Northern Ireland Devolution Monitoring Report

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Northern Ireland Devolution Monitoring Report DEVOLUTION MONITORING PROGRAMME 2006-08 Northern Ireland Devolution Monitoring Report April 2007 Professor Rick Wilford & Robin Wilson Queen’s University Belfast (eds.) ISSN 1751-3871 The Devolution Monitoring Programme From 1999 to 2005 the Constitution Unit at University College London managed a major research project monitoring devolution across the UK through a network of research teams. 103 reports were produced during this project, which was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (grant number L 219 252 016) and the Leverhulme Nations and Regions Programme. Now, with further funding from the Economic and social research council and support from several government departments, the monitoring programme is continuing for a further three years from 2006 until the end of 2008. Three times per year, the research network produces detailed reports covering developments in devolution in five areas: Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland, the Englsh Regions, and Devolution and the Centre. The overall monitoring project is managed by Professor Robert Hazell and Akash Paun at the Constitution Unit, UCL and the team leaders are as follows: Scotland: Peter Jones Honorary Senior Research Fellow, The Constitution Unit, UCL Former political correspondent for The Economist Wales: Dr Richard Wyn Jones & Dr Roger Scully Institute of Welsh Politics, University of Wales, Aberystwyth Northern Ireland: Professor Rick Wilford & Robin Wilson Queen’s University, Belfast English Regions: Martin Burch & James Rees, IPEG, University of Manchester Alan Harding, SURF, University of Salford The Centre: Professor Robert Hazell, The Constitution Unit, UCL Akash Paun, The Constitution Unit, UCL The Constitution Unit and the rest of the research network is grateful to all the funders of the devolution monitoring programme. Scottish Executive All devolution monitoring reports are published at: www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution- unit/research/devolution. Contact Akash Paun on [email protected] for further information. Northern Ireland Devolution Monitoring Report April 2007 Rick Wilford & Robin Wilson (eds.) Northern Ireland Devolution Monitoring Report April 2007 Executive Summary .....................................................................................................8 1. The ‘Peace Process’ ......................................................................................11 1.1 Introduction.................................................................................................11 1.2 SF and the rule of law ................................................................................11 1.3 Collusion.....................................................................................................15 1.4 Election and after .......................................................................................19 1.5 Devolution redux ........................................................................................23 1.6 Buying loyalty? ...........................................................................................27 1.7 Conclusion..................................................................................................28 2. Devolved Government........................................................................................29 2.1 Rationalisation postponed ..........................................................................29 2.2 Impartial treatment? ...................................................................................31 3. The Assembly.................................................................................................34 3.1 Debates ......................................................................................................34 3.2 MLA changes .............................................................................................35 4. The Media ......................................................................................................37 4.1 ‘The big picture’ ..........................................................................................37 4.2 The Blair legacy..........................................................................................41 5. Public Attitudes and Identity ...........................................................................43 5.1 Devolution DUPed?....................................................................................43 5.2 Mood of méfiance.......................................................................................45 6. Intergovernmental Relations ..........................................................................47 6.1 ‘East-west’ ..................................................................................................47 6.2 North-south.................................................................................................51 7. Relations with the EU .....................................................................................53 7.1 Introduction.................................................................................................53 7.2 Crown employment and nationality ............................................................54 7.3 EU funding..................................................................................................55 7.4 Conclusion..................................................................................................57 8. Relations with Local Government...................................................................58 9. Finance...........................................................................................................60 9.1 Asking for more ..........................................................................................60 9.2 Taking decisions.........................................................................................61 10. Political Parties and Elections ........................................................................64 10.1 Introduction.................................................................................................64 10.2 The election campaign ...............................................................................65 10.3 The results..................................................................................................67 4 Northern Ireland Devolution Monitoring Report April 2007 10.4 The aftermath .............................................................................................70 10.5 Conclusion..................................................................................................71 11. Public Policies ................................................................................................72 