DOCSLIB.ORG

Whirligig of Diplomacy: a Tale of Thai-Portuguese Relations, 1613–9

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Whirligig of Diplomacy: a Tale of Thai-Portuguese Relations, 1613–9 WHIRLIGIG OF DIPLOMACY: A TALE OF THAI-PORTUGUESE RELATIONS, 1613–9 Kennon Breazeale Abstract The oldest-known handwritten document in the Thai language is in the Bodleian Library in Oxford. It is a message sent in 1616 to the Portuguese viceroy in Goa. This paper discusses the document in terms of Thai concerns with military security at that time and in the context of numerous diplomatic missions, extend- ing from Japan and China to South Asia and Europe. This research began as an identification and translation of the oldest-known Thai manuscript, which belongs to the Bodleian Library of the University of Oxford. Transcriptions of the text in modern type (Prasan 1960 and Kongkaew 1996) and photographs of the original manuscript (Kongkaew 1996: 57 and Ginsburg 2000: 21) have been published. The identification is obvious from internal evidence in the text itself: it is a diplomatic message from a Thai king in Ayutthaya to a Portuguese viceroy in Goa. The subjects specified in the text are relatively minor: a general statement about friendly official relations and assurances about freedom to trade and inheritance of property. But a translation would not be very helpful without an explanation of the diplomatic mission for which the message was written, and some indication of what the diplomats were supposed to accom- plish. Most historians would not understand the context in which the document was written, partly because the message itself does not mention the foremost diplomatic concerns of either the Thai court or the viceroy. Is This Episode Important? The Bodleian manuscript is the only Thai record of a mission carried out by three Thai ambassadors and a young royal page, who went to India four centuries ago. They expected to sail onward to Portugal aboard a ship of the annual Portu- guese fleet, but never went beyond the capital of the viceroy at Goa. Eventually their host sent them home, with apologies and excuses for not providing passage to Europe. They happened to be in Goa at the same time as rival ambassadors from the king of Burma, who had recently been at war with the Portuguese, was at that moment at war with the Thai, and was seeking Portuguese help to launch a war Journal of the Siam Society 2006 Vol. 94 51 [04]48/06-014 P 51-110 51 20/6/06, 19:19 52 KENNON BREAZEALE against another enemy: the kingdom of Arakan. To complicate matters, less than a half year earlier, the Portuguese themselves had attacked Arakan unsuccessfully, and the Arakanese had subsequently massacred a Portuguese garrison. Moreover, ambassadors from Arakan soon arrived in Ayutthaya with proposals for a joint campaign against their common enemy: the Burmese. In the midst of these deal- ings, ambassadors of the European Catholic powers (Portugal and Spain), who were at war with the Dutch, arrived at the Thai court, in the hopes of persuading King Song Tham to ban all Protestant traders from his realm. From the Thai viewpoint, this tale is interesting more for its intrigue than for its results. It is not surprising that no mention of these entanglements can be found in Thai records, and very little is included in modern historical studies, because there was no outcome of international importance. A lot of diplomatic activity took place but ended in a few changes of benefit only to the Portuguese residents of Thai ports and to other petty traders. The office of the head of the Portuguese community in Ayutthaya was recognised by both governments as an institution for future dealings between Thai officials and Portuguese residents and visiting traders. Procedures were established for inheritances passing from a Portuguese trader, who died in the kingdom, to his children and other heirs. Portuguese merchants in Melaka were encouraged to visit the Thai capital, and Ayutthaya’s merchants were urged to reciprocate by trading in Melaka. Promises were made by both sides that trading conditions for these merchants would be improved. All these changes were potentially a boon to the traders but were not matters of national concern. Indeed, the trade itself is almost undocumented, and the traders are nearly invisible players in this aspect of Thai economic history. This paper thus recounts a brief but event-filled episode in social and economic history, and fills a small gap in the historical record of this poorly chronicled decade in Ayutthaya’s history. Relations with the