconómico previo a las elecciones. Igualmente se apunta a las principales claves para entender la tercera victoria consecutiva del Frente así como las implicaciones de dichos resultados a futuro tanto para el presidente Tabaré Vázquez como para el partido.
    [Show full text]
  • DUNDEE CORPORATION 2012 Annual Report
    10 YEAR U.S. TREASURY BOND YIELDS 1962 JANUARY 2013 18.0 14.0 10.0 6.0 2.0 Data Source: Yahoo Finance 02.01.1962 02.01.1972 02.01.1982 02.01.1992 02.01.2002 02.01.2012 DUNDEE CORPORATION 2012 Annual Report 1 Dear Fellow Shareholders, My entitlement to be the writer of the annual message to the shareholders of Dundee Corporation arises from the fact that I am the founder, the Chief Executive Officer and the holder of the job that provides for twelve hour days of work that is an endless deluge of emails, phone calls and brain numbing instant messaging. The affliction comes with the necessity to make many decisions that are always needed yesterday while trying to put out fires you did not start. As a result, when I read articles about the need for spiritually and conscious capitalism in the activity of business, it never really gets my attention. I know that I am not alone with this affliction. I am sure that there are many millions of managers on a global basis who have a similar problem. Somehow we seem to succeed without spending one day thinking to much about spirituality of business. My passion of spirituality is reserved for my family and friends, my wife, children and fifteen grandchildren. So I am sorry, dear shareholders, you are far down on the list for my spirituality but you are close to heart when it comes to conscious solutions and wealth creation within the capitalistic system to which I am a sincere subscriber.
    [Show full text]
  • Company Overview
    COMPANY OVERVIEW JANUARY 2016 Strictly Confidential Plaza Independencia 737, Montevideo 11000, Uruguay IMPORTANT NOTICE This presentation does not provide full disclosure of all material facts relating to Union Agriculture Group (“UAG”), the securities or the offering and is not subject to liability for misrepresentations under applicable Canadian provincial securities legislation. This presentation contains forward looking statements which reflect the current expectations of management regarding future growth, results of operations, performance and business prospects and opportunities. Wherever possible, words such as “may”, “would”, “could”, “will”, “anticipate”, “believe”, “plan”, “expect”, “intend”, “estimate” and similar expressions have been used to identify these forward looking statements. These statements reflect management’s current beliefs with respect to future events and are based on information currently available to UAG. Forward looking statements involve significant known and unknown risks, uncertainties and assumptions. Many factors could cause actual results, performance or achievements to be materially different from any future results, performance or achievements that may be expressed or implied by such forward looking statements including, without limitation, those risk factors to be listed in the prospectus to be filed by UAG. Should one or more of these or any other risks or uncertainties materialize, or should assumptions underlying the forward looking statements prove incorrect, actual results, performance or
    [Show full text]
  • Dark Days for Uruguay’S Once-Dominant Partido Colorado Andrã©S Gaudãn
    University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiSur Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 6-23-2017 Dark Days for Uruguay’s Once-Dominant Partido Colorado Andrés GaudÃn Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur Recommended Citation GaudÃn, Andrés. "Dark Days for Uruguay’s Once-Dominant Partido Colorado." (2017). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/ notisur/14526 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiSur by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 80328 ISSN: 1060-4189 Dark Days for Uruguay’s Once-Dominant Partido Colorado by Andrés Gaudín Category/Department: Uruguay Published: 2017-06-23 The steady loss of its principal figures—either to death, retirement, or defection—has left Uruguay’s historic Partido Colorado (Colorado Party) leaderless, without representation in the legislature, ideologically blurred, and in a crisis that could prove to be terminal, some analysts warn. Over the course of 2016, national senators and deputies, as well as a number of departmental leaders, left the party en masse to join the recently created Partido de la Gente (Party of the People). And October saw the death of Jorge Batlle Ibáñez, the last Colorado figure to serve as president (2000-2005) and an important ideologue for the conservative party. More recently, on April 19, the Partido Colorado’s leading figure, Sen. Pedro Bordaberry, made the surprising announcement that he would retire from politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Union Acquisition Corp. II Annual Report 2019
