Figurines As Social Markers: the Neo-Assyrian Impact on the Northern Levant As Seen from the Material Culture

Figurines as social markers: the Neo-Assyrian impact on the Northern Levant as seen from the material culture

BARBARA BOLOGNANI

Alma Mater Studiorum, University of Bologna

Abstract

This paper aims to analyse some social dynamics which occurred during the late Iron Age in the Syro‑Anatolian region from a particular point of view, i.e. that of clay figurine finds. The coroplastic production under consideration is a uniform corpus composed of two main subjects: the Handmade Syrian Horse and Riders (HSHR’s) and the Syrian Pillar Figurines (SPF’s). These figurines are inscribed within the Middle Euphrates coroplastic tradition with Karkemish as the primary productive centre. They are attested since the mid‑eighth century BC, reaching a peak during the seventh century BC, a historical period corresponding to the Neo‑Assyrian expansion in the Northern Levant. The close relationship among these figurines with social changes which took place with the Neo-Assyrian political and military influence is here presented through different aspects. On one hand, throughout the contextual study both in productive and widespread regions, contexts provide interesting data on the use of these artefacts and the involvement of the local populations in activities supporting the Neo-Assyrian Empire. On the other hand, the gradual acculturation of the Assyrian reality to local traditions is further attested through the iconographic analysis of figurines. A remarkable “Assyrianization” is observable in their costumes and decorations both on human and animal subjects.

Keywords

Karkemish, Middle Euphrates, clay figurines, coroplastic, Northern Levant, Syrian Pillar Figurines, Handmade Syrian Horses and Riders, Neo-Assyrians

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1. Introducing the corpus have a plain tubular body, from which derives their denomination as “pillar figurines”. They are for the The present study is based on a corpus of 856 clay majority female specimens, rarely holding a child, figurines from Karkemish and some comparisons while standing figurines of male characters are very from the Middle Euphrates Valley. Figurines rare (no more than 6 identified in total). The sex of from Karkemish were collected both from the the figurine is determined by a series of factors, such old British Museum Expedition (133 specimens) as the decoration of attires and individual acts. This and the new Turco-Italian Expedition from the is because sexual features are never stressed so that University of Bologna (723 specimens).1 The any connection to fertility rituals cannot be stated.4 Iron Age clay figurines from Karkemish and the The average sizes of a complete SPF figurine are Middle Euphrates Valley can be divided into two 10/14 cm height, 4/7 cm width, and 5/7 cm length. main groups: the Handmade Syrian Horses and In terms of technical data, all figurines are handmade Riders (henceforth, HSHR’s) and the Syrian Pillar and free standing. This production is characterized Figurines (henceforth, SPF’s) (fig. 1).2 With specific by abundant use of decorations directly applied on reference to the two distinct groups, the major part the figurine’s body through strips and blobs of clay. of specimens is zoomorphic figurines (84%), while Decorations are used to render both anatomical only a small part has human shapes (10%). The features and the fabric decorations of attires – in number of anthropomorphic specimens decreases the case of the anthropomorphic figurines – and even more if we consider that riders are conceptually harnesses for the horse specimens. included in the zoomorphic group. Retrial contexts can perhaps explain this dichotomy. Indeed, SPF’s figurines are generally retrieved as individual elements, while HSHR’s figurines frequently appear in multiple numbers within the same context. HSHR’s figurines are composed of two types of specimens, namely horse and riders’ figurines and simple horses, with a strong predominance of these last ones observed in rare complete specimens (only 19). Data tentatively confirmed by the observation of secure traces of riders3 associated to a horse, being just 37 specimens out of a total of 658 fragments of HSHR’s figurines (less than 6%). The average sizes of a complete HSRH figurine are 13.5/7 cm Figure 1 height, 4/5 cm width, and 7.5/12 cm length. SPF’s Percentage of clay figurines at Karkemish per subject (afterBolognani 2017, fig.15) 1 For the British Museum finds seeWoolley 1914, pl. XXVIb; 1921, pl. 20ab; 1939, pl. XVIII; Woolley, Barnett 1952, pp. 257-258, pl. 70; Moorey 2005, p. 228, cat. 353- 357; Bolognani 2017, cat. 720-813. New finds from the Turco-Italian Expedition are included in the Author’s doctoral dissertation, Bolognani 2017, cat. 1-719. The author is 1.1 Chronology and material data grateful to Nicolò Marchetti – director of the Turco-Italian Archaeological Expedition at Karkemish – for supervising her According to contextual data, these figurines are doctoral research on the Iron Age coroplastic from the site. attested at Karkemish during the mature Iron 2 Other minor groups are also attested, but they are not considered in this paper because they represent about the 6%. Age. Such artefacts usually come from upper layers This group includes chariot elements, anthropomorphic vases, dating from the Neo-Assyrian period, but the origin bestiary, and indeterminate fragments. Bolognani 2017, of this production may be identified at the end of p. 46. 3 For traces it is meant complete or fragmentary rider’s 4 See a full discussion about this theme in Bolognani body or simply the mark left upon the horse croup. 2020.