Portuguese were the earliest by far of contacts between the Thai court and Europeans. These relations began in 1511 and have been treated in numerous publications, although in sparse detail. By contrast, historians of Thailand have written extensively about the brief period from 1684 to 1688, when the Thai and French sovereigns exchanged a series of embassies. The French adventures likewise came to nought, and yet are the subject of seemingly endless research and commentary, because so much documentation is available in French and English, and because so many historians of Thailand are able to work in both those languages. Also, that documentation has been much more accessible to Thai researchers than is the documentation about Portuguese relations with Ayutthaya, much of which has been little explored. The imbalance of detail in the Thai annals for the House of Sukhothai is striking. The reigns of the first two kings (Maha Thamma Racha 1569–90 and Journal of the Siam Society 2006 Vol. 94 [04]48/06-014 P 51-110 52 20/6/06, 19:19 Whirligig of Diplomacy : A Tale of Thai-Portuguese Relations, 1613–9 53 Naresuan 1590–1605) are recorded in great detail, largely in terms of the military operations of that period, especially the successive operations against the Burmese from 1585 to 1605. By contrast, the other five kings are scarcely chronicled at all. Few details of political events and no dates at all are recorded for the reign of Ekathotsarot (1605 to probably early 1611, although the exact date of his death has not yet been determined). Almost nothing is known about the young Si Saowaphak (a very short reign, perhaps only days, in early 1611), except his overthrow and execution by an older half-brother of lesser rank. Most curious of all, the reign of Song Tham (1611–28), second-longest of the dynasty, receives only a few entries in the Thai chronicles, in spite of the great changes that took place in domestic and foreign affairs, particularly during the first decade of his rule. The Royal Autograph version of the annals devotes fewer than three pages to the reign (Royal Autograph 1973 ii: 1–4, Cushman 2000: 208–10). In addition to the king’s accession and death, the Thai annalists mention only seven subjects: the appointment and death of the heir apparent, a rebellion by Japanese guards, the construction of a building to house a Buddha image, the Burmese attack on Tenasserim, the construction of a site for royal cremations, the Sacred Footprint in Saraburi and the compilation of royal editions of two Buddhist texts. Why is Song Tham’s reign so poorly recorded in the Thai annals? Did no one bother to write down anything about the whole period 1605–28 until much later, perhaps as late as 1680, when King Narai ordered the compilation of an abbreviated annal (Prasoet 1963)? Could no one remember, by that time, any other events of importance that had taken place during the last five reigns of the House of Sukhothai? Had few written records survived up to the time the detailed annals of the reign were compiled? The gap in the Thai records is even more puzzling, when considering that the third and fifth sovereigns of the dynasty were, respectively, the great-grandfather and maternal grandfather of King Narai. He was born only five years after his grandfather died, and he must have heard stories about that reign from his mother, other palace ladies and government officials. Given King Narai’s keen interest in history, it seems probable that detailed records were indeed compiled in his reign, if not before, and that they ultimately disappeared in the destruction of Ayutthaya in 1767. In the near-absence of Thai records, historians must look abroad when trying to document most of the reign of Song Tham. Japanese records provide details of the diplomatic exchanges between Japan and Ayutthaya, and some Japanese trading activities, but tell us little of domestic Thai affairs (Satow 1885 and Nagazumi 1999). Chinese records document the Thai tribute missions to Beijing but nothing of substance about Ayutthaya itself (Wade 1994). English records (for example, Danvers 1896 and Foster 1897–1902) provide much detail about English trading in Ayutthaya and some information about Thai affairs, but nothing about Journal of the Siam Society 2006 Vol. 94 [04]48/06-014 P 51-110 53 20/6/06, 19:19 54 KENNON BREAZEALE the Portuguese-Thai diplomatic exchanges. Dutch records are outlined by Smith (1977) and will surely yield much additional detail not recorded elsewhere. Danvers (1894) attempted to describe Thai-Burmese relations in the 1610s using published Portuguese records available in his day, but much that he says about Thai-Burmese and Portuguese-Thai relations is inaccurate and should be treated with caution. The near-contemporary account compiled by Joost Schouten in 1636 provides far more detail about Song Tham’s reign than the Thai records do. His discussion of the troubled early years of the reign, however, is very brief, and his assertions about Portuguese-Thai relations may be inaccurate, misleading and tinged with Protestant Dutch prejudices. The history of the kings of Ayutthaya compiled by Jeremias van Vliet in 1640 provides another brief sketch of the reign.