    Union Acquisition Corp. II Annual Report 2019 Form 10-K (NASDAQ:LATN) Published: December 30th, 2019 PDF generated by stocklight.com UNITED STATES SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION Washington, D.C. 20549 FORM 10-K ☒ Annual Report Pursuant to Section 13 or 15(d) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 For the period ended September 30, 2019 Commission File Number 001-39089 UNION ACQUISITION CORP. II (Exact name of registrant as specified in its charter) Cayman Islands N/A (State or Other Jurisdiction (I.R.S. Employer of Incorporation) Identification No.) 509 Madison Ave, Ninth Floor New York, NY 10022 (Address of principal executive offices) (zip code) (212) 981-0630 (Issuer’s Telephone Number, Including Area Code) Securities registered pursuant to Section 12(b) of the Act: Title of Each Class Trading Symbol(s) Name of Each Exchange on Which Registered Units, each consisting of one ordinary share and one LATNU The Nasdaq Stock Market LLC redeemable warrant Ordinary Shares, par value $0.0001 per share LATN The Nasdaq Stock Market LLC Redeemable warrants, exercisable for Ordinary Shares at an LATNW The Nasdaq Stock Market LLC exercise price of $11.50 per share Securities registered pursuant to Section 12(g) of the Act: None Indicate by check mark if the registrant is a well-known seasoned issuer, as defined in Rule 405 of the Securities Act. Yes ☐ No ☒ Indicate by check mark if the registrant is not required to file reports pursuant to Section 13 or 15(d) of the Exchange Act. Yes ☐ No ☒ Indicate by check mark whether the registrant (1) has filed all reports required to be filed by Section 13 or 15(d) of the Exchange Act of 1934 during the past 12 months (or for such shorter period that the registrant was required to file such reports), and (2) has been subject to such filing requirement for the past 90 days.
    [Show full text]
  • Uruguay 2019: Fin Del Ciclo Progresista Y Reestructura Del Sistema
    REVISTA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA / VOLUMEN 40 / N° 2 / 2020 / 511-538 URUGUAY 2019. FIN DEL CICLO PROGRESISTA Y REESTRUCTURA DEL SISTEMA DE PARTIDOS Uruguay 2019: Party System Restructuring and the End of the Progressive Cycle LIHUEN NOCETTO CienciaArtículos Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile Política RAFAEL PIÑEIRO Universidad Católica del Uruguay FERNANDO ROSENBLATT Universidad Diego Portales, Chile RESUMEN El año 2019 supuso cambios en el sistema político uruguayo. El Frente Amplio (FA), partido de centro izquierda en el gobierno desde 2005, perdió la presidencia a manos de una coalición de partidos de centro-derecha, la Coalición Multicolor liderada por Luis Lacalle Pou del Partido Nacional (PN). Este artículo ilustra la importancia de las variables económicas en las elecciones presidenciales en el Uru- guay. La alternancia de partidos en el gobierno estuvo acompañada de cambios en el bloque de centro derecha del sistema de partidos. Un nuevo partido de derecha de creación meteórica, Cabildo Abierto (CA), logró obtener el 10% de los votos bajo el liderazgo del excomandante del Ejército. De esta forma se convirtió en un actor relevante para la nueva coalición de gobierno, en tanto permite las mayorías parlamentarias. Palabras clave: elecciones, Uruguay, sistema de partidos. ABSTRACT The Uruguayan political system underwent major changes during 2019. The Frente Am- plio (Broad Front, FA), a center-left party that had been in office since 2005, lost the nation- al elections against a coalition of center-right parties. This article illustrates the importance of economic variables in presidential elections in Uruguay. The latter coalition was named Coalición Multicolor (Multicolor Coalition) and was led by Luis Lacalle Pou from the Partido Nacional (Partido Nacional, PN).
    [Show full text]
  • UNITED STATES SECURITIES and EXCHANGE COMMISSION Washington, D.C
    UNITED STATES SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION Washington, D.C. 20549 FORM 10-K ☒ Annual Report Pursuant to Section 13 or 15(d) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 For the period ended September 30, 2019 Commission File Number 001-39089 UNION ACQUISITION CORP. II (Exact name of registrant as specified in its charter) Cayman Islands N/A (State or Other Jurisdiction (I.R.S. Employer of Incorporation) Identification No.) 509 Madison Ave, Ninth Floor New York, NY 10022 (Address of principal executive offices) (zip code) (212) 981-0630 (Issuer’s Telephone Number, Including Area Code) Securities registered pursuant to Section 12(b) of the Act: Title of Each Class Trading Symbol(s) Name of Each Exchange on Which Registered Units, each consisting of one ordinary share and one redeemable LATNU The Nasdaq Stock Market LLC warrant Ordinary Shares, par value $0.0001 per share LATN The Nasdaq Stock Market LLC Redeemable warrants, exercisable for Ordinary Shares at an exercise LATNW The Nasdaq Stock Market LLC price of $11.50 per share Securities registered pursuant to Section 12(g) of the Act: None Indicate by check mark if the registrant is a well-known seasoned issuer, as defined in Rule 405 of the Securities Act. Yes ☐ No ☒ Indicate by check mark if the registrant is not required to file reports pursuant to Section 13 or 15(d) of the Exchange Act. Yes ☐ No ☒ Indicate by check mark whether the registrant (1) has filed all reports required to be filed by Section 13 or 15(d) of the Exchange Act of 1934 during the past 12 months (or for such shorter period that the registrant was required to file such reports), and (2) has been subject to such filing requirement for the past 90 days.