11.1 A crowded in-tray .......................................................................................72 11.2 Done and dusted ........................................................................................74 Bibliography ...............................................................................................................76 Official Documents .................................................................................................76 Secondary Literature ..............................................................................................76 5 Northern Ireland Devolution Monitoring Report April 2007 List of Figures Figure 1: Changing Constitutional Preferences 2001-2006 44 Figure 2: Election candidates by Party and Sex 67 Figure 3: Election Results, Seats, First Preference Votes, Vote Shares 68 Acronyms APNI Alliance Party of Northern Ireland ARA Assets Recovery Agency BIC British-Irish Council BIIC British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference BIIPB British-Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body CID Criminal Investigation Department DARD Department of Agriculture and Rural Development DCAL Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure DE Department of Education DoE Department of Environment DEL Department of Employment and Learning DETI Department of Enterprise, Trade and Investment DFP Department of Finance and Personnel DHSSPS Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety DRD Department for Regional Development DSD Department for Social Development DUP Democratic Unionist Party IMC Independent Monitoring Commission MLA Member of the Legislative Assembly NICVA Northern Ireland Council for Voluntary Action NIO Northern Ireland Office NSMC North/South Ministerial Council OFMDFM Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister PIRA Provisional Irish Republican Army PSNI Police Service of Northern Ireland PUP Progressive Unionist Party RUC Royal Ulster Constabulary SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party SOCA Serious Organised Crime Agency SB (RUC) Special Branch SF Sinn Féin 6 Northern Ireland Devolution Monitoring Report April 2007 STV single transferable vote UDA Ulster Defence Association UDR Ulster Defence Regiment UKUP United Kingdom Unionist Party UPRG Ulster Political Research Group UUP Ulster Unionist Party UVF Ulster Volunteer Force 7 Northern Ireland Devolution Monitoring Report April 2007 Executive Summary Yet another ‘final’ Northern Ireland deadline came and went, but this time devolution looked set, at last, to be restored 55 months after it collapsed in October 2002, following revelations of an IRA spy ring at Stormont. It was evident that devolution would not return until and unless the ambiguous relationship between Sinn Féin and the rule of law was resolved. After the belated announcement of an end to the IRA campaign in 2005 and associated
Recommended publications
  • Abortion and Same-Sex Marriage: How Are Non-Sectarian Controversial Issues Discussed in Northern Irish Politics?
    Abortion and same-sex marriage: how are non-sectarian controversial issues discussed in Northern Irish politics? Abortion and same-sex marriage: how are non-sectarian controversial issues discussed in Northern Irish politics? Westminster's legislation regarding marriage rights for same sex couples has not be extended to Northern Ireland. Similarly, Northern Ireland has never been under the jurisdiction of the 1967 Abortion Act, making abortion effectively illegal in the province unless it is necessary to preserve the long-term life or health of the woman. This article considers contemporary political debate around abortion and same-sex marriage in Northern Ireland to ask; how are controversial (but non-sectarian) issues such as abortion and same sex marriage dealt with in a divided society? Using data from the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey and selected debates from the Northern Irish Assembly, it considers how political parties and post-conflict governance have shaped debate on these issues. Keywords: Northern Ireland, gender, abortion, same-sex marriage 1 Abortion and same-sex marriage: how are non-sectarian controversial issues discussed in Northern Irish politics? Falling outside of the dominant conception of post-conflict identity as primarily ethno- national, cross-cutting issues around sexuality and gender in divided societies such as Northern Ireland and Bosnia-Herzegovina have had less attention within academic literature. Consideration of ethno-national identity has been dominant, and has come at the expense of understanding other types of social difference. In work on post-conflict governance and policy-making, non-ethno-national issues are largely left to one side (for example Noel, 2005); equally, in literature on gender or sexuality politics, divided societies are deemed a ‘special’ case, or overly specific due to their complex politics, and not included in discussion (Larsen et al, 2012, Sheldon, 1997).
    [Show full text]
  • Diversity and Ethnic Place Identity in Belfast Suzanna Chan
    “God’s little acre” and “Belfast Chinatown”: Diversity and Ethnic Place Identity in Belfast Suzanna Chan NOTA DI LAVORO 55.2006 APRIL 2006 KTHC - Knowledge, Technology, Human Capital Suzanna Chan, School of Art and Design, University of Ulster This paper can be downloaded without charge at: The Fondazione Eni Enrico Mattei Note di Lavoro Series Index: http://www.feem.it/Feem/Pub/Publications/WPapers/default.htm Social Science Research Network Electronic Paper Collection: http://ssrn.com/abstract=896674 The opinions expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect the position of Fondazione Eni Enrico Mattei Corso Magenta, 63, 20123 Milano (I), web site: www.feem.it, e-mail: [email protected] “God’s little acre” and “Belfast Chinatown”: Diversity and Ethnic Place Identity in Belfast Summary For members of ethnic minorities in Northern Ireland, place making can mean negotiating challenges posed by tensions between the two majority communities of Catholic, nationalist, republican and Protestant, unionist, loyalist; tensions which are reflected in contests over place identity. In Belfast, the Chinese Welfare Association (CWA) has undertaken two building projects to service the needs of the Chinese community and to promote diversity, engaging in close consultation with local communities. Hong Ling Gardens Chinese Sheltered Housing Scheme provides culturally sensitive sheltered accommodation for Chinese elders. The second building will provide a Chinese Community and Resource Centre, and construction is planned to commence in December 2006. This paper highlights how the CWA has met challenges posed by territoriality, and anxieties in relation to perceived changes in politico-cultural place identities, within the complexities of Northern Ireland.