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Sports in Pre-Modern and Early Modern Siam: Aggressive and Civilised Masculinities
    Sports in Pre-Modern and Early Modern Siam: Aggressive and Civilised Masculinities Charn Panarut A thesis submitted in fulfilment of The requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology and Social Policy Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences The University of Sydney 2018 Statement of Authorship This dissertation is the copyrighted work of the author, Charn Panarut, and the University of Sydney. This thesis has not been previously submitted for any degree or other objectives. I certify that this thesis contains no documents previously written or published by anyone except where due reference is referenced in the dissertation itself. i Abstract This thesis is a contribution to two bodies of scholarship: first, the historical understanding of the modernisation process in Siam, and in particular the role of sport in the gradual pacification of violent forms of behaviour; second, one of the central bodies of scholarship used to analyse sport sociologically, the work of Norbert Elias and Eric Dunning on sport and the civilising process. Previous studies of the emergence of a more civilised form of behaviour in modern Siam highlight the imitation of Western civilised conducts in political and sporting contexts, largely overlooking the continued role of violence in this change in Siamese behaviour from the pre- modern to modern periods. This thesis examines the historical evidence which shows that, from around the 1900s, Siamese elites engaged in deliberate projects to civilise prevalent non-elites’ aggressive conducts. This in turn has implications for the Eliasian understanding of sports and civilising process, which emphasises their unplanned development alongside political and economic changes in Europe, at the expense of grasping the deliberate interventions of the Siamese elites.
    [Show full text]
  • The Emergence of Proto-Entrepreneurial Groups in the City of Ayutthaya During the 17Th-18Th Centuries*
    The Emergence of Proto-entrepreneurial Groups in the City of Ayutthaya During the 17th-18th Centuries* Warangkana Nibhatsukit Abstract This article attempts to view the emergence of proto- entrepreneurs, groups of people whose social and political status were achieved as a result of commercial wealth, in the society of Ayutthaya. As Kings and nobilities needed trading experts to cope with international trade expansion, resident foreigners and mestizos were able to utilize their skill, and came to dominate commercial activities of Siam. Some outstanding merchants were drawn into the court of Siam and appointed officials while other maintained their wealth and economic strength by making close connections with high-rank nobles and officials. This consequence of social changes in context of economic changes during the 17th-18th centuries significantly reveals the emergence of proto-entrepreneurial groups who were forerunners of the bourgeoisie in Ratanakosin Era. Proto-entrepreneurial groups can be categorized into four groups: the private merchants and tax farmers in Ayutthaya, the trading expert officials and the court merchants, the traders and peddlers, and the local officials. * As part of the Ph.D. dissertation “Trade-related Groups in Ayutthaya Society, 1629-1767”, this article couldn’t have been possible without considerable helps and valuable guidance from Dr. Dhiravat Na Bombejra, my advisor, and Associate Professor Dr. Dhida Saraya, my co-advisor. The Emergence of Proto-entrepreneurial Groups 92 in the City of Ayutthaya During the 17th-18th Centuries U U ndertaking various commercial ventures on private capital and for lucrative purposes, proto-entrepreneurs became visible in Siam during the Ayutthaya Period around the 17th century due to the kings’ attempt to sustain political and economic stability, and the rising demand for forest products from outside markets.
