STORE HOURS IN RETAILING WITH PARTICULAR EMPHASIS

ON NIGHT OPENINGS

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By f LEONARD W f PSESTWICH, B. S., M. S.

******

The Ohio State University 1957

Approved by:

Dr. William R. Davidson Department of Business Organization TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page

I. INTRODUCTION...... 1

Importance of the Problem of Store Hours . . * 2 Scope and Complexity of the Problem of Store H o u r s ...... 4 Controversial Nature of the Store-Hours Issue 7 Store-Hours Problem More Crucial for Shopping Goods Retailers ...... 9 Long-Run Changes in Store Hours an Adjustment to Changing Social and Economic Conditions . 14 Specific Store Hours— A Local Problem .... 17 Relationship between Store Hours and Employee S c h e d u l e s ...... 20 Store-Hours Decisions Generally Made with Little Scientific Research ...... 22

II. HISTORY OF HOURS OF BUSINESS IN RETAILING . . . 25

Scarcity of Specific Information on Hours of Business in Recorded History ...... 25 Early European Civilizations, the Middle Ages, and Nineteenth Century England ...... 27 America to 1950 35 Early America ...... 35 Examples of Store Hours in the 1800’s . . . 36 NRA Codes and the Depression Period of 1930‘s ...... 38 World War II P e r i o d ...... 41 Postwar P e r i o d ...... 43 The General Movement for Shorter Hours in Our Economy ...... 47

III. PRESENT STATUS OF STORE HOURS IN THE UNITED STATES ...... 50

Total Store Hours per W e e k ...... 50 Days Open— The Five-Day W e e k ...... 52 Sunday O p e n i n g s ...... 55 Night Openings ...... 60 Daytime Schedules (Including Morning and Afternoon Closings) ...... 66

ir0 0 Chapter Page

Social and Economic Trends Related to Store H o u r s ...... 68

IV. LEGAL PHASES OF THE PROBLEM OF STORE HOURS . . . 76

Hours of Work Limitations ...... 76 Federal Legislation and the Possibility of Inclusion of Retailing under the Fair Labor Standards A c t ...... 76 State Legislation ...... 79 Restrictions on Night Work by W o m e n ...... 81 Laws Governing Day of Rest, Meal and Rest Periods for W o m e n ...... 83 Child Labor L a w s ...... 84 Sunday Opening Restrictions ...... 86 "Blue Laws" ...... 86 Examples of State Restrictions...... 87 City Ordinances--A Case History of the Provo, Utah, Sunday Closing Law ...... 88 Proposed Legislation in Massachusetts .... 94 Social Desirability of Hours Legislation . . . 96 Problem of Enforcement of Hours L a w s ...... 97 Conclusions ...... 98

V. STORE HOURS AND THE CONSUMER— CONSUMER BEHAVIOR, OPINIONS, AND PREFERENCES ...... 100

Night Openings ...... 102 Extent of Nighttime S h o p p i n g ...... 103 Merchandise Purchased at Night ...... 108 Most Convenient Shopping T i m e s ...... 110 Why Particular Shopping Times Are Most Convenient...... 116 Extent to Which Daytime Shoppers Desire Night Openings ...... 120 Daytime Schedules ...... 121 Sunday Openings ...... 123 Extent of Sunday Shopping ...... 123 Types of Goods Purchased on Sunday ...... 124 Extent of Consumer Desire for Sunday Open­ ings ...... 126 Consumer Reaction to Sunday Opening Rota­ tion Plan for Drug S t o r e s ...... 128 Days per Week Open for Business ...... 129 Most Popular Shopping Days ...... 131 Conclusions ...... 134

iii Chapter Page

VI. STORE HOURS AND THE CONSUMER--IS THERE A SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN DAYTIME AND NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS? ...... 137

Income Group ...... 140 Age Group ...... 142 Marital Status ...... 144 Occupation of Breadwinner ...... 145 Residential Circumstances ...... 147 Number of Children in Household ...... 148 Ages of Children in Household ...... 150 Employment Circumstances ...... 152 Extent to Which Husband and Wife Shop Together 153 Use of Delivery S e r v i c e ...... 155 Use of Credit and Returned Goods Privilege . . 156 Location within Trading A r e a ...... 160 Summary and Conclusions ...... 164

VII. STORE HOURS AND THE CONSUMER--IN-STORE SURVEY OF NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS ...... 167

Purpose of S u r v e y ...... 167 Survey Methods ...... 168 Survey R e s u l t s ...... 170 Consumer Desire for More Than One Night Opening per Week ...... 170 Most Convenient Nongrocery Shopping Night . 171 Why Particular Nights Are Most Convenient . 175 Frequency of Night Shopping T r i p s ...... 176 Proportion of Nongrocery Items Purchased in the Evening ...... 177 Marital Status of Nighttime Shoppers . . . .178 Occupations of Nighttime Shoppers ..... 180 Age Distribution of Nighttime Shoppers . . . 182 Location of Nighttime Shoppers within Trad­ ing Area ...... 183 Extent to Which Both Husband and Wife Work in Night time-Shopper F a m i l i e s ...... 185 Conclusions ...... 186

VIII. NIGHT OPENINGS AND STORE OPERATION ...... 188

Convenient Store Hours--A Method of Nonprice Competition ...... 188 Are Night Openings Profitable? ...... 191 Do Night Hours Bring Additional Business or Merely Rob Daytime Business? ...... 191

iv Chapter Page

Per Hour Volume Daytime Versus Nighttime as Shown by Store Records and Executive S t a t e m e n t s ...... 196 Operating Expenses and Night Openings . . . 200 Conclusion ...... 201 Increasing the Profitability of Night Openings by the Individual Merchant ...... 202 Review of Differences between Daytime and Nighttime Shoppers ...... 202 Formulating Operating Policies and Proce­ dures for Night Openings on the Basis of the Major Characteristics of Nighttime S h o p p e r s ...... 203 C o n c l u s i o n ...... 210

IX. STORE HOURS AND PERSONNEL MANAGEMENT ...... 211

Employee Work Schedules--Present Status and Trends ...... 212 Employee Attitudes toward Work Schedules . . . 214 How Significant Are Store Hours in General and Night Openings in Particular in Decreasing Retailing's Ability to Attract and Hold Qualified People? ...... 220 Night Openings and the Question of Premium P a y ...... 226 Problems Incident to Maintaining Store Hours Longer than Employee Work W e e k ...... 227 Store Hours and Personnel Standards ..... 229 Union Stand on Store-Hours Developments . . . 230 Summary and Conclusions ...... 233

X. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ...... 235

Nature of Store-Hours Problem ...... 235 Present Status of Store H o u r s ...... 236 Legal Phases of the P r o b l e m ...... 237 Store Hours and the Consumer ...... 238 Profitability of Night Openings ...... 240 Store Hours and Personnel Management ...... 242 Other Conclusions ...... 243

APPENDIXES

A. HOUSE-TO-HOUSE SURVEY METHODS . 245

B. QUESTIONNAIRES...... 257

v Chapter Page

C. PROPOSED BILLS AFFECTING STORE HOURS ...... 266

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 268 LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Estimated Average Weekly Working Hours, United States, 1850-1960 ...... 48

2. Length of Store Week in Days, Pennsylvania Cities, Classified by Size of City, March, 1955 . 54

3. Extent of Sunday Openings among Supermarkets, United States, 1950-1954 57

4. Night Openings among Main Stores and Their Re­ spective Branches, United States, 1955 62

5. Night Openings among Supermarkets by Region, United States, 1954 ...... 63

6. States Prohibiting Employment of Women at Night in Mercantile Establishments and Specific Hours During Which Such Employment Is Prohibited, United States, 1953 ...... 82

7. Percentage of Grocery Shopping Done in the Morn­ ing, Afternoon, aid Evening, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, November, 1954 ...... 104

8. Percentage of Nongrocery Shopping Done in the Morning, Afternoon, and Evening, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, November, 1954 ...... 104