    [Show full text]
  • CANDIDATES NORTHERN IRELAND 1959-1970 ALLIANCE PARTY Of
    Page | 1 LIBERAL CANDIDATES in NORTHERN IRELAND 1959-1970 (WESTMINSTER PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS ONLY) PREFACE The Liberal Party contested no parliamentary elections in Northern Ireland in the inter-war years nor over the period 1945-55. In 1956 the Ulster Liberal Association, later re-named the Ulster Liberal Party, was founded. A limited number of constituencies were contested for both Westminster and the Stormont Parliament from 1959. Of the nine candidates listed, three fought elections in constituencies in mainland Britain also, one of whom stood in two regions and another in three. Shortly after the Westminster General Election of 1970, the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland was founded which absorbed most, but not all, of the membership of the former ULP. A formal relationship existed for over three decades between the Liberal Democratic Party and the APNI when it was termed ‘our sister party.’ This understanding subsequently lapsed. The first APNI MP elected to the House of Commons, M/s Naomi Long, for Belfast East in 2010, did not take the Lib Dem whip and moreover sat on the opposition benches during the Coalition government 2010-2015. Indeed she expressed disagreement with key policies which appeared in the Liberal Democratic Party Manifesto at the 2010 General Election. After much thought it was decided to include APNI candidates in a separate section of the Index. Should the two parties decide to associate more closely or not, it is unlikely that they will oppose each other in future Westminster elections. Clearly the APNI has continued to receive electoral support from many voters who might well have opted for the Liberal Democrats in elections after 1970, had the party stood candidates, and will continue to do so in future Westminster elections.
    [Show full text]
  • Consociationalism and the Compromised Peace
    SWARTHMORE COLLEGE CONSOCIATIONALISM AND THE COMPROMISED PEACE LESSONS FROM NORTHERN IRELAND MOSEA ESAIAS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am gratefulfor my mentors,Jriends,family and all who have guided and supported me throughout the various stages of this project. Additionally, I would like to give a special thanks to the following individuals: DR. SA'ED ATSHAN Thank you for your mentorship, active support, patience, understanding and encouragement. This project wouldn't have come together without you! NIGEL GLENNY Thank you for your guidance, for challenging my ideas and for making me feel at home in Northern Ireland. I was first introduced to the concept of consociationalism in your classroom! DR. LEE SMITHEY Thank you for being supportive of this project. It was during your Intro Peace and Conflict Studies course when I both decided to pursue Peace and Conflict Studies more seriously, and when I first learned about the Northern Ireland conflict, which in turn inspired me to study abroad there and consequently write this thesis. DR. ANTHONY FOY AND THE MELLON MAYS UNDERGRADUATE FELLOWSHIP PROGRAM Thank you for investing in my academic development and for presenting me with innumerable opportunities to mature as an undergraduate scholar. MY FRIENDS ARI, DANNY, DAVIS AND XAVIER Thank you for reading over my work, for your countless suggestions and for giving me the time and space to complete this project when I needed it. TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i TABLE OF CONTENTS ii "Consociational Big Mac," An INTRODUCTION 1 Setting the Scene 3 Why Northern Ireland? 6 What will be covered? 7 CHAPTER I. A History of Ulster 9 Genesis of the Ulster Plantation 10 Embattled English Monarchs, Catholic Support and Aftermath 15 The Rebellion of 1798 17 Act of Union 19 Conclusion 21 CHAPTER II.