    [Show full text]
  • Japanese Southward Expansion in the South Seas and Its Relations with Japanese Settlers in Papua and New Guinea, 1919-1940"
    "Japanese Southward Expansion in the South Seas and its Relations with Japanese Settlers in Papua and New Guinea, 1919-1940" 著者 "IWAMOTO Hiromitsu" journal or 南太平洋研究=South Pacific Study publication title volume 17 number 1 page range 29-81 URL http://hdl.handle.net/10232/55 South Pacific Study Vol. 17, No. 1, 1996 29 Japanese Southward Expansion in the South Seas and its Relations with Japanese Settlers in Papua and New Guinea, 1919-1940 1) Hiromitsu IWAMOTO Abstract Japanese policies toward nan'yo (the South Seas) developed rapidly in the inter-war period (1919-1940). After the invasion in China in the early 1930s, trade-oriented nanshin (southward advancement) policies gradually gained aggressiveness, as the military began to influence making foreign policies. Behind this change, nanshin-ron (southward advancement theory) advocates provided ideological justification for the Japanese territorial expansion in the South Seas. In these circumstances, Japanese settlers in Papua and New Guinea were put in a peculiar position: the emergence of militaristic Japan probably stimulated their patriotism but it also endangered their presence because they were in the colony of Australia－the nation that traditionally feared invasion from the north. However, as the Australian government continued to restrict Japanese migration, numerically their presence became marginal. But, unproportional to their population, economically they prospered and consolidated their status as 'masters'(although not quite equal to their white counterparts) in the Australian colonial apparatus. In this paper, I shall analyse how this unique presence of the Japanese settlers developed, examining its relations with the Japanese expansion in the South Seas and the Australian policies that tried to counter the expansion.
    [Show full text]
  • About History
    Kings and Queens 1555 – 1605 Naresuan the Great A national hero in his native Thailand, Naresuan the Great single-handedly conquered Southeast Asia in the 16th Century t says something that the 2007 film The Legend formidable Burmese attack, but the Burmese King Of King Naresuan is the most expensive film in Bayinnaung returned with an even larger force the history of Thailand. The action-packed, five- — including hundreds of Portuguese mercenaries — Ipart historical epic, which celebrates the larger- and Ayutthaya surrendered. than-life conquests of Somdet Phra Naresuan The Thai kingdom was now under Burmese Maharat — otherwise known as Naresuan the control. King Bayinnaung allowed Naresuan’s Great — cost £13.2 million ($21.7 million) to produce. father to remain on the throne as a puppet vassal With financial backing from the Thai royal family, to Burma. As a pledge of his allegiance, the Thai the film chronicled how Naresuan, a 16th Century leader was forced to send his two sons — Naresuan, warrior king, threw off the shackles of Burmese rule age nine, and his younger brother, Ekathotsarot — and established the Thai kingdom of Ayutthaya to be raised in the Burmese capital of Pegu. as political and military force in Southeast For seven years, Naresuan and his brother Asia. Imagine George Washington if the lived in the Burmese court while his American general ditched his horse Much father reigned over a neutered state. for a battle elephant. like the vast Because the Burmese restricted To understand the importance the Thai kingdom to a small of Naresuan to Thai history, majority of ancient military force, Ayutthaya fell you first need to understand and modern Thai victim to a string of crippling the political dynamics of 16th people, Naresuan attacks from the Khmer in Century Southeast Asia.