9. Percentage of Salt Lake City and Provo House­ holds Who Have Shopped in the Evening for Grocery Items within Specified Periods of Time, November, 1954 106

10. Percentage of Salt Lake City and Provo House­ holds Who Have Shopped in the Evening for Non­ grocery Items within Specified Periods of Time, November, 1954 107

vii Table Page

11. Comparison of Morning, Afternoon, and Evening Shopping at Sugar House Shopping Center by Provo and Salt Lake City Households as Indicated by the Time of Last Shopping Trip, November, 1954 . 108

12. Types of Nongrocery Items Which Nighttime Shop­ pers Most Commonly Buy, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, November, 1954 109

13. Most Convenient Grocery Shopping Times, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, by Day and Time of Day, November, 1954 ...... Ill

14. Most Convenient Nongrocery Shopping Times, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, by Day and Time of Day, November, 1954 ...... 112

15. Most Convenient Evenings for Nongrocery Shopping, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, November, 1954 . 114

16. Reasons for Choices of Particular Times as Most Convenient for Grocery Shopping, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, Classified by Evening and Other Than Evening, November, 1954 117

17. Reasons for Choices of Particular Times as Most Convenient for Nongrocery Shopping, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, Classified by Evening and Other Than Evening, November, 1954 118

18. Extent to Which Daytime Shoppers Desire Grocery and Non grocery Stores to Remain Open One or More Nights per Week, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, November, 1954 120

19. Consumer Opinion Concerning Opening and Closing Times of Downtown Stores, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, November, 1954 ...... 121

20. Extent to Which Consumers Object to Half-Day Closings During the Week, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, November, 1954 ...... 122

21. Percentage of Grocery and Drug Items Purchased on Sunday, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, November, 1954 . 124

viii Table Page

22. Types of Goods Other Than Grocery and Drug Items Purchased on Sunday, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, November, 1954 ...... 125

23. Types of Stores Consumers Desire to Remain Open on Sunday, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, Novem ber, 1954 ...... 127

24. Consumer Opinion Concerning Sunday Opening Rota­ tion Plan for Drug Stores, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, November, 1954 ...... 129

25. Consumer Opinion Concerning Five-Day Store Week, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, November, 1954 130

26. Consumer Preference for Closing Day if Stores Adopted a Five-Day Week, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, November, 1954 ...... , 130

27. Most Popular Grocery Shopping Day, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, November, 1954 ...... 133

28. Most Popular Nongrocery Shopping Day, Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, November, 1954 ...... 133

29. Comparison of Daytime and Nighttime Shoppers Ac­ cording to Income Group, Salt Lake City, Utah, November, 1954 ...... 140

30. Comparison of Daytime and Nighttime Shoppers Ac­ cording to Age Group, Salt Lake City, Utah, November, 1954 ...... 142

31. Comparison of Daytime and Nighttime Shoppers Ac­ cording to Marital Status, Salt Lake City, Utah, November, 1954...... 144

32. Comparison of Daytime and Nighttime Shoppers Ac­ cording to Occupation of Breadwinner, Salt Lake City, Utah, November, 1954...... 146

33. Comparison of Daytime and Nighttime Shoppers Ac­ cording to Residential Circumstances, Salt Lake City, Utah, November, 1954...... 148

34. Comparison of Daytime and Nighttime Shoppers Ac­ cording to Number of Children in the Household, Salt Lake City, Utah, November, 1954...... 149

ix Table Page

35. Comparison of Daytime and Nighttime Shoppers Ac­ cording to Ages of Children in the Household, Salt Lake City, Utah, November, 1954 151

36. Comparison of Daytime and Nighttime Shoppers Ac­ cording to Employment Circumstances, Salt Lake City, Utah, November, 1954 ...... 152

37. Comparison of Married Daytime and Nighttime Shop­ pers According to Extent to Which Husband and Wife Shop Together, Salt Lake City, Utah, Novem­ ber, 1954...... 154

38. Comparison of Daytime and Nighttime Shoppers Ac­ cording to Use of Delivery Service, Salt Lake City, Utah, November, 1954 156

39, Comparison of Daytime and Nighttime Shoppers Ac­ cording to Use of Credit and Returned Goods Privilege, Salt Lake City, Utah, November, 1954 . 157

40. Extent to Which Nighttime Shoppers Desire More Than One Night Opening per Week, Provo, Utah, February, 1955...... 171

41. Most Convenient Nights for Nongrocery Shopping, Provo, Utah, February, 1955 ...... 172

42. Comparative Convenience of Monday and Friday Nights for Nongrocery Shopping, Provo, Utah, February, 1955 ...... 174

43. Reasons for Choice of Particular Nights as Most Convenient for Nongrocery Shopping, Provo, Utah, February, 1955 ...... 175

44. Number of Night Shopping Trips Made During Past Four Weeks, Provo, Utah, February, 1955 ...... 177

45. Percentage of Total Nongrocery Purchases Made in the Evening, Provo, Utah, February, 1955 .... 178

46. Marital Status of Nighttime Shoppers, Provo, Utah, February, 1955 ...... 178

47. Occupations of Nighttime Shoppers, Classified by Frequency of Shopping Trips and Percentage of Total Nongrocery Items Purchased at Night, Provo, Utah, February, 1955 ...... 181 x Table Page

48. Age Distribution of Nighttime Shoppers, Provo, Utah, February, 1955 ...... 183

49. Places of Residence of Customers Shopping at Night in Provo Stores, February, 1955 ...... 184

50. Employment Circumstances among Married Nighttime- Shopper Families, Provo, Utah, February, 1955 . . 186

51. Daytime Versus Nighttime Sales Volume Expressed as Percentage of Total Day’s Volume for a Se­ lected Store, Provo, Utah, 1955 ...... 197

xi CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

In attempting to maximize profits through serving his customers more effectively, the retailer is faced with many alternatives and combinations of alternatives. He may try to obtain merchandise better suited to his customers' needs, he may decide to lower prices, he may try to do a better job of informing consumers about his merchandise and how it meets their needs, he may try to provide a more pleasant and appropriate atmosphere in which his customers might shop, he may decide to alter his store hours in order to provide opportunity for shopping at more convenient times, or any combination of these and other alternatives.

But whatever he does he does with the aim of building more satisfaction into the experience the consumer gets when he patronizes his particular establishment.

This dissertation is concerned with one significant area of management decision in the continual struggle to maximize profits--that of store hours. In addition to con­ sidering history and present status, the study treats the problem of store hours in relation to legal environment, customers, employees, and various areas of retail store operation including advertising, merchandising, service,

and personnel management. With respect to night openings,

the study investigates (1) whether or not the nighttime

shopper is significantly different from the daytime shop­

per, (2) the nature of such differences as have been found

to exist, and (3) how a knowledge of these differences

would aid the retailer in making his night openings more

profitable.

The methods used in gathering data include an

examination of available literature, consumer surveys,

analysis of store records, and interviews with retail ex­

ecutives. The original data were gathered in and around

Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah. The secondary data were

gathered from many parts of the United States. Much of

this information reported on surveys and studies which were made in many different cities located in nearly all geo­

graphic regions of the country. Detailed information con­

cerning methodology for the consumer surveys is presented

in Chapters V and VII and in the Appendix.

Importance of the Problem of Store Hours

The subject of store hours is of importance not

only to retail store management as a factor affecting

sales, costs, and therefore profits, but to other groups as well. Employees, both operative and executive, are obvi­ ously concerned with the length of the work week, the work day, and the presence or absence of night and Sunday work.

Employee concern over hours has found expression at times

through labor unions which have considered the matter an

appropriate subject for bargaining.

Another group to whom store hours are important is

the public. Even though consumers, as a general rule, have been somewhat passive concerning the matter, they do desire convenient shopping hours that are in line with established work schedules, social functions, and customary shopping habits. They also want a reasonable degree of uniforraity in store hours, particularly among downtown merchants. Ob­ viously, anything which affects consumers' convenience is of considerable importance to them.