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Figure 2 Horse head from Karkemish with a blue-green glazed surface (KH.11.O.57, Area A, D.31) © The Turco-Italian Expedition at Karkemish

the Neo-Syrian period. Indeed, from the Turco- to the atmosphere in the kiln. This evidence may also Italian campaigns, only a minor part of figurines suggest the common use of kilns with contemporary was retrieved in Iron Age contexts, among them Neo-Assyrian pottery.7 Another key element the majority dates from the Iron III, while only a connecting figurines to Neo-Assyrian pottery is the few fragments belonged to Iron IIb levels.5 This surface treatment. In both cases, the presence of a light last data may seem unimportant, but it suggests slip is frequently visible; among all colours a very pale that the pillar and horse figurines from the Middle brown is the most commonly attested. Furthermore, Euphrates Valley were already common at least a single horse specimen presented a typical Neo- in the second half of eighth century BC. Their Assyrian blue-green glazed surface (fig. 2).8 This production significantly increased through the late surface treatment is rarely diffused in some pottery Iron Age, reaching a peak during the seventh century assemblages,9 imported from Assyria and in some BC, which is also the latest dating for their use and polychrome bricks once decorating buildings’ facades appearance. Our chronological limit is, in fact, the in the Lower Palace Area of Karkemish during the Neo-Babylonian siege of the region towards the Neo-Assyrian period.10 beginning of the sixth century BC, when we note a 7 The term “Neo-Assyrian” pottery is used here to 6 significant change in the manufacturing technique. indicate the local common ware dating from the late Iron Age. Some technical data also testify the association of This should be distinguished from the so-called “Palace Ware”, which was imported from the Assyrian heartland. This last fine these figurines with the local late Iron Age material ware is attested at Karkemish too, although in lesser quantity culture. These handmade specimens present a fine and just in palatial contexts. For a summary of the Iron Age core of clay, with a low frequency of small inclusions, pottery assemblage at the site see Bonomo, Zaina 2014; rarely reaching 10%. An autoptical examination Pizzimenti, Zaina 2016. 8 For more data on the manufacturing technique, see of figurines shows a general uniformity of fabric Bolognani 2017, pp. 125-129, figs. 62-68, 2020, pp. 220-221. colours, indicating they were all well-fired, while the 9 Few but well preserved green glazed wares at Karkemish few changes in the surface colours could be ascribed are recovered in funerary contexts. Cf. Woolley 1939, p. 20, pl. XXI; Marchetti 2012, p. 142, 2013, p. 354; Bonomo et 5 Bolognani 2017, pp. 44-45, 243, fig. 14. Al. 2012, p. 137, fig. 10; Bonomo, Zaina 2014, pp. 136-137, 6 On changes in the manufacturing technique between fig. 4.8; 2016, pp. 3, 5, 17, fig. 3.2, pl. V.1, fig. 3.6, pl.VI.1. the late Iron Age and the Achaemenid period see Bolognani 10 Some polychrome bricks were instead collected 2017, pp. 84, 260, 313. together with inscribed bricks by Sargon during the British