    [Show full text]
  • The UK and Japan Forging a Global and Proactive Partnership Final Report of the UK–Japan Global Seminar Series
    Chatham House Report Edited by John Nilsson-Wright The UK and Japan Forging a Global and Proactive Partnership Final report of the UK–Japan Global Seminar series #CHUKJapan Chatham House Report Edited by John Nilsson-Wright Asia-Pacific Programme | May 2019 The UK and Japan Forging a Global and Proactive Partnership Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, is a world-leading policy institute based in London. Our mission is to help governments and societies build a sustainably secure, prosperous and just world. The Royal Institute of International Affairs Chatham House 10 St James’s Square London SW1Y 4LE T: +44 (0) 20 7957 5700 F: + 44 (0) 20 7957 5710 www.chathamhouse.org Charity Registration No. 208223 Copyright © The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2019 Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, does not express opinions of its own. The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author(s). All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publishers. ISBN 978 1 78413 302 3 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. Printed and bound in Great Britain. This publication is printed on FSC-certified paper. Typeset by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Cover image: Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe reviews an honour guard at the Foreign & Commonwealth Office in London before his meeting with UK Prime Minister Theresa May on 10 January 2019.
    [Show full text]
  • A Historical Study of Tenjiku（天竺） Recognition in Japan Dr
    A historical study of Tenjiku（天竺） recognition in Japan Dr. Takahiko Ishizaki Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Tokyo, Japan [email protected] Introduction The purpose of this study is to historically examine Tenjiku recognition in Japan. Tenjiku started to be known as the birthplace of Buddhism with its introduction to Japan in the 6th century. The medieval and early modern worldview of Japanese people is called Sangoku-Sekaikan ( 三国世界観), or ‘three country worldview’. In this framework, the whole world consisted of three countries, Honcho (本朝, Japan), Shintan (震旦, China), and Tenjiku. This worldview changed with the introduction of new geographical information from Europe, beginning with the arrival of the Portuguese and Jesuit missionaries in the 16 th century. This new information caused the Japanese to reconsider the whole world as consisting of Godaishu (五大州) or five continents, Asia ( 亜 細 亜 ), Europe ( 欧 羅 巴 ), Livia ( 利 未 亜 , Africa), America ( 亜 墨 利 加 ), and Magallanica (墨瓦蝋泥加). This change caused people to abandon the concept of Tenjiku, and this word is still known as the‘old name of India’. When we consult a Japanese dictionary, one can find an explanation of Tenjiku like this. Tenjiku: the old name of India Definitely it is true that the place Japanese people had understood as the birthplace of Buddhism by the word Tenjiku is now called Indo (インド, India). In that sense, one could suggest that old name Tenjiku was replaced by the new name Indo. However, when we carefully examine historical records of Tenjiku, and trace the evolution of Tenjiku on world maps,it is not correct to simply identify Tenjiku with India.
    [Show full text]
  • Flight of Lao War Captives from Burma Back to Laos in 1596: a Comparison of Historical Sources
    SOAS Bulletin of Burma Research, Vol. 3, No. 1, Spring 2005, ISSN 1479-8484 THE FLIGHT OF LAO WAR CAPTIVES FROM BURMA BACK TO LAOS IN 1596: A COMPARISON OF HISTORICAL SOURCES Jon Fernquist Mae Fa Luang University Introduction In 1596, one thousand Lao war captives fled from Pegu, the capital of the kingdom of Burma, back to their native kingdom of Lan Sang. This incident is insignificant when compared to more cataclysmic changes like the founding or fall of dynasties, but it has attracted the attention of Western, Thai, and Burmese historians since the 17th century. The incident is noteworthy and exceptional in several ways. First, the flight was to a remote destination: Laos. Second, the incident involved two traditional enemies: Burmese and ethnic Tai's. "Tai" will be used to emphasize that this is an autonomous history of pre-modern states ranging from Ayutthya in the South, through Lan Sang, Lan Na, Kengtung, and Sipsong Panna in the North, to the Shan states of Burma in the far north. Third, the entries covering the incident in the Ayutthya, Chiang Mai, and Lan Sang chronicles are short, ambiguous, and beg to be explained. All of this gives the incident great dramatic potential and two historians of note have made use of these exceptional characteristics to further their literary and ideological goals: de Marini, a Jesuit priest, in a book published in 1663, and Prince Damrong, a Thai historian, in a book published in 1917. Sections 2 and 5 will analyze the works of these historians. In other ways the incident is unexceptional.