The subject has also received some attention from legislative bodies. Action of this sort has been taken primarily with respect to Sunday openings and hours of work for women and minors. Two additional groups have shown an interest in certain phases of the problem. The motel in­ dustry in certain cities has been concerned with Sunday closing laws on the theory that the closing of stores on

Sunday discourages the stopping of tourists. Some intra­ city transportation companies have been interested in open­ ing and closing times of downtown stores since this timing affects the traffic load. 4

Scope and Complexity of the Problem of Store Hours

As considered in this study, the problem of store

hours includes night openings, daytime schedules (including

morning and afternoon closings), Sunday openings, days per

week open for business, and total store hours per week. A

decision in each of these areas of the store hours problem

is affected by many and varied considerations. This is

particularly true with respect to night openings and days

per week open for business. For example, some of the con­

siderations involved in a decision to adopt night openings

are as follows: Will night hours be added to existing

weekly hours, or will daytime schedules be adjusted so as

to retain the same total hours? Is one night opening per

week sufficient, or are multiple night openings desirable?

Should there be premium pay for night work? What effect

will night hours have on the efficiency and morale of em­

ployees? Will night openings bring additional business, or will they result in spreading the same business over a

longer period? What effect will night openings have on op­

erating expense ratios? What is the competitive situation?

How will competitors react if this store adopts night open­

ings? Will it be necessary or desirable to pay supper money on the late night? How should the employee work week be scheduled?

This list of considerations could be expanded con­

siderably. One study lists twenty-two separate problems to be considered before extending daily schedules or adopt­

ing single or multiple night openings. Even this list is

meant to be only suggestive.

Most of the individual considerations involved in a

store-hours decision can be grouped under one of four major

categories: (1) customers, (2) employees, (3) competition,

and (4) internal operating procedures and problems. A de­

cision of this type would be greatly simplified if it could

be based logically upon an analysis of just one of these

categories. If one could arrive at a sound decision merely

by determining those hours best suited to the customer (not

that this by itself is an easy matter) without also con­

sidering employees or the impact upon internal operating

problems, the question would be much less complex. Or if

one could set store hours that would give the highest de­

gree of internal operating efficiency without regard to meeting the needs and desires of customers, the problem would be simplified.

Even a slight acquaintance with the matter would make it plain that a sound decision cannot be reached by considering only one aspect of the problem. Hours desired by employees will not likely serve the customer to best

■^■George Plant, Store Hours and Employee Schedules (New York: Store Management Group, National Retail Dry Goods Association, 1952), pp. 58-60. 6

advantages and hours desired by customers may result in

higher operating expenses or lower employee morale. There­

fore, management must attempt to balance pertinent factors

against one another in reaching a final decision. This, of

course, is true of all business decision-making. The vari­

ables in a given problem are many. Techniques for measur­

ing the relative importance and effect of these variables

are not foolproof. Hence the importance of good judgment.

Also, a certain amount of courage might be an important

qualification for the decision-maker.

It was mentioned above that the store-hours problem

included night openings, daytime schedules, Sunday open­

ings, days per week open for business, and total store

hours per week. It should be noted that each of these

areas of the problem is of varying importance to different

types of retailers. For instance, Sunday openings are of

little direct concern to the downtown department and spe­

cialty store, but represent a crucial issue with super­ markets and discount houses in some areas. Also, night

openings represent a critical problem for downtown and sub­ urban shopping goods stores, but have become so customary

in drug stores and some grocery stores that the question is no longer very pertinent.

More might be written concerning the scope and com­

plexity of the store-hours problem. Enough has been said, however, to permit at least tentative agreement with the

statement, "Few present-day problems facing retailers are more perplexing or more controversial than that of the

hours during which their stores should be open.M^

Controversial Nature of the Store-Hours Issue

In view of the scope and complexity of the store- hours problem, it is little wonder that it is also very controversial. One would expect a problem which leaves so much to judgment in weighing relevant factors against one another to arouse considerable disputation. Also, differ­ ences in localities and in individual stores bring about differences in the way retail executives appraise the re­ sults of certain store-hours schedules. This adds to the differences of opinion.

An examination of literature in the retail field over the past ten years leaves no doubt as to the contro­ versial nature of the issue, especially the night-openings phase. Arguments for and against night openings abound.

Some executives are sure that night openings are profit­ able. Others are equally sure that night volume does not even pay for the lights. Some feel that customers need night openings and that retailers must remain open to serve

^David J. Luck, Store Hours for Shopping Goods Retailers (Xfrbana, Illinois: Bureau of Economic and Busi­ ness Research, 1947), p. 3. them. Others feel just as strongly that night openings are not the result of customer need or request, but an attempt

on the part of certain retailers to gain a competitive ad­ vantage. Mr. J. Gordon Dakins, Executive Vice President of the National Retail Dry Goods Association, described this situation when he said in 1953, "One of the most controver­ sial issues facing retailing today is that of store hours and particularly night openings.Judging by the quantity of literature on the subject, the store-hours problem is not quite so popular a topic among retailers as it was in

1953, perhaps because of greater acceptance of hours that were formerly considered as "unorthodox." It is still a very controversial issue, nevertheless.

Wherever the store-hours issue touches legal mat­ ters, there is likely to be considerable disputation both in and out of retailing circles. For example, the Sunday

Closing Law passed in 1954 in Provo, Utah, initiated an intense controversy in the area. The various groups taking a stand on the issue included retailers, motel operators, city government officials, and many private citizens. The daily newspaper carried many articles and editorials pre­ senting arguments pro and con as seen by various groups from their particular viewpoints. Another example of this

3j. Gordon Dakins, "Some Conclusions on Night Open­ ings," Stores, Vol. 35 (June, 1953), p. 13. type of controversy occurred in 1952 when bills to prevent

night openings by retailers and the employment of women in

retail stores after 6 P.M. were proposed in the Massachu-

setts Legislature.

Because of this controversy and the many and varied

points of view expressed, it is possible to find arguments

to support most any position which one might take on the

subject. The danger in this is that most people have a

tendency to pay particular attention to the data which sup­

port prejudices or preconceived notions. For the retailer

who would arrive at a sound decision concerning store

hours, it is particularly important to keep an open mind

in determining the facts relative to his particular situa­

tion and in analyzing and interpreting those facts.

Store-Hours Problem More Crucial for Shopping Goods Retailers

That the store-hours issue is more crucial for

shopping goods retailers is a generalization and, like all

other generalizations, has some exceptions. One exception here concerns Sunday openings. If the store-hours problem

in a particular locality centers primarily around Sunday

openings, then the problem probably would be more crucial with convenience goods retailers than with shopping goods retailers. It is possible, also, that in some localities

the five-day week might develop into just as crucial an 10

issue for specialty goods retailers as for shopping goods

retailers. Ordinarily, though, for the country as a whole,

most of the controversy either emanates from or concerns

the shopping goods retailer. Likewise, most of the re­

search done on the subject has been completed by or for the

shopping goods retailer. For example, Store Hours and Em­

ployee Schedules, written and published in 1952 by the

Store Management Group of the NRDGA,^ presents the results

of a survey of leading department and specialty stores-- both primarily shopping goods stores. Another example is

Store Hours for Shopping Goods Retailers, a 1947 study by

David J. Luck, published by the Bureau of Economic and

Business Research of the University of Illinois.

Why is the problem of store hours more crucial among shopping goods retailers than among convenience or specialty goods retailers? Convenience goods are, by defi­ nition, those goods which the average consumer desires to purchase with the minimum of effort. They are of low unit value, are purchased frequently and the consumer is famil­ iar with the articles so that little or no time is needed to clarify the want after it is recognized. Hence, the consumer desires to satisfy the want promptly„ In view of this, it is logical for the convenience goods retailer to

^This abbreviation used throughout the study to designate the National Retail Dry Goods Association. 11

pay particular attention to having his store open all rea­

sonable hours in which wants may be recognized by the con­

sumer. This includes night hours. Therefore, night hours

have become commonly accepted and practiced by such retail

outlets as drug stores, grocery stores, and service sta­

tions, thus reducing the controversy to a minimum.