    [Show full text]
  • Northern Ireland Assembly Elections 2011
    Northern Ireland Assembly Elections: 2011 RESEARCH PAPER 11/42 18 May 2011 Elections on 5 May 2011 resulted in little change in the overall party composition of the Northern Ireland Assembly. Gains and losses by individual parties involved just one or two seats. 108 Assembly Members were elected by Single Transferrable Vote, 6 Members for each of 18 constituencies. Following the 2011 elections the two largest parties in the Assembly are the DUP (38 MLAs) and Sinn Féin (29 MLAs). Richard Cracknell Recent Research Papers 11/26 Unemployment by Constituency 16.03.11 11/27 Economic Indicators, Budget update 22.03.11 11/28 Police Reform and Social Responsibility Bill: Committee 24.03.11 Stage Report 11/29 Economic Indicators, April 2011 05.04.11 11/30 Direct taxes: rates and allowances 2011/12 06.04.11 11/31 Health and Social Care Bill: Committee Stage Report 06.04.11 11/32 Localism Bill: Committee Stage Report 12.04.11 11/33 Unemployment by Constituency, April 2011 14.04.11 11/34 London Olympic Games and Paralympic Games (Amendment) Bill 21.04.11 [Bill 165 of 2010-12] 11/35 Economic Indicators, May 2011 03.05.11 11/36 Energy Bill [HL] [Bill 167 of 2010-12] 04.05.11 11/37 Education Bill: Committee Stage Report 05.05.11 11/38 Social Indicators 06.05.11 11/39 Legislation (Territorial Extent) Bill: Committee Stage Report 11.05.11 Research Paper Contributing Authors: Richard Cracknell Jeremy Hardacre This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual.
    [Show full text]
  • Report on the Investigation Into Allegations Made in the BBC
    Committee on Standards and Privileges Report on the investigation into allegations made in the BBC Spotlight Programme broadcast on 7 January 2010 Together with the Report of the Assembly Commissioner for Standards, other evidence considered by the Committee and the Minutes of Proceedings of the Committee Ordered by The Committee on Standards and Privileges to be printed on 26th November 2014 This report is the property of the Committee on Standards and Privileges. Neither the report nor its contents should be disclosed to any person unless such disclosure is authorised by the Committee. THE REPORT REMAINS EMBARGOED UNTIL 12:00 NOON ON FRIDAY, 28TH NOVEMBER 2014 Mandate 2011/16 Thirteenth Report - NIA 191/11-16 Committee Powers and Membership Committee Powers and Membership 1. The Committee on Standards and Privileges is a Standing Committee of the Northern Ireland Assembly established in accordance with paragraph 10 of Strand One of the Belfast Agreement and under Assembly Standing Order Nos. 51 and 57. 2. The Committee has power: ■ to consider specific matters relating to privilege referred to it by the Assembly; ■ to oversee the work of the Assembly Clerk of Standards; ■ to examine the arrangement for the compilation, maintenance and accessibility of the Register of Members’ Interests and any other registers of interest established by the Assembly, and to review from time to time the form and content of those registers; ■ to consider any specific complaints made in relation to the registering or declaring of interests referred to it; ■ to consider any matter relating to the conduct of Members; ■ to recommend any modifications to any Assembly code of conduct as may from time to time appear to be necessary.
    [Show full text]
  • 25 June 2012 at 5.00Pm in Room 144, Parliament Buildings
    COMMONWEALTH PARLIAMENTARY ASSOCIATION NORTHERN IRELAND ASSEMBLY BRANCH MEETING ON MONDAY 25 JUNE 2012 AT 5.00PM IN ROOM 144, PARLIAMENT BUILDINGS MINUTES OF PROCEEDINGS Present: Apologies: The President, Mr William Hay MLA Mr Jim Wells MLA Mr Stewart Dickson Ms Arlene Foster MLA Mr Paul Givan MLA Mr Stewart Dickson MLA Mr Leslie Cree MLA Ms Jo-Anne Dobson MLA Mr Robin Swann MLA Mr Basil McCrea MLA Ms Anna Lo MLA Mr David McClarty MLA Ms Sandra Overend MLA Mr Mervyn Storey MLA Mr Alasdair McDonnell MLA Mr Alban Maginness In attendance: Mr John Stewart, Director of Information & Outreach Mr Peter Hall, Head of Outreach & Education Ms Louise Close, Outreach Manager Ms Frances Leneghan, PS to the Speaker Ms Nicola Rafferty, Parliamentary Outreach Officer 1. APOLOGIES The President welcomed Members of the CPA NI Branch to the meeting and agreed that apologies would be reflected in the minutes of the meeting. 2. MINUTES OF PREVIOUS ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING Minutes of previous Annual General Meeting held on 27th June 2011 were agreed unanimously. 3. MATTERS ARISING 42nd Conference of the British Islands and Mediterranean Region, Edinburgh 10-14 June Mr Basil McCrea, Mr Stewart Dickson, Mr Sean Rogers and Ms Jo- Anne Dobson attended the conference in Edinburgh. Mr McCrea stated that the conference was extremely well organised, very professional and the whole experience was very beneficial. Both Ms Dobson and Mr Dickson agreed with this analysis. Ms Dobson advised the Members that Mr McCrea had been voted as ‘The Delegate of the Conference’. Mr McCrea indicated that he had offered the Assembly to host a BIMR Conference, possibly in 2016.