    [Show full text]
  • Ayudhya Architecture 36
    SECTION IV AYUDHYA ARCHITECTURE 36 0 0 fi CJl A REVISED DATING OF AYUDHYA ARCHITECTURE PIRIYA KRAIRIKSH PRESIDENT OF THE SIAM SOCIETY At the beginning of the essay on 'The History of Siam The aim of this paper is to propose a new dating for before the Founding of Ayudhya," which is included in his Ayudhya architecture which, it is hoped, will replace the introduction to the Royal Autograph Recension of the Annals of existing chronology formulated by Prince Damrong in his Ayudhya published in 1914, Prince Damrong Rajanubhab Tamnan Phuttha Chedi Sayam (Chronicle of the Monuments of the wrote: Buddha in Siam), published in 1926.3 That hypothesis should "The books composed by the old writers sometimes now be modified on account of misconceptions in its basic contain stories of too miraculous a kind to be believed methodology which modern research can point out and rec­ at the present day; and sometimes different accounts tify, so that art historical studies can proceed afresh after of the same event are so contradictory that the reader having been influenced by the hypothesis for sixty-six years. must decide for himself which of them is right. In The methodology used in Tamnan Phuttha Chedi Sayam the following compilation, therefore, there is much is based on the correlation between existing monuments and that is conjecture on my part; and as conjecture may those mentioned in the Phra Ratcha Phongsawadan (Royal lead to error, the reader should use his own powers Chronicle). of discrimination when reading it."1 It presupposes that the monuments we see today have remained unchanged since the days they were built and that This writer agrees with the late Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Uma Amizade Duradoura: Over 500 Years of Enduring Friendship1 Towards the 1518 Pact
    Uma Amizade Duradoura: Over 500 Years of Enduring Friendship1 HE Francisco Vaz Patto Ambassador of Portugal to the Kingdom of Thailand Abstract—In 1518, Siam and Portugal concluded a pact of friendship and trade. This article, reviewing the enduring relationship between the two countries, is based on a lecture given to celebrate the five hundred year anniversary of this pact. First of all, let me clarify that I am not a historian, but merely someone very interested in the history of our long, unique and enduring friendship—a friendship that is sometimes forgotten and sometimes exaggerated. Thus, I will be telling this story not as an expert or historical researcher, but simply as an interested observer. I have tried to be as accurate as possible; however, I am sure there will be different interpretations of this period and of the bilateral relations between Portugal and the Kingdom of Thailand (formerly Siam). I hope that I will be able to contribute something positive in order to clarify and reinforce our bilateral relations. I will start by presenting an overview of the events leading up to the Pact of Friendship and Trade that we commemorated last year. Then, I will try to explore the many ways that the peaceful, long-lasting and enduring relationship between our two nations has impacted both Portuguese and Thai history, commerce and culture until the present day. Towards the 1518 Pact In 1511, Afonso de Albuquerque, Portuguese Viceroy of India, sent Duarte Fernandes to lead the first Portuguese embassy to Siam in the name of D. Manuel I, King of Portugal.