Another factor making the store-hours problem less

crucial for convenience goods retailers is that the ma­

jority of them are located in scattered neighborhood areas

away from the central and secondary shopping centers. Most

of them attract business only from the immediately sur­

rounding area. The merchant, therefore, has fewer near-by

competitors with whom to be concerned in setting his store

hours than does the downtown shopping goods merchant.

Still another factor is that most convenience goods stores

are smaller than shopping goods stores and many of their

employees are members of the proprietor's family. This re­

duces the personnel problem involved in night openings and

extended hours, thus further simplifying the problem.

Specialty goods are those that are so desired by

the consumer that he is willing to put forth a special pur­

chasing effort in order to obtain them. Price is secondary with him, and he will go out of his way to find a store

carrying the particular brand he prefers or, if necessary,

postpone the purchase until the article in question can be obtained. These circumstances allow the specialty goods retailer relatively more latitude in setting store hours on

the basis of convenience to himself and his employees than

is the case with the shopping goods retailer. He is less

likely to lose business to competitors during hours that his store is closed than is the shopping goods retailer.

This allows him to set his store hours with less concern over what competitors are doing. Another factor which re­ inforces this situation is that most specialty goods re­ tailers are exclusive agents in theix territories for the merchandise they carry. Thus, even though many of them are located in the central and secondary shopping centers, they have no competitors handling the same merchandise within their respective territories. All these circumstances tend to simplify the store-hours problem.

In contrast to both convenience and specialty goods, shopping goods are those which the consumer will not ordinarily purchase without first shopping around to com­ pare price, quality, style, etc. The articles are usually of higher unit value than convenience goods and the prob­ lems of what to buy and where to buy often are not solved before the shopping trip is in progress. Since consumers typically make their comparisons in more than one store be­ fore buying, shopping goods retailers tend to congregate in central and secondary shopping centers. Because of these 13

circumstances, the merchant who closes his doors while oth­

ers remain open is in great danger of losing business to

his competitors. This, along with consumer desire for rea­

sonable uniformity in the hours maintained by downtown mer­ chants, inseparably ties the store hours problem of the

individual shopping goods retailer to the present and prob­

able future actions of his competitors.

With respect to shopping goods, there is neither the intense consumer desire for prompt and easy satisfac­ tion of their wants, as in the case of convenience goods, nor the definite willingness on the part of the consumer to go out of his way or postpone the purchase, as in the case of specialty goods. This fact makes the store-hours prob­ lem more difficult to solve and helps one to understand why there have been, and probably will continue to be, so many varied and opposing points of view expressed concerning it.

Also, as mentioned earlier, the shopping goods stores tend to be the large stores where the number of employees is large, where the relationship between employees and manage­ ment tends to be impersonal, and where labor union ac­ tivity^ has made the most progress in the retail field.

The presence of these factors makes the personnel problem associated with store hours more difficult to handle.

^The stand taken by labor unions with respect to store hours is treated in Chapter IX. 14

It is not meant to imply that the store-hours prob­ lem is of no concern to convenience and specialty goods re­ tailers. This discussion is merely an attempt to explore the differences in marketing requirements of convenience, shopping, and specialty goods as they relate to store hours and, through this, to examine the reasons why the problem is more significant and critical among shopping goods re­ tailers than among other types of retailers.

Long-Run Changes in Store Hours an Adjustment to Changing Social and Economic Conditions

Many individuals, especially those opposed to night openings, seem to feel that retailers have adopted major revisions in store hours for no particular reason— or at least for no particularly good reason. They feel that these changes have resulted primarily from whims of retail management and a ’’follow-the-leader" policy. This is un­ doubtedly true to a certain extent, especially with respect to day-to-day or short-run adjustments. Certainly changes have been made by many merchants with very little study or research on their part.

It is extremely likely, though, that the long-range changes that have occurred have been associated with changes in social and economic conditions. Any private in­ stitution whose profitable operation depends upon recog­ nizing and satisfactorily serving the needs of consumers 15 must continually be striving to adjust and adapt its poli­ cies and practices to the conditions of the times. As was mentioned previously in this chapter, the retailer's vari­ ous activities represent an attempt to build more satisfac­ tion into the experience the customer gets when patronizing his particular establishment.

The degree to which the individual merchant cor­ rectly interprets social and economic changes and how they will affect his business varies considerably from time to time and from retailer to retailer. One retailer may de­ cide on a plan of action which is exactly opposite to that of another, even though both have much the same set of facts as a basis for action. But retailers as a group, motivated by the chance for greater profits, interpret these changes sufficiently well that the trends in store policies and practices move in the direction of the social and economic changes.

The evolution of retailing institutions in the

United States from the trading post to the peddler, to the general store, to the limited-line store, to the large- scale, modern retailer exemplifies this adjustment to changing conditions. This point was emphasized in the fol­ lowing authoritative comment: ”... The history of re­ tailing is one of shifting institutions in an effort to fit 16 retail establishments to the needs of each particular

period."^ A similar statement is made in a leading text­ book in the field of retailing: "An important lesson to be

learned from all historical studies of retailing institu­ tions is that they have been evolved and modified in re­

sponse to changing environmental circumstances. . .

A few of the relatively recent developments in re­ tailing which reflect changes in environmental conditions are the development of supermarkets, the establishment of suburban and "controlled" shopping centers, the development of rack jobbers and ethical drug jobbers, and the tremen­ dous growth in discount selling. These changes did not just happen. They emerged in response to such factors as shifts in population, increased importance of the auto­ mobile, and changes in consumer buying habits. These de­ velopments illustrate the basic marketing principle that

"when the need for a new type of institution is apparent, it will be evolved,"**

^Charles F. Phillips and Delbert J. Duncan, Market­ ing, Principles and Methods (rev. ed. ; Chicago: Richard D. Irwin, Inc., 195377 P* 120.

^Paul L. Brown and William R. Davidson, Retailing, Principles and Practices (New York: The Ronald Press Com- pany;"I953)7^.~^------“ ^Harold H. Maynard and Theodore N. Beckman, Prin­ ciples of Marketing (5th ed. : New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1952), p . 141. 17

A number of examples of developments In retailing

reflecting changes in social and economic conditions have

been indicated. Adjustments in store hours over the years

are no exception. For example, the continued existence of night openings is most certainly associated with the in­

crease in the number of women in the labor force, the con­

tinued growth in suburban living, the increased importance

of the husband in spending the family dollar, the increase

in the number of families with children--especially two, three, or four children, and the long week end brought about by the shortened work week. As another illustration, the total store hours per day and per week have surely been affected by the shorter work week adopted by industry. In turn, the trend to a shorter work week in industry has been made possible largely by increased productivity due to technological advancements. Additional examples of the re­ lationship between store hours and social and economic con­ ditions are given in more detail in Chapter III.

Specific Store Hours--A Local Problem

If store hours are related to social and economic conditions, then, to the extent that these conditions vary from one city to another, optimum store hours would be ex­ pected to vary also. An examination of the literature in the field reveals almost complete agreement on this point.

In fact, if there is any one point that is extremely clear and definite concerning the subject of store hours, it is

that the solution to it must be based upon a very careful

consideration of all the local factors involved. A solu­

tion which consists merely of the adoption of the store- hour s schedule followed by some other city has very little chance of being sound. This is true even though it is as­

sumed that sound analysis and good judgment had been used

in arriving at the conclusion for the other city.