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1.2 Regional spread Tell Ahmar17as well as other nearby sites, such as Deve Höyük,18 Tell Shiukh Fawqani,19 Saraga Apart from Karkemish, figurines of this type Höyük,20 and Zeytinli Bahçe Höyük.21 Nevertheless, are attested only west of the Euphrates and in what is more surprising is the attestation of a few particular, the Euphrates band seems to be the specimens in sites relatively far from the productive main productive centre. However, these figurines area (fig. 3). The Middle Euphrates coroplastic pro usually appear only in those sites with a strong duction is attested in other sites outside the Euphrates’ Assyrian presence as a result of prolonged control catchment area, namely in territories to the west of of some urban-sized centres. the river. Indeed, sporadic finds are collected almost In other sites, the Neo-Assyrian invasion caused everywhere in the Northern Levant from the Islahiye a socio-economic impoverishment and in fact, there Valley in the site of Zincirli Höyük,22down to the is not any mention of the recovery of Iron Age clay ‘Amuq Plain at Tell Judaidah, Chatal Hoyuk and figurines. These are sites with a secure Neo-Assyrian Tell Tayinat23 or in the upper Orontes Valley at Tell phase, such as Tell Sheikh Hassan,11 Tell Qara Abou Danne.24 Some tentative specimens could also Quzaq, Tell Qara Quyu Tahtani, and Tell Khamis.12 be found at Tell Rifaat and Neirab.25 The attestation Regarding Tell Khamis, just a single unpublished of this type of figurines outside the production horse specimen was collected.13 This came from a area leads us to ask another research question. By superficial layer in a domestic context and could what channels have those figurines reached those be ascribed within the Euphrates HSHR’s class. centres? Retrieval contexts provide the answer to At Mezraa-Teleilat, a preliminary report mentions this question. the presence of “goddess figurines holding babies” belonging to the Neo-Assyrian period.14 Thus, the presence of similar coroplastic specimens in some sites lying along the Middle Euphrates Valley could 17 15 Thureau-Dangin, Dunand 1936, p. 80, pl. XVI, be tentatively affirmed. nos. 5(?), 6; Bunnens 1992, pp. 5, 12, fig. 14; Roobaert, Conversely, a high percentage of figurines are Bunnens 1999, pp. 169, 176, fig. 9;Clayton 2013, found in other sites around Karkemish. The major pp. 20‑24, 26-38, 214-216, pls.1-48, tabs.1-2; Bolognani 2017, pp. 228‑230, fig. 113, cat. 814-817. examples are the neighbouring Tell Amarna16 and 18 Woolley 1914, pl. XXVIb, 1-3, 5; Moorey 1980, pp. 100-102, fig. 17, nos. 426-30, 2003, pls. 12-13, 2005, pp. 229‑230, nos. 358, 360; Bolognani 2017, pp. 232-233, cat. 829-835. Museum Expedition in front of the Storm God temple and all 19 Makinson 2005, pp. 556-557, 559, 565, pl. 38, around the Great Staircase. Cf. Woolley, Barnett 1952, no. 260(?), pl. 44; Luciani 2005, pp. 926-927, 956-959, pp. 159-160, 164, 169-170, pl. 33. pls. 64-67, nos. 2-12; Bolognani 2017, pp. 236-237, tab. 36, 11 Boese 1986-1987, 1989-1990. cat. 841-851. 20 12 Matilla Séiquer 1996, 1999; Gonzáles Blanco, Sertok, Kulakoğlu 2001, pp. 460, 473, fig. 15; Matilla Séiquer 2004. Bolognani 2017, p. 238, cat. 852-860. 21 13 Matilla Séiquer 2001, pp. 361-362, n. 401. Frangipane, Bucak 2001, p. 97, fig.14; Bolognani 2017, pp. 239-240, cat. 861-866. 14 Karul et Al. 2002, p. 134. 22 BolognanI 2017, cat. 876-867. 15 This is because often specimens are not published. 23 Furthermore, in some cases, final reports have yet to be Pruss 2010, pp. 220, 239, 241, pl. 34, 38, nos. 285, published despite the fact that the excavation has been 313, 320, 321; Bolognani 2017, cat. 878-881. concluded for decades. This has been the case of Tell Jurn Kabir, 24 Tefnin et Al. 1980, p. 52, fig. 22.1, pl. X.1, Tell Qadahiye and Tell Ausrahiye, sites that were excavated by Bolognani 2017, cat. 875. the University of Copenhagen during the mid-1990s and are 25 For Tell Rifaat see Nováková 1976a, pp. 57-61, yet to be published. In any case, annual reports of those sites do 1976b, pp. 42, 46, 50-51, 54, pl. XI, nos. 59, 64, XII, nos. 75‑76, not refer to the presence of clay figurines among small finds. See XIII, no. 83(?). For Neirab see Carrière, Barrois 1927, Eidem, Pütt 1994, 1995, 1999, 2001. p. 202, fig.10, nos. 15, 9-10, 12, pl.X LIX, no. 21(?); Abel, 16 Horlait-Lecocq 1992; Simeone, Barrois 1928, pp. 307-308, figs. 10c, f-g, 11a,c-d(?). Regarding Vanschoonwinkel 1993; Tunca et Al. 2005, p. 117, problematics connected with the local production of both sites fig. 11; Bolognani 2017, p. 231, cat. 818-828. see Bolognani 2017, pp. 289-295, figs. 122-128.