    [Show full text]
  • Constantine Phaulkon and Somdet Phra Narai: Dynamics of Court Politics in Seventeenth Century Siam. a Thesis Submitted to the Gr
    CONSTANTINE PHAULKON AND SOMDET PHRA NARAI: DYNAMICS OF COURT POLITICS IN SEVENTEENTH CENTURY SIAM. A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN ASIAN STUDIES DECEMBER 2004 By Walter 1. Strach III Thesis Committee: Michael Aung-Thwin, Chairperson Barbara Watson Andaya Leonard Y. Andaya Allen Wittenborn © Copyright 2004 by Walter J. Strach III Dedicated to Khun Phanida For the many sacrifices made, And endless support given, I am eternally indebted 111 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It is impossible to adequately thank all those who have assisted me in this undertaking. First I would like to thank two ofmy colleagues, Shay MacKenzie for his guidance, intellect, and editing skills, and Alan Goodman for his incredible insight and information on the Narai period. Additionally, I appreciate the assistance I received from Watcharapon Towtong, Sawanee Akarawattanamatee, and Suparat Rubusai ofthe Siam Society. Mr. Wibool Janyam from the Rajabhat Institute in Lopburi, made sure I met the necessary people and during my first trip to Lopburi took me around to see places Phaulkon would have visited. Jean-Claude Gerakis and Panagis Gerakis provided me with considerable information on the origins oftheir famous forbearer. This allowed insight into the period ofPhaulkon from a personal perspective. Kennon Breazeale, from the East-West Center, deserves thanks for imparting some ofhis knowledge and wealth of source material on me. Dirk van der Cruysse for his help with primary European sources regarding Phaulkon's background. I have benefited immensely from the support and patience ofmy teachers at the University ofHawaii.
    [Show full text]
  • The Grand Palace in the Description of Ayutthaya: Translation and Commentary
    The Grand Palace in the Description of Ayutthaya: Translation and Commentary Chris Baker1 “The Kings Palace is seated upon the River, resembling a little Town apart, great and magnificent, many of its Buildings and Towers being entirely gilded.” (Caron and Schouten, True Description, 125) The only significant account of the Ayutthaya Grand Palace2 appears in the Description of Ayutthaya, a document probably compiled in early Bangkok from the memories of residents of the city prior to its sack in 1767 (see details at the head of the translation below). Here I present a translation from the document along with some analysis of what the palace tells us about Siamese kingship in the late Ayutthaya era. This account of the palace is important because no other historical source offers much information. All that can be gleaned from the Palace Law are the names of a few buildings and arrangements for guarding the walls. Most European accounts comment on the size of the complex but have almost nothing on the interior because the authors had not seen it. At the visit of the French embassy in 1685, Chaumont, de Choisy, Forbin, and Tachard were among the party that went inside and all wrote accounts of the experience. However, each was intent on recording the process of the audience rather than its surroundings. All describe the spectacle of elephants, horses, soldiers, and “mandarins” amassed in the courtyards as they walked to the audience hall, but have little to say about the layout and architecture of the palace other than some vague (and mutually conflicting) accounts of the number of gates and courtyards they traversed.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 3: Premodern Japan - the Azuchi-Momoyama and Edo Periods
    | 137 Chapter 3: Premodern Japan - The Azuchi-Momoyama and Edo Periods Section 1 – From warring states to national unification Topic 31 – The warring states daimyo What were the distinguishing characteristics of the new style of government instituted by | 138 the warring states daimyo? The emergence of the daimyo The protector-daimyo lost their positions of strength during and after the Onin War. Gekokujo became widespread as more and more of the powerful retainers and village samurai toppled the protector-daimyo through force of arms and installed themselves as masters of their provinces. These new feudal lords are called the warring states daimyo.1 *1=The major daimyo families included the Hojo clan of Sagami Province (modern-day Kanagawa Prefecture), the Asakura clan of Echizen Province (modern-day Fukui Prefecture), the Imagawa clan, whose power extended from Suruga Province (modern-day Shizuoka Prefecture) to Mikawa Province (modern-day eastern Aichi Prefecture), the Uesugi clan of Echigo Province (modern-day Niigata Prefecture), the Takeda clan of Kai Province (modern-day Yamanashi Prefecture), and the Mori clan, which was based in Aki Province (modern-day Hiroshima Prefecture) and extended its influence across southern Japan, including Shikoku and Kyushu. Japan's farming villages had already been forming their own governing bodies called so and asserting their autonomy since the time of the War of the Northern and Southern Courts, which had loosened the grip of the shogunate and the protectors over rural communities. Some of these so had been organizing ikki to achieve common ends. Under the leadership of local samurai, they often succeeded in making their demands heard.
    [Show full text]