One of the most important and extensive studies yet made on the subject of store hours is very emphatic on the

importance of local conditions. A statement which reflects information reported by 258 cities is quoted below:

The problem is basically local in character. Few, if any, communities have the same identi­ cal problems or shopping needs. . . . The cor­ rect and profitable solution varies by the realistic shopping requirements of the indi­ vidual community and not by copying the pat­ tern of some other community where different conditions prevail or where it may be working on a falacious premise itself.9

At this point one might logically ask if it is nec­ essary to stress such an obvious point— if there is much chance that some retailers would actually determine their store hours by such a method. Based upon what has happened, the answer is yes. According to one source, department and

^George Plant, Store Hours and Employee Schedules (New York: Store Management Sroup, National Retail Dry Goods Association, 1952), p. 60. 19

specialty stores in Boston, Massachusetts, were admittedly

influenced in their decision to remain open two evenings by the results of a consumer survey made in Dallas, Texas.

There are undoubtedly many other examples not recorded in literature. Writers have repeatedly expressed their dis­ agreement with the so-called "follow-the-leader" policy of adopting night openings. The author is personally ac­ quainted with a situation in which a top-level executive felt that the findings of a nation-wide survey could appro­ priately be applied to Salt Lake City, thereby making an intended local consumer survey unnecessary.

Regardless of the quality or accuracy of the work done, there is danger in assuming that the general trends and patterns indicated by a national survey will fit a local situation. This is like assuming that the percentage change in population in a given state is the same as the percentage change for the United States as a whole. Mer­ chants just cannot trust implicitly in the general pat­ tern without placing themselves in a precarious position.

A number of examples in which actual store experience proved to be very different from what would have been

■^Dero A. Saunders, "Shopping After Dark," Fortune, Vol. 46 (November, 1952), p. 121. 20

forecast on the basis of the general pattern have been

described in the literature. 11-

Even though two cities may be in the same metro­

politan district, it cannot be assumed that the same store- hcrurs schedule would suit both equally well. For example,

Provo, Utah, and Salt Lake City, Utah, are only forty miles

apart. Yet there are differences which should be taken

into account in deciding on store-hours schedules. For

instance, a consumer survey conducted by the author reveals

that in approximately 21 per cent of the Salt Lake City

families, both husband and wife work. This figure is only

12.8 per cent in Provo.^ Also, a much larger percentage

of the labor force in Provo works at a single plant, making

Monday paydays relatively more important than is true of

Salt Lake City.

Relationship between Store Hours and Employee Schedules

In spite of the growth of automatic vending and

self-service, it is still not possible to operate a store without people. So long as this is true there will always be an interrelationship between store hours and employee work schedules. New store hours cannot be adopted without

3--*-Ibid., pp. 200, 204.

^ F h e results of this consumer survey, conducted in Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, are presented in Chapters V and VI of this report. 21 some rescheduling of employee hours and the feasibility of adopting the new store-hours schedule is dependent upon the ability of management to get present and/or new employees to work the new schedule.

Some store-hours changes can be made with very little rescheduling of employee hours. For example, the addition of a night opening might be compensated by a morn­ ing closing, leaving the total employee hours the same.

Or, part-time help might be utilized making rescheduling necessary for only a few key departmental workers. One chain-store manager interviewed said that his company is investigating the possibilities of a plan whereby no regu­ lar, full-time employee would have to work on night open­ ings. Many companies use considerable part-time help on night openings and heavy shopping days. Other changes in store hours require a great deal of rescheduling of em­ ployee hours. Those changes which involve not only a dif­ ferent number of hours per week but also the addition of night openings and a change in the number of days open per week are of this type.

It is difficult to overemphasize the importance of bringing to bear the very best thinking and human relations

"know-how" that a store can muster in dealing with employee work schedules as well as all employee matters. Good em­ ployee morale is of tremendous importance in attaining the 22

objectives of a retail establishment, or any establishment

for that matter. Unless employees are co-operating effec­

tively, the organization will operate at less than its best

performance. Many retail managers have recognized this in

saying that the most important phase of their job, and the

most time-consuming, is trying to keep their people working

happily and effectively together.

Store-Hours Decisions Generally Made with Little Scientific Research.

Many merchants have made store-hours decisions with

very little careful research. In view of the scope and

complexity of the store-hours problem as well as its essen­

tially local character, this is particularly disturbing.

Some research has been done, but much of it has not been very thorough. Some merchants have taken preference polls

among themselves, and others have gone so far as to indi­ vidually survey their customers. Very few merchant groups, however, have made a collective study of their particular

area with the idea of determining the specific factors that

should shape and influence local store-hours schedules. To poll a store's own customers is helpful, but to stop there

is most unfortunate for it is important also to know the

attitudes, opinions, and shopping habits of the people in the vicinity with whom the store is not doing business. In

addition, it is desirable for downtown merchants to be 23

reasonably uniform in their store hours. Sometimes one

merchant insists that his customers prefer one schedule,

while another in the same shopping district insists that

his customers prefer another schedule. The only way to re­

solve the problem and still maintain uniform hours is to

make a collective study. Such a study would determine what

store-hours schedule would be best for the majority of con­

sumers living within the trading area.

A description of a survey made at Donaldson's in

Minneapolis emphasizes the lack of research in connection with the problem as follows:

Diligent inquiry in the major U. S. retailing centers has failed to produce even a dozen exam­ ples of similar consumer surveys in the last few years, when hundreds of large U. S. stores have been making important and often costly decisions on store hours in general and night openings in particular.13

Probably the most important reason for this lack of

careful investigation is that many retailers do not appre­

ciate the value that can come from properly executed re­

search projects. This is particularly true of smaller retailers and retailers in smaller cities, although it ex­

tends into the sphere of the large retailer as well. An­

other reason is that the results of marketing research are

often very intangible and it is difficult for management to

l^Saunders, oj>. cit., p. 121. promptly interpret the results in terms of dollars and cents. Certainly a merchant must carefully weigh the prob­ able value of any research against its cost. It is to be hoped, however, that the quality of future research and the

selling job necessary to convince management of its value might be such that an increasing amount of scientific re­

search will be used. CHAPTER II

HISTORY OF HOURS OF BUSINESS IN RETAILING

Before an examination is made of the consumer, in­

ternal management, and employee phases of the store-hours

problem, some background information is presented in this

and the following two chapters. The history and present

status of store hours are treated in Chapters II and III

respectively. Chapter IV contains a treatment of the legal

environment of the problem.

SCARCITY OF SPECIFIC INFORMATION ON HOURS

OF BUSINESS m RECORDED HISTORY

Examination of volume after volume of histories,

both general and economic, reveals only occasional, iso­

lated references to retailers1 hours of business. Some of

these references are not directly on the subject but fur­ nish a clue as to store hours. Many of the comments are made only incidentally as the writer describes another

situation.

Therefore, to write a history of hours of business

in retailing involves the piecing together of fragmentary

25 26

bits of information from varied sources. It also involves

an attempt to read "between the lines" in an effort to

glean probabilities as to the store-hours situation.

This shortage of historical data is very under­

standable. The entire subject of retailing received rela­

tively little attention throughout ancient and medieval

history. One author states that "... few references to

retailing and to trade are found in literature prior to

the nineteenth century."^ It is not surprising, then, to

find so little information about a topic as narrow as hours

of business.

Probably the most important reason for this scar­

city of historical information stems from the high degree

of self-sufficiency which has characterized the family unit

down to comparatively recent times. As one history puts

it, "From the beginnings of civilization . . . down to our

own modern industrial age, farming has been the main occu­

pation for the vast mass of human beings throughout the world.Under such conditions of self-sufficiency retail­

ers and the hours they maintain would be much less impor­

tant than under our specialized, interdependent economy.

•^Paul H. Nystrom, Economics of Retailing (New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1930), p. 3F.

^Carlton J. H. Hayes and Parker Thomas Moon, Ancient and Medieval History (New York: Macmillan Company, 1932), frontispiece. 27

Then, with little surplus merchandise and little need to

rely on markets for goods and services, only an occasional meeting of buyers and sellers was necessary. Specializa­

tion has made the family dependent upon the retailer for nearly everything it consumes. This dependence, coupled with definite and regular work schedules, has made the hours which stores remain open a much more important issue.