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Figure 3 Sites with secure (black) and tentative (red) presence of SPF’s and HSHR’s (black) from the Middle Euphrates Valley (graphic by the Author)

2. Analysis of contexts common features shared by those cemeteries is that we are dealing with communal funerary 2.1 Funerary contexts areas located outside the city walls and exclusively devoted to the cremation practice. These are all Clay figurines from the Middle Euphrates Valley cultural features that fit well with local funerary are particularly found in funerary areas. The most customs.28 Nevertheless, fragmentary figurines are well-known examples are two cemeteries excavated found in other types of funerary context. In the by the British Museum at Karkemish – the Yunus West cemetery of Karkemish, we might find intra- and West cemeteries26 – and some nearby sites. moenia inhumations directly cut into structures Apart from the already-seen Deve Höyük cemetery, of the previous period.29 At Zincirli, for instance, complete specimens were collected from a series of two horse specimens were excavated in a seventh tiny cemeteries around the territory of Karkemish century BC wealthy domestic context very close dating between the eighth-seventh centuries to a funerary chapel and within the four walls.30 BC. Some of these locations are mentioned in More figurines were recovered at Saraga Höyük and the British Museum reports as Merj Khamis, Zeytinli Bahçe Höyük from loose fills, but close to Kefrik, Gavourilla, Karadashli, and Shebib.27 The See also Curtis, Tallis 2012, p. 77; Bolognani 2017, 26 Woolley 1914, p. 97, 1921, 1939, p. 12, 119, fig. 36. pp. 234-235, cat. 836-837. Both funerary areas have been recently re-explored by the 28 Turco-Italian Expedition, see Bonomo 2016; Bolognani On the cremation practice in the Northern Levant 2017, pp. 83-87, 103-123, figs. 34-35, 42-61, tabs. 15-16, during the Iron Age period see Woolley 1921, p. 49; 24‑31; Zaina 2019. Woolley, Barnett 1952, p. 225; Moorey 1980, pp. 6-7; Tenu 2012, 2013. 27 Woolley 1914, p. 88, 1939. Small finds, including 29 clay figurines, from those cemeteries were published later by This is the case of some graves located within the Outer Moorey. Moorey 1980, pp. 146-148, nos. 566-567, fig. 24, Town’s houses. See n. 23. 2003, p. 44, pls. 12-13, 2005, pp. 229-230, figs. 362-363, 369. 30 Bolognani 2017, pp. 282-283, tab. 48, cat. 876-877.