    [Show full text]
  • El Ingreso De Políticos Outsiders a La Partidocracia Uruguaya
    F. Musto Crucci El ingreso de políticos outsiders a la partidocracia uruguaya Fecha de recepción: marzo 2020 El ingreso de políticos outsiders Fecha de aceptación: abril 2020 Versión final: junio 2020 a la partidocracia uruguaya Federico Musto Crucci(1) Resumen: En las elecciones nacionales uruguayas de 2019 se constató la irrupción exito- sa de varios políticos que se categorizan como outsiders por provenir desde fuera del sis- tema político. Este ascenso y su función determinante en la decisión del futuro presidente de la República es una advertencia para los partidos y los políticos. El contexto político, global y regional, las ideas que circulan y el momento actual de la comunicación y el uso de herramientas digitales han sido factores que coadyuvaron a la emergencia y al rol que tuvo este tipo de políticos en las recientes elecciones uruguayas. Palabras clave: outsiders - comunicación - elecciones presidenciales - Uruguay. [Resúmenes en inglés y portugués en la página 240] (1) Maestrando en Derechos Humanos y Democratización por la Universidad Nacional de San Martín (Argentina). Licenciado en Ciencia Política por la Facultad de Ciencias So- ciales de la Universidad de la República (Uruguay). Técnico en Comunicación Social por CETP-UTU (Uruguay). He participado en proyectos de investigación como asistente de investigación en el Grupo de Reforma Social de la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales (UdelaR). Introducción Uruguay comenzó su periodo electoral en junio de 2019 con las elecciones internas para seleccionar los candidatos únicos a presidente que compitieron en octubre en la primera vuelta y en noviembre en el balotaje. Fue el quinto periodo electoral bajo las nuevas reglas implementadas en la Reforma Constitucional de 1996 y donde por primera vez obtuvo la victoria el Partido Nacional.
    [Show full text]
  • Uruguay 2019: Fin Del Ciclo Progresista Y Reestructura Del
    REVISTA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA / VOLUMEN 40 / N° 2 / 2020 / 511-538 URUGUAY 2019. FIN DEL CICLO PROGRESISTA Y REESTRUCTURA DEL SISTEMA DE PARTIDOS Uruguay 2019: Party System Restructuring and the End of the Progressive Cycle LIHUEN NOCETTO CienciaArtículos Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile Política RAFAEL PIÑEIRO Universidad Católica del Uruguay FERNANDO ROSENBLATT Universidad Diego Portales, Chile RESUMEN El año 2019 supuso cambios en el sistema político uruguayo. El Frente Amplio (FA), partido de centro izquierda en el gobierno desde 2005, perdió la presidencia a manos de una coalición de partidos de centro-derecha, la Coalición Multicolor liderada por Luis Lacalle Pou del Partido Nacional (PN). Este artículo ilustra la importancia de las variables económicas en las elecciones presidenciales en el Uru- guay. La alternancia de partidos en el gobierno estuvo acompañada de cambios en el bloque de centro derecha del sistema de partidos. Un nuevo partido de derecha de creación meteórica, Cabildo Abierto (CA), logró obtener el 10% de los votos bajo el liderazgo del excomandante del Ejército. De esta forma se convirtió en un actor relevante para la nueva coalición de gobierno, en tanto permite las mayorías parlamentarias. Palabras clave: elecciones, Uruguay, sistema de partidos. ABSTRACT The Uruguayan political system underwent major changes during 2019. The Frente Am- plio (Broad Front, FA), a center-left party that had been in office since 2005, lost the nation- al elections against a coalition of center-right parties. This article illustrates the importance of economic variables in presidential elections in Uruguay. The latter coalition was named Coalición Multicolor (Multicolor Coalition) and was led by Luis Lacalle Pou from the Partido Nacional (Partido Nacional, PN).
    [Show full text]