It should be remembered, however, that during Greek

and Roman eras, a few large cities developed and commerce reached a stage of considerable importance. But during these times retailing did not rate very highly in social

standing. Trade was considered to be base and beneath the dignity of gentlemen. This attitude may help to account for the limited historical data on retailing and its hours of business during these periods.

EARLY EUROPEAN CIVILIZATIONS, THE MIDDLE AGES,

AND NINETEENTH CENTURY ENGLAND

No attempt has been made to account for every pe­ riod of recorded history because the information on hours of business is too sketchy. The discussion represents an effort to bring into focus the hours of business situation in some of the important periods for which information has been found. 28

Early European Civilizations

One of the important characteristics of many mar­ kets in the early European and medieval period was their periodic openings. They were not open daily but only at particular times. In referring to the early history of

Egypt, one author says that ", . . a t stated times, the peasants poured into town to special reserved market places."-* Another tells of the existence of fairs during the Roman era.^ The fair, a type of periodic market in which both wholesale and retail trade was conducted, is usually associated with the Middle Ages, but evidently ex­ isted in earlier periods as well.

Apparently, these periodic markets were supple­ mented in Greek and Roman cities by regular retail shops whose operations were more nearly continuous. In Greece, both Corinth and Athens had become important in the import­ ing of grain. As a means of distributing this food and other products there grew up a ". . . very complete network of retail grain dealers, bakers and other retail shops in c all of the Greek cities." Rome also had many retail

^Frank M. Mayfield, The Department Store Story (New York: Fairchild Publications, Inc., 1 , p . 4.

^ James Westfall Thompson, An Economic and Social History of the Middle Ages (New York: Century Company, 192'8)', p” 5 B T ------

^Nystrom, op. cit., p. 47. 29

shops. According to one author, Rome in the fourth cen­

tury had 254 bakeries and 2,300 places where oil was sold.**

As to the specific store hours maintained by these

retailers, no definite information has been found. But a

description of retail shops which existed during the Roman

Empire suggests that the hours were long. Retail shops

during that time were small. The shopkeeper usually lived

in a room or rooms in back of or above his little shop in

which merchandise was displayed on counters facing the

street J Judging from the fact that the shopkeeper lived

in the same building in which he sold his goods, it would

seem logical to suppose that store hours were long and

probably somewhat variable.

From the information available it is not known if

hours of business were regulated in any way by the govern­ ment in these early times. History does reveal, however,

that the Greeks looked down upon trade as beneath the par­

ticipation of a gentleman and placed many restrictions, in­

cluding high taxes, upon those who engaged in it. There­

fore some type of regulation of hours of business would be

at least a possibility.

^Mayfield, op. cit., p. 5.

^Nystrom, op. cit., p. 50. Middle Ages

From the fall of the Roman Empire to about the

tenth century most of the trade in Western Europe was car­ ried on by itinerant peddlers who carried packs on their backs and traveled from castle to castle to sell their lim­

ited goods.® Under these circumstances, it is not meaning­ ful to speak of hours of business. They would simply be whenever the peddler happened to arrive.

But as medieval life became more settled and small towns began to appear, established markets and fairs (with their periodic openings) came into being as they had ex­ isted during the Roman Era. Certain days of the month— the second Wednesday, the third Thursday, etc.--were speci­ fied as market days and buyers and sellers met on these days to transact their business.

A description of these periodic markets in England indicates that "several hundred" such markets were estab­ lished by William the Conqueror and the Norman kings who followed him. The grant to establish the market was usu­ ally made to the lord of the manor and specified the par­ ticular day of the week on which the market would be held.

This day could not be changed without royal permission.^

®Ibid., p. 54.

^George Burton Hotchkiss, Milestones of Marketing (New York: Macmillan Company, 1938), p. lb. 31 It is interesting to note that for these markets

definite opening and closing times were established for at

least the out-of-town merchants and perhaps for local mer­ chants as well. This is indicated in a description of the

great market day of Paris, Out-of-town merchants were al­

lowed to compete with local merchants, only nit was pro­ vided that all these merchants must not sell until the clock gave the signal for the opening of the market, and when the clock sounded the hour of closure all sales had to cease and the foreign merchants retire.*'!® On the great market day of Paris, those who had stores in the city were obliged to close them and sell in the market.

There were two main differences between markets and fairs relative to hours of business. First, the intervals between fairs were much longer, ranging from three to twelve months, whereas markets were held weekly or bi­ weekly. Second, the duration of fairs was much longer, sometimes lasting as long as six weeks, whereas markets lasted only a day.

In Champagne, a series of fairs following each other in rotation provided an almost continuous market for

1® Thompson, op. cit., p. 587. 32

the people in that area. These were six in number and each

lasted over six weeks. ^

The daily opening and closing times at the fairs

were clearly designated. "The ringing of the bell each

morning was the signal for the opening of the booths, and

when it rang at nightfall they were closed. There was no

selling except between these hours.''^^

One other aspect of the time element of fairs

should be mentioned. The fairs were organized into defi­ nite time periods with certain activities specifically des­

ignated for each period. The first few days were allowed

for the merchants to arrive and get ready for business.

Then another period was designated for the sale of one class of goods. Then another class of goods was sold dur­

ing the next period, etc. Finally a few days were allowed

for various "clean-up'1 activities such as having the seal

of the fair placed on all contracts to insure their va­

lidity .

In addition to the fairs and markets, some retail shops became established, especially toward the end of the medieval period. There were at least forty-eight different

live Day, A History of Commerce (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1923), p. b l .

l^Thorapson, op. cit., p. 593. 33

classes of retail shops in London by 1376.^3 These shops

were essentially the same type as those established in

Roman times. They were little booths or stalls set up on

the ground floor of the shopkeepers' residences. In these

English shops as in the Roman shops store hours were prob­

ably long and somewhat variable.

Apparently the shopkeeper of the Middle Ages did

not spend all of his time in his shop. In addition to manufacturing many of the goods he sold, he frequently went

on trips to the markets of other towns where he set up a

booth and sold merchandise.^

Sunday openings were not uncommon during this pe­ riod. "The church yard was frequently a market place and

Sunday afternoon a common market d a y . Religious meet­

ings provided the attraction which brought the people to­

gether. This was a convenient time for buying and selling,

and Sunday became an important market day in many communi­

ties .

Nineteenth Century England

During the period immediately following the Middle

Ages, from about 1500 to 1800, there occurred a transition

^•%ystrom, op. cit., p. 60.

l^Day, op. cit., p. 113.

l^Thompson, op. cit., p. 585. 34

from the civilization of Medieval Europe to m o d e m civili­

zation. In retailing more and more business gradually

shifted from the periodic markets and fairs to small retail

shops open daily to serve the needs of the community. Thus

the old market day and fair gradually gave way to a steady

flow of goods through regular retail shops.

This change in retailing was a logical result of

the changes in social and economic conditions. The growth

of craft guilds, which began during the Middle Ages, re­

sulted in a ", . . slow transfer of a considerable volume

of business from the regular town markets to the shops of individuals.111^ By the beginning of the nineteenth cen­ tury, the effects of the industrial revolution were being felt. Large cities began to develop, and people became more dependent upon retail stores.

These conditions so favored the growth of retail stores that by the middle of the nineteenth century, Eng­ land had 175 different kinds of shops in which goods were sold to customers. 17 Yet store hours were still very dif­ ferent from those of today. A reasonably good picture of the hours of business observed at that time can be gained from the following quotation:

l%otchkiss, op. cit., p. 46.

l^Nystrom, op. cit., p. 67. 35

Hours were long in the small shops. Retail stores were usually kept open from early morning until late at night. In the first department stores of England the average hours of labor were over 70 per week. A retail cooperative organiza­ tion of Army and Navy Stores was the first in London to be closed regularly at 6:00 P.M.l®

AMERICA TO 1950

Early America

There is little to be said concerning hours of

business in retailing during this early American period.