West & East 47 Monografie, 3 barbara bolognani inhumation burials dating from the Neo-Assyrian 3. Social substratum period (seventh century BC). In particular, burials from Saraga Höyük contained rich grave goods,31 As seen through the contextual analysis, it seems that while at Zeytinli Bahçe Höyük we know about the the Assyrian element could be interpreted as the fil presence of a clay sarcophagus including the human rouge connecting all these data. Textual and visual remains of a tall man with an iron blade.32 sources tend to confirm the archaeological evidence. As stated before, the most diffused subjects in the coroplastic art are horses. The particular attention 2.2 Domestic contexts devoted to these animals from Assyrians is testified since the reign of Ashurnasirpal II. If we analyze Another interesting type of context is wealthy the content of the list of tributes offered by some domestic residences. These are typical multifunctional Syrian vassal towns to this king, we might observe buildings diffused in Neo-Assyrian provinces and that horses are rarely offered. On the contrary, those usually pertaining to local people directly related to kinds of tributes seem to be those interesting to the the Assyrian agency. A high percentage of figurines Assyrians (Tab. 1). has been recently collected in filling layers from Those enlisted horses were not imported with the the Sargonide Palace of Karkemish.33 The same rest of the booty, but they were reemployed for new happened in a similar structure excavated in Area expeditions westward.37 When Assyrians settled C from Tell Ahmar34 (seventh century BC) and out in the Euphrates region, approximately during a productive compound at Tell Shiuk Fawqani the reign of Shalmaneser III, it seems reasonable (seventh century BC),35 both very close to funerary to assume that parts of the local population were areas. At Zincirli the just-seen residential structure used as military personnel to guard frontiers of from Area 5 pertained to the family of a certain the Neo-Assyrian Empire.38 The highly militarized Katamuwa, whose funerary inscription states his society that characterized populations living on the connection both with the Neo-Assyrian Empire and Euphrates basin is further testified in local written its Luwian origins.36 Thus, what stands out from the sources dating from the seventh century BC. In a analysis of contexts is that clay figurines are mostly recently discovered inscription by Sargon II from retrieved in wealthy contexts somehow connected Karkemish, we know that this king reinforced the with the Neo-Assyrian provincial system. Their local army with 50 chariot units, 200 cavalries, attestation outside the Euphrates basin should be and 3000 local foot soldiers.39 In the Tell Shiuk therefore related to movements of people through Fawqani written corpus, several military figures are the Assyrian economic system. mentioned as having close relationships with the Assyrian army. In particular, these figures are high- ranking military personnel.40 The military character of this area is perhaps attested by means of a part of the funerary assemblage 31 Sertok, Kulakoğlu 2001, pp. 459-460, 463, figs. of a grave from the Yunus cemetery. Among the 1, 15, 17, 2002, p. 114; Sertok et Al. 2004, pp. 308-314, graves excavated by the Turco-Italian Expedition Bolognani 2017, p. 238. 32 in this necropolis, there is one exceptionally well- Frangipane, Bucak 2001, pp. 116-117; 41 Frangipane et Al. 2005, pp. 14, 25-26, 30, figs. 5a-b, 6a; preserved that includes 10 complete clay figurines. Bolognani 2017, pp. 239-240. 37 33 Bolognani 2017, pp. 61-77, tabs. 11-12, figs. 26-28. Curtis, Tallis 2012, p. 20. 38 34 See n. 14. On the military hierarchy controlling Neo-Assyrian provinces see Postgate 2007; Harrison 2016. 35 See n. 16. 39 Marchesi 2019, pp. 4-5, 7. 36 Regarding the analysis of this stele within its 40 archaeological and cultural contexts see Rimmer Herrmann, Fales et Al. 2005, pp. 620-621. Struble 2009; Schloen, Fink, 2009, 2014; Rimmer 41 This is grave G.1751; the description of the grave is Herrmann, Schloen 2014, pp. 17-60, 97-106. included in Bonomo’s doctoral dissertation. Bonomo 2016.

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Table 1 List of tributes offered from Syrian rulers to Ashurnasirpal II versus tributes taken from the Assyrian king (afterGrayson 1991: 216, RIMA 2, A.0101.1, iii 56b-76)

TRIBUTES OFFERED → TRIBUTES TAKEN ←

Bit-Bahiani Harnessed chariots, horses, silver, gold, tin, bronze, bronze casseroles Chariots, cavalry, infantry Azallu Harnessed chariots, horses, silver, gold, tin, bronze, bronze casseroles, Chariots, cavalry, infantry oxen, sheep, wine Bit-Adini Silver, gold, tin, bronze, bronze casseroles, ivory dishes, ivory couches, ivory Chariots, cavalry, infantry (town not chests, ivory thrones decorated with silver and gold, gold bracelets, gold specified) rings with trimming, gold necklaces, a gold dagger, oxen, sheep, wine Karkemish 20 talents of silver, a gold ring, a gold bracelet, gold daggers, 100 talents of Chariots, cavalry, infantry bronze, 250 talents of iron, bronze (tubs), bronze pails, bronze bath-tubs, a bronze oven, many ornaments from his palace, beds of boxwood, thrones of boxwood, dishes of boxwood decorated with ivory, 200 adolescent girls, linen garments with multi-coloured trim, purple wool, red-purple wool, gišnugallu-alabaster, elephants’ tusks, a chariot of polished (gold), a gold couch with trimming — (objects) befitting his royalty Kunulua 20 talents of silver, one talent of gold, 100 talents of tin, 100 talents of Chariots, cavalry, infantry, iron, 1,000 oxen, 10,000 sheep, 1,000 linen garments with multi-coloured hostages trim, decorated couches of boxwood with trimming, beds of boxwood, decorated beds with trimming, many dishes of ivory and boxwood, many ornaments from his palace, 10 female singers, his brother’s daughter with her rich dowry, a large female monkey, ducks