    [Show full text]
  • Violence and Security Concerns in Post-Conflict Northern Ireland
    All Azimuth V5, N2, Jul. 2016, 47-62 Violence and Security Concerns in Post-Conflict Northern Ireland İmren Borsuk Koç University Abstract Eighteen years after the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland struggles with a lingering sense of insecurity. This article discusses the underlying reasons for a sense of insecurity and vulnerability in this post-conflict context. First, ongoing sporadic communal violence reactivates communal divisions and the psychological burden of “the Troubles.” The activities of spoiler paramilitary groups and sporadic communal troubles still fuel people’s anxiety about the possibility of renewed violence, as the history of political violence proves how these influences can be a destabilizing factor in inter-communal relations. Second, the unchanging patterns of political mobilization, based on the historical division of unionism and nationalism, reinforce the previous cleavages and continue to inform the boundaries of the communal divide. The political arena is still plagued by ethnic outbidding and intransigent party politicking, both of which pit communities against each other and keep the zero-sum bias between the groups alive. Third, the working-class communities that constituted the backbone of the political violence carry on the legacy of war with their continued paramilitary presence and legacy of sectarianism. The social vulnerabilities of working-class areas, such as continuing paramilitary presence, the legacy of sectarianism in segregated neighborhoods, persistent mistrust toward the police, and growing youth unemployment, need to be addressed in order to generate a long-term social infrastructure for peace. Keywords: Post-conflict, Northern Ireland, violence, security, spoilers 1. Introduction The post-conflict period denotes the transitional period between war and peace, but the boundaries of war and peace are far from clear—in fact, they are blurry in most cases.
    [Show full text]
  • Advancing a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland
    POLITICAL CAPACITY BUILDING: ADVANCING A BILL OF RIGHTS FOR NORTHERN IRELAND Anne Smith, Monica McWilliams and Priyamvada Yarnell Transitional Justice Institute University of Ulster Jordanstown Campus Shore Road BT37 0QB Northern Ireland http://www.transitionaljustice.ulster.ac.uk ISBN: 978-1-85923-263-7 Political Capacity Building: Advancing a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland Anne Smith, Monica McWilliams and Priyamvada Yarnell Published and disseminated by the Transitional Justice Institute at the University of Ulster ISBN: 978-1-85923-263-7 © Transitional Justice Institute, University of Ulster 2014 Printed by W&G Baird Ltd. Northern Ireland For further information, please contact: Dr. Anne Smith Transitional Justice Institute University of Ulster Magee Campus Northland Road BT48 7GA Northern Ireland e-mail: [email protected] Political Capacity Building: Advancing a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland Anne Smith, Monica McWilliams and Priyamvada Yarnell September 2014 POLITICAL CAPACITY BUILDING ADVANCING A BILL OF RIGHTS FOR NORTHERN IRELAND This report was researched and written by Dr. Anne Smith and Professor Monica McWilliams of the Transitional Justice Institute, University of Ulster, and Miss. Priyamvada Yarnell, Research Consultant. The project and report were funded by the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust. The authors would like to thank the interviewees for their participation, and the librarians of the Linenhall Library’s Political Collection for their support in archival research. POLITICAL CAPACITY BUILDING ADVANCING
    [Show full text]
  • Northern Ireland Assembly All Party Working Group on UNSCR 1325 Women, Peace and Security