The self-sufficiency of the family unit was almost complete

and continued to be the dominant feature of economic life

up to 1800 and even beyond in some districts .19 a very

large proportion of the people were farmers, and nearly

everything consumed by the family was produced at home.

The retail institutions which existed during these

early times were the trading post, the Yankee peddler,

and the general store. With respect to the first two, an

inquiry as to their hours of business would have little meaning. About all that can be said is that both would

transact business whenever an opportunity presented itself.

The hours maintained by the general store during this pe­

riod were probably about the same as those of the general

store of the 1800's, which were from about 6 A.M. until 9

l^Ibid., p. 69. pp. cit., p. 479. 36

or 10 P.M. Frequently the general store also served as the post office, a social gathering place, a tavern, and a

lodging house as well. These varied functions undoubtedly contributed to long hours.

Examples of Store Hours in the 18001s

By the middle of the nineteenth century large-scale retailing began to emerge. Many of the large, successful retail establishments of today originated during the last half of the nineteenth century. Store hours were still very long, however, compared with those of today. A few specific examples of individual companies in various sec­ tions of the United States during the 1800's illustrate the long hours observed.

Store hours practiced by Carson Pirie Scott and

Company of Chicago can be seen by examining the following excerpts from a set of store rules posted for employees about 1860:

The store must be open from 6:00 A.M. to 9:00 P.M. the year 'round. The store must not be opened on the Sabbath unless necessary, and then only for a few min­ utes . Men employees are given one evening a week for courting, and two if they go to prayer meet­ ing. After 14 hours in the store, leisure hours should be spent for the most part in reading.20

2°Mayfield, op. cit., p. 176. 37

A similar set of instructions was given by P. W.

Madsen to the employees of the P. W. Madsen Furniture Com­ pany located in Salt Lake City, Utah. The date was about

1870. In this case, store hours were from 7 A.M. to 8 P.M. except Saturday when they were from 7 A.M. to 9 P.M. This schedule was also in effect during the entire year, and the store remained closed each Sunday. 21

Another example comes from Portsmouth, Maine, some­ time in the 1880's. In referring to a store in which he worked, R. E. Gould says, "Rules demanded our morning pres­ ence at 6:30 A.M. and we were through at 9:00 P.M. Satur­ day the rules kept us there until eleven, and we had one night a week off."22

Jay Gould was employed in a country store in which he worked from 6 A.M. until 10 P.M. The date was about

1850.23 During the 1870's Macy's, a famous New York City department store, was open from 8 A.M. to 6 P.M. with em­ ployees working from 7:45 A.M. until after 7 P.M. ^ Of all

23-,!The Human Side," Sales Management, Vol. 68 (Feb- ruary 15, 1952), p . 8.

22r . e . Gould, Yankee Storekeeper (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1946), p. 34.

23eustavus Myers, History of Great American For­ tunes (New York: Random House, Inc., 1937), p. 393.

24yenzil K. Dolva and Donald K. Beckley, The Retailer (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950), p. 127. 38

the store hours for this period which have been examined,

Macy's were the shortest.

NRA Codes and the Depression Period of the 1930 *s

By 1930 large-scale retailing had gained consider­

able maturity. The majority of the population of the

United States lived in urban areas. Both department and

chain stores had experienced periods of very rapid growth,

and the two large mail-order firms had established chains

of retail stores.

By this time store hours had been shortened consid­

erably from what they had been in the last half of the

nineteenth century. The downtown shopping centers of most

cities maintained store hours from 9:30 A.M. to 5:30 P.M. 25

Rich's, a large department store in Atlanta, had adopted

store hours of 9:00 A.M. to 5:00 P.M. in 1928,26 and the

standard work week at Sears, Roebuck and Company in 1929 was forty-eight h o u r s . 27 i h e reduction in hours of work to

the eight-hour day which had been achieved during and a

25oero A. Saunders, "Shopping After Dark," Fortune, Vol. 46 (November, 1952), p. 121.

26Henry Givens Baker, Rich's of Atlanta (Atlanta, Georgia: School of Business Administration, University of Georgia, 1953), p. 188.

27soris Emmet and John E. Jeuck, Catalogues and Counters (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1 9 5 0 ) , p 7 3 5 S ~ 39

few years after World War I began to affect retailing dur­

ing the 1920's.

Then in June, 1933, in an effort to widen re­

employment, stimulate purchasing power, and aid recovery,

the National Industrial Recovery Act was passed. With the

passage of this act and the subsequent adoption of indus­

trial codes including hours and wage provisions, the retail

work week was shortened still more. A forty-hour provision

was included in most codes. Some specific facts about the

codes for retail stores relative to length of work week

were reported as follows;

A 40-hour week, expanded to 48 for inventories, pre-holidays or other peaks if the 48-hour serv­ ice is not demanded more than 3 weeks out of each 6 months. A 48-hour week or longer for pro­ fessional, maintenance, delivery and outside salesmen, employees or executives making more than $35 a week, if these are paid time and a third for all over 48 h o u r s .28

The codes adopted under NRA were very complex and

extensive. An examination of the hours provisions for re­

tail distributing trades reveals that there were five major

types of provisions: (1) general provisions, which gave

among other things the maxi*mum weekly hours without over­

time and the days allowed per week; (2) overtime provisions, which gave the base on which the overtime rate was to be

^Atlanta Journal, August 1, 1933, as cited by Baker, op. cit., p. 198. applied, the overtime rate, and the maximum number of hours

which could be worked per week or per day; (3) excepted pe­

riods clauses which gave tolerances allowed in connection

with certain peak periods, the overtime rates to be fol­

lowed, and the maximum number of hours that could be worked

during such peak periods; (4) excepted occupations provi­

sions, which specified such occupations and gave informa­

tion as to overtime rates paid in connection with them; and

(5) special clauses, such as those which forbade night work

by women or gave information as to overtime on holidays.^9

The number of retail employees who came under NRA

codes during the nearly two-year period of their existence

was quite large. According to one source, as of August 8,

1934, there were 5,092,000 retail employees working under

such codes.30 None of the other twenty-one industries

under the codes had even half this number.

Apparently the codes, for the most part, were not

only complex but impracticable. Evidence indicates that

many retailers sincerely tried to live up to the codes but

found them unworkable. One statement made in a publication

of the NRDGA summarized the experiment as follows:

^ L e o n C. Marshall, Hours and Wage Provisions in N.R.A. Codes (Washington, D. C .: The Brookings Institu­ tion, 1935), pp. 11-18, 68-69.

3®Ibid., p. 3. 41

To attempt with one stroke to put all retail es­ tablishments on one dead level; to say so many hours you may work your people, so many hours you must keep your store open, so much you must pay employees, such prices must be your minimum etc., etc., may someday be proven to be the best type of wisdom, but you cannot graft that sort of sys­ tem upon the laissez faire foundation of the re­ tail trade.31

Even after the Supreme Court had put an end to NRA

in the Schecter case in May, 1935, Sears, Roebuck and Com­

pany integrated some elements of the retail code into its

own personnel p r o g r a m32 . At least in this one instance the

effects of NRA continued to be felt.

A few years later with the passage of the Fair

Labor Standards Act in 1938, the forty-hour week became

general in those industries covered by the law. Of course, retail trade was exempt from this act; but since retailing must compete with other industries in procuring personnel,

it was affected to some extent. But the forty-hour work week was still in the future for retailing.

World War II Period

The major development in store hours during the

World War II period was a big increase in night openings.

The major stores in 63 per cent of the cities stayed open

3^-Twenty-Five Years of Retailing, 1911-1936 (New York: The Bulletin, National- Retail Dry Goods Association, 1936), p. 272.