The coroplastic assemblage from G.1751 is com that the horses’ outfit was used to indicate the social posed of 9 HSHR’s and 1 standing male figurine function of the horse and this function depended pertaining to the SPF’s class. Concerning the on the age of the animal. According to harness types, 9 HSHR’s, it seems relevant to detect a certain horses were distinguished in three main categories: variety of portrayed subjects. Thus, one might hunting (10-11 years old), battle (16-17 years old), observe 4 simple harnessed horses, 3 horses with and ceremonial (18-20 years old).43 Thus Argent’s riders, and 2 horses with young-looking features.42 research has pointed out a correlation between This subjects’ differentiation might be tentatively costume complexity and a general trend upwards explained through a comparison with an almost- in age. This comparison –in a cultural point of view contemporary funerary custom, i.e., that of the and without aiming at a precise correlation in horse Pazyryk culture from the Altai Mountains, Siberia. roles – suggests that probably horse figurines from A recent doctoral research by Gala Argent has G.1751 represented a varied set of “useful animals”, reanalysed some Shintyan underground funerary although we cannot affirm any accurate social chambers (kurgans), containing single or double function apart from those with riders. At least the inhumations. The main feature of those kurgans figurines’ size range, as well as their decorations, was that in the same funerary chamber, outside the demonstrates that those horses were conceptualized coffin, up to 22 harnessed horses were sometimes differently from one another and we cannot ignore sacrificed. About horse remains, it was observed 43 Argent 2010, pp. 39-46, 47-48, 151-159, tab. 6.1, 42 Bolognani 2017, pp. 213-214. fig. 2.17.