    Submission to the Consultation on Irish NAP on Women, Peace and Security. August 2014. Organisation: Northern Ireland Assembly All Party Working Group on UNSCR 1325 Women, Peace and Security. (NIA APG) Contact: Chair- Paula Bradley MLA Parliament Buildings Ballymiscaw Stormont BT4 3XX 02891830066 [email protected] Response from the Northern Ireland Assembly All Party Group on UNSCR1325 Introduction The Northern Ireland Assembly All Party Group (NIA APG) on UNSCR1325 Women, Peace and Security was originally established in the 2007-2011 mandate and was reconstituted in July 2011 following the Northern Ireland Elections in May 2011. Members of the NIA APG are as follows: Chair Paula Bradley Democratic Unionist Party 1 Vice Chair Anna Lo Alliance Party of Northern Ireland Secretary Stephen Agnew Green Party in Northern Ireland Treasurer Mike Nesbitt Ulster Unionist Party Chris Lyttle Alliance Party of Northern Ireland Basil McCrea NI21 Dolores Kelly Social Democratic and Labour Party Megan Fearon Sinn Fein Bronwyn McGahan Sinn Fein Claire Sugden Independent The main aim of the NIA APG is: - To raise awareness of the lack of participation of women in political and public life in Northern Ireland in areas outlined in UNSCR1325 Women, Peace and Security. Background In 1998 with the signing of the Good Friday Agreement (Belfast Agreement)1 the peace building negotiations may have made an attempt to include a commitment to increasing women’s participation in decision-making in the new structures and bodies in the post-conflict era of Northern Ireland, but in reality the main focus was based on addressing the sectarian divide in Northern Ireland.
    [Show full text]
  • Stormont Snippets
    Stormont Snippets Delivering Accountability Robinson Got None of his Demands on OTR Review March 2014 Issue 26 just about whether the “The letters make it clear police at that moment in that Lady Hallett will “not time have sufficient need to re-investigate every evidence to make a case or make a fresh prosecution stick because decision about whether a as time goes on forensics recipient of a letter should may change, new evidence or should not have been may come in where a pursued for arrest and prosecution could take prosecution.” Commenting on the ‘on the place so it is absolutely vital run’ whitewash, Jim Allister that nobody is allowed to “Furthermore, it is evident MLA stated: think they can get away that there is a strong desire with it. That’s why I want to protect the “peace “On 26th February Peter all the letters rescinded.” process” and keep its Robinson told us: machinations as hidden as “Letters exchanged between possible because “while the “I want a full judicial a senior NIO official and the reviewer is free to consider inquiry into all of these Lord Chief Justice reveal the circumstances that led matters so we can see who that the review announced to the establishment of the knew, when they knew and by the Prime Minister and scheme, a full examination what they knew. Those are trumpeted by the DUP will of the political decisions and Inside this issue: vital questions to be asked do none of what Mr agreements making up the and answered. I want to Robinson demanded.
    [Show full text]
  • Racism and Racist Attitudes in Northern Ireland
    RACISM AND RACIST ATTITUDES IN NORTHERN IRELAND 1 Trademark Twin Spires Centre 155 Northumberland Street Belfast, BT13 2JF 028 90 331 053 [email protected] 2 RACISM AND RACIST ATTITUDES IN NORTHERN IRELAND t the time of writing, the spectre of racism is Globalisation and European A haunting Northern Ireland in a way that seems unprecedented in the post-conflict era. In response, and integration: following an unacceptable seven year delay, the Office of First and Deputy First Minister (OFMDFM) has released an amended racial equality strategy for public The Northern Ireland experience consultation.1 Racist attacks in Belfast are however IN his contribution to a pioneering collection of essays continuing and show no sign of abating. It is a reflection on ethnic minorities and racism in Northern Ireland, of how serious the problem has become that Alliance Robbie McVeigh notes that, ‘The contemporary location MLA Anna Lo was reduced to tears on regional of Ireland, north and south, draws on the colonial television as she recounted her own recent experience of legacy but also encourages different and newer reasons racism and indicated that she may eventually leave her for racialisation.’3 For centuries, competing notions of home of more than thirty years because of it. Britishness and Irishness have manifested themselves in Along with the distribution of racist leaflets in East exclusive and insular forms, often to the detriment of a Belfast by a shadowy organisation going by the name more hybrid and complex understanding of history and of the ‘British Movement’, Pastor James McConnell’s indeed identity. abhorrent and ill-informed remarks about the Muslim It is not surprising, then, that Northern Ireland’s community have arguably inflamed an already gradual integration into the global capitalist order and dangerous situation.
    [Show full text]