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this fact. If those horse figurines from the Middle The stylistic influence on local costumes and Euphrates Valley were a miniaturization of some the hypothesis that these figurines could have male activities seen in the Pazyryk culture, it seems represented social roles is also visible in some female interesting to note that those activities followed pillar figurines (SPF’s) adorned with an embellished those performed in the royal Neo-Assyrian art.44 tall headdress. In Neo-Syrian art tall veils are frequently worn during public practices both by ladies and goddesses, as testified in the Karkemish 4. Iconography and Zincirli local sculpture.51 However, the tall headdress of the SPF’s does not include a veil and its Indeed, if we look at the artistic repertoire, one shape could be better described as a tall headband might observe that harnesses worn by our clay bent to the back. Decorations, in particular, figurines cannot be compared to the basic and resemble the horned hollow polos embellished with simpler Neo-Syrian army iconography.45 Some geometric and floral patterns worn by Kubaba on stylistic correspondence are visible just toward a relief belonging to the Long Wall of Sculpture the eighth century BC when the first Assyrian of Karkemish.52 According to another recent influences started appearing in the official art study, the polos was not only a typical item worn as a marked foreign accent in local costumes;46 a by goddesses, but their devotees also adopted this historical period close to the end of the Assyrian during cultic practices. The origin of this headdress “conquest phase”.47 As a matter of fact, the should be traced back to the Late Bronze Age closest parallel for our military costumes comes Hittite culture, as testified by the polos worn by from the wall paintings from the ancient Til the Goddess Hepat from the rock sanctuary of Barsip (fig. 4)48 that became Kar Shalmaneser Yazilikaya. This tradition was later transmitted under the Assyrian hegemony.49 The complete to the Neo-Syrian Kingdoms also reaching the “Assyrianization” of local costumes, in fact, took seventh century BC Aegean culture.53 Therefore, place with the provincialization of the Middle the use of the polos was probably introduced in the Euphrates Valley. This change in local fashion Syro-Anatolian region from the emerging Neo- was expressed through a baroque taste of dresses, Syrian Kingdoms at the beginning of the eleventh characterized by an abundant use of decorations century BC. During the Iron Age period, this and colours. Effectively, clay discs applied to the typical Anatolian fashion item became part of the horse harness may indicate the use of beads or local ceremonial dress, assimilating varied stylistic more likely typical rosettes, whose representation influences both in the Aegean and in the northern in Neo-Assyrian art is abundant especially under Levantine traditions. As a matter of fact, in terms of the reign of Sargon II.50 style, the most striking feature of these headdresses is the taste for elaborate patterns. This taste in the 44 About the ideology beyond the Neo-Assyrian royal art case of Northern Levant cultures was transmitted see Matthiae 1994, pp. 106-120; Winter 1997. from the Assyrian heartland. During the seventh 45 Cf. For Karkemish, Orthmann 1971, Karkemis C/5- 8, Karkemis E/2; Gilibert 2011, Carchemish 19-22, 50. For century BC hairbands, or taller turbans adorned Tell Halaf, Orthmann 1971, T. Halaf A3/59, taf. 9a, A3/56, with rosettes, were popular among the Neo-Assyrian taf. 11b, a3/57-8, taf. 11c-d. For Malatya, Orthmann 1971, royal family as well as earrings and necklaces with Malatya B/1-2. For Tell Tayinat, Orthmann 1971, Tainat 2. For Zincirli, Orthmann 1971, Zincirli B/1. 46 Cf. Rich harnesses portrayed in some reliefs at Sakçagözü, Orthmann 1971, Sakçagözü B/1, Arslan Tash, 51 Cf. For Karkemish, Woolley 1921, pls. B.19-22a; Gerlach 2000, pl. 9 and Maraș, Orthmann 1971, Maraș Woolley, Barnett 1952, pls. B.39a, 38a B.40; Orthmann B/15, Bonatz 2000, pp. 20, 23, cat. C44, C66. 1971, Karkemis C/3-4; Gilibert 2011, Carchemish 23-24. 47 Postgate 1979, p. 194. For Zincirli, Von Luschan 1902, taff. 34c, 4; Orthmann 48 Cf. Parrot 1961, figs. 116, 345, 347. 1971, Zincirli B/131b + B15. 49 Hawkins 2000, p. 75; Bryce 2014, p. 122. 52 Cf. Woolley, Barnett, pl. B39a. 50 Madhloom 1970, p. 78. 53 Şare-Ağtürk 2010, pp. 63-66, 2014, pp. 45-51.

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Figure 4 Comparison between horses portrayed in a wall painting from Til Barsip (Tell Ahmar) dating from seventh century BC (up) (modified afterParrot 1961: fig. 345) and harness decoration of the HSHR’s (down) (graphic by the Author)

Figure 5 Comparison between some reliefs dating from the latest artistic phase of Karkemish (left) (modified afterWoolley , Barnett 1952: pls. B63a, B64b) and rich headdresses resembling typical Neo-Assyrian rosettes of the SPF’s (right) (graphic by the Author)

West & East 51 Monografie, 3 barbara bolognani suspended grapes.54 Indeed, rosette patterns are 5. Conclusion significantly illustrated in the latest artistic phase at Karkemish. Rosettes were used as textile decora The iconographic analysis of clay figurines from tions, in orthostat frames, and as decorative elements the Middle Euphrates Valley has confirmed what adorning goddesses’/genies’ horned caps (fig. 5).55 emerged with the contextual data. From an opposite In particular, the use of the tiara with rosettes point of view, it can be affirmed that clay figurines became popular at the end of the eighth century BC have been used as material evidence of the social because of the influence of the contemporary Neo- investigation. Data obtained from this approach has Assyrian feathered tiara.56 This phenomenon could provided an interesting picture of some social aspects be considered as part of the elite female agency in related to the Neo-Assyrian expansion to the west. Neo-Assyrian customs, which is here expressed just We can now affirm that the SPF’s headdresses are a in a “foreign accent” in local costumes. Similarly, representation of a local ceremonial dress influenced the adoption of jewels and decorations in the local by the Neo-Assyrian fashion tendency in the same female coroplastic reflects a vibrant reality; probably manner as harnesses of the HSHR’s echo those of the the same reality lived at Karkemish by local people Neo-Assyrian army, a type of army in which the horse after the Assyrian takeover. The ornaments worn element and highly specialized soldiers must have by the SPF’s with applied single or multiple blobs played a particularly important role. This is especially could be in fact seen as a simplified reproduction of true if we think that in late eighth and seventh symbols of female elegance and beauty expressed in century BC chariot units were in part replaced by Neo-Assyrian dress code.57 To better explain this the emerging cavalry units, a military revolution that concept, we should suggest another parallelism with has strengthened the Neo-Assyrian military power.60 the Pazyryk culture. The concept of ideal feminine Thus it is likely that the cavalry became crucial to the beauty was also observed in the representation success of the imperial program and Luwio-Aramean of some women in an Achaemenid woven fabric populations would have been directly involved in this design.58 In a similar way as some contemporary revolutionizing process thanks to their war-trained clay plaques, the women in question were portrayed horses. Therefore, the general identity of these with the breasts exposed. Moorey has hypothesized figurines could be explained as visual expressions that their dresses, gestures, and their partial nudity of female and male public roles. On one hand, the were expressions of the female imaginary within a female counterpart was connected to the public-cultic domestic-votive sphere.59 sphere as fully expressed by their rich costumes. On the other hand, high-ranking military activities were expressed through those clay small riders and horses embellished with decorated harnesses and armours. The importance of this coroplastic production lies in 54 Cf. The “Garden Party” relief from the North Palace the fact that this represents a visual and miniaturized of Ashurbanipal, Nineveh, Collon 1995, p. 512, fig. 5; Gansell 2016, fig. 1, or the golden jewels found in the three reproduction of a specific society, where both the royal tombs from the Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II, female and male imagery are represented in their Nimrud, Hussein, Suleiman 2000; Oates, Oates 2004, most visible public roles. pp. 78-88; Cellerino 2016; Gansell 2016, figs. 2-4, 6-8. 55 Cf. Woolley, Barnett 1952, pls. B61a, B.63a, B64a-c, 36a-b. See also the basalt head of a statue of Kubaba from the Acropolis of Karkemish dating from the mid-eighth century BC and recently discovered in the Kahramanmaraş Museum. Peker 2016, pp. 47-49; Marchetti, Peker 2018. 56 Mazzoni 1972, p. 203. 60 Littauer, Crouwel 1979, pp. 137-139; 57 Regarding the concept of ideal feminine beauty in the Crouwel, Tatton-Brown 2002 (1988), pp. 424-425. For Neo-Assyrian royal art see Gansell 2009, 2013. a more detailed explanation of the iconography beyond female 58 Azarpay 1994, pp. 180-184, figs. 7-9. figurines from Karkemish seeBolognani 2017, pp. 168-175, 59 Moorey 2002, pp. 207-209, 212-216, figs. 1-2. figs. 86-98,Bolognani 2020, pp. 228-230.

West & East 52 Monografie, 3 Figurines as social markers: the Neo-Assyrian impact on the Northern Levant as seen from the material culture

ABBREVIATIONS

BASOR = Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Hesperia = Hesperia. Journal of the American School of Research Classical Studies at Athens AAS = Les annales archéologiques arabes syriennes IrAn = Iranica Antiqua AfO = Archiv für Orientforschung Or = Orientalia (Pontificio Istituto biblico) Anatolia = Anatolia. Revue annuelle de l’Institut RIMA 2 = The Royal Inscription of Mesopotamia Assyrian d’archéologie de l’Université d’Ankara Periods. Vol. 2. Assyrian Rulers of the Early First ANES = Ancient Near Eastern Studies Millennium BC I (1114-859 BC) AOAT = Alter Orient und Altes Testament. Syria = Syria. Revue d’art oriental et d’archeologie Veröffentlichungen zur Kultur und Geschichte des SyrMesopSt = Syro-Mesopotamian Studies Alten Orients und des Alten Testaments ZA = Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische AulaOr = Aula Orientalis. Revista de estudios del Próximo Archäologie Oriente antiguo

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