32gmmet and Jeuck, op. cit., p. 569. 42

at least one night per week during the war. Before the war

the figure was 47 per c e n t . 33

This increase in night openings came about as re­ tailers sought to meet the needs of defense workers. An­ other contributing factor was that the labor force had expanded greatly, bringing many women into its ranks. Thus the need for nighttime shopping facilities became apparent.

As evidence of the need, the War Manpower Commission re­ ported that one of the reasons for absenteeism in war plants was "... difficulties involved in lack of shopping facilities."3^ The Commission suggested that communities should readjust and expand hours in order to meet the needs of war workers. Extended hours might have gone even fur­ ther had there not been a shortage of merchandise.

Two other developments should also be mentioned.

First, limited progress was made in the department store field toward the forty-hour week. New York adopted it in

1941 and 1942, but this was the only major city where it became general during this p e r i o d .35 Second, the Office of

33gurvey released by the Rochester, New York, Times Union covering 232 cities as cited in "How Long Is a Re­ tailer's Day?" Business Week, March 5, 1949, p. 74.

3^Marsh K. Powers, "Retailing and the Night Shift," Advertising and Selling, Vol. 36 (March, 1943), p. 56.

35"Retailers Ponder 5-Day Week," Business Week, January 19, 1946, p. 77. 43

Defense Transportation was responsible for some changes in

opening and closing times in certain areas. This Office

had requested the changes in order to spread out the local

passenger traffic traveling on busses and in cars.

Postwar Period

Store hours received a great deal of attention as a

separate and important problem during the post-World War II

period. Store hours observed during the war were adopted

largely as a temporary measure, but after the war differ­

ences of opinion existed as to what hours stores should re­ main open. Certain developments, such as the continuation

of women entering and remaining in the labor force and the movement of population to the suburbs, indicated that a re­ turn to pre-war hours was not in order. Yet the direction

store hours should take was not clearly marked. Therefore, a number of important studies were made during this period by various interested groups.

Night openings were reduced considerably soon after the war and then began increasing again about 1949. This trend is shown in three separate nation-wide surveys of leading department and specialty stores conducted by the

NRDGA. The first, conducted in 1945 and covering 177 cities, revealed that 67 per cent of these cities observed night openings. This figure fell to 60 per cent in the

1948 survey of 190 cities and rose to 69 per cent in the 44

1949 survey of 154 cities.36 The decrease between 1945 and

1948 is accounted for by the dropping of night openings which had been adopted as a temporary measure during the war. Most of the stores which had adopted night openings during the war had discontinued them within four or five months after the close of hostilities. By 1949, however, night openings were slightly more prevalent than they had been at the war's end.

In connection with night openings, it became a rather common practice to remain closed until noon on the day of the night opening. This was particularly true if the late night fell on some day other than Friday or Satur­ day. There were also some late morning openings not con­ nected with night openings .

During the postwar period, the great majority of stores remained open six days per week. The 1949 survey of

154 cities cited above places the figure at 90 per cent.

But a few stores did shift to the five-day week and a few to the five and one-half day week. The first city to adopt the five-day store week as a year-around practice was

■^George plant, Current Trends in Store and Em­ ployee Hours (New York: Store Management Croup, National Retail Dry Goods Association, 1950), pages not numbered. 45

Hartford, Connecticut, in February, 1946.37 Here forty-

three stores, including leading department and specialty

stores, began closing all day Monday. Gradually the prac­

tice spread to stores in other cities, mainly in the East.

Appraisals of the success of the five-day week

varied, but there is some indication that it worked well in

some cities. For example, one author has compared the

sales volume of stores in Providence, Rhode Island, where

the five-day week was adopted in April, 1946, with the

sales volume of New England stores in general. This com­

parison was made for April, the two preceding months, and

the two following months. The same type of comparison was

made for Springfield, Massachusetts, where the five-day

week was adopted in September, 1946. The conclusion drawn

by the author as a result of these comparisons was that

M . . . the data give no evidence whatever of a pronounced

or continuous drop in sales with the shorter work week and

indicate that sales may be little affected by shortening

the work week."38 jt must be remembered, though, that this

situation could be accounted for by economic conditions

peculiar to these two cities. Another indication of the

37pavid J. Luck, Store Hours for Shopping Goods Retailers (Urbane, Illinois: Bureau o r E c o nomica nd Busi­ ness Research, University of Illinois, 1947), p. 12.

38Ibid., p. 13. 46

success of the five-day week in some cities is found in the

favorable comments made by store executives after some ex­

perience with it.39

Total store hours per week varied considerably from

store to store. In 1949 store hours of leading department

and specialty stores throughout the nation ranged from 40

hours per week to 58 3/4 hours per week.^0 In Illinois as

of 1947, the range in all stores was from 46 hours to 68

hours .43-

During this period, the 40-hour work week made con­

siderable progress. There were even a few cases in which the work week was below 40 hours. According to one report,

slightly over half of the employees in department and spe­ cialty stores in 1949 were on a 40-hour week or less, and

over nine-tenths worked less than 45 hour s. 42 gy 1948 all

of Sears, Roebuck and Company's class "A" stores had a 40- hour employee work week. Since store open hours were gen­ erally longer than the employee work week, careful sched­ uling and use of part-time help became necessary.

39por the comments of one store executive, see Kearns Company Case (Boston: Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration, 1954), pp. 9-10.

^Plant, op. cit., pages not numbered.

^Luck, op. cit., p. 10.

^Plant, pp. cit., pages not numbered. 47

The above discussion brings into focus only the

main conditions and trends that are discernible in the maze

of varied store practices that existed during the various

periods. At any one time the store-hours situation varies

so much by city, by type of store, by location within the

city, etc., that a detailed analysis seems of questionable

value.

THE GENERAL MOVEMENT FOR SHORTER HOURS

IN OUR ECONOMY

The movement for a shorter work week in retailing may be evaluated against a background of a trend toward

shorter hours in our society. Retailing's hours of busi­ ness obviously are affected to some extent by this trend.

It is not proposed in this study to trace the de­ velopments from the old practice of "sun-up to sun-down"

to the present forty-hour week and eight-hour d a y . 43

Rather, the objective here is merely to draw attention to the trend and point out how hours of business in retailing are affected by it. It can be seen from the data in

Table 1 that there has been a gradual decrease in weekly

43f*or a good historical treatment of the movement see William Goldner, Hours of Work (Berkeley, California: Institute of Industrial Relations, University of California, 1952), pp. 1-20. working hours since 1850 and a further decrease is expected by 1960.

TABLE 1

ESTIMATED AVERAGE WEEKLY WORKING HOURS, UNITED STATES, 1850-1960

Year Standard or Customary Hours Worked,* Weighted Hours Average, Total Economy

1850 70.9 70.6 1860 69.5 68.7 1870 67.2 66.3 1880 66.3 65.4 1890 63.7 63.2 1900 61.7 60.9 1910 58.6 57.5 1920 53.7 51.9 1930 51.3 47.2 1940 45.4 43.0 1950 42.5 40.8 1960 39.7 37.7

Hours worked obtained by reducing standard or cus­ tomary hours by estimated time lost from vacations and other reasons.

Weighted average of agriculture and nonagriculture, weighted in accordance with percentage of gainfully em­ ployed in agriculture and nonagriculture.

Source: Frederick J. Dewhurst and Associates, America’s Needs and Resources (New York: The Twentieth CenHiFyTuHH7T9S7T, p. 695.

Store hours are affected by the movement to shorter hours in two main ways. First, as hours are reduced in other segments of the economy, competition in securing workers puts pressure c n retailing to reduce its hours of work also. There is usually a considerable time lag 49 between the reduction in manufacturing and the reduction in retailing, but the effect is present, nevertheless.

Second, as shorter hours come to other segments of the economy, this fact gives consumers more leisure time and causes shifts in their usual hours of shopping. For ex­ ample, the five-day week in industry has lessened the im­ portance of Saturday as a peak shopping day in many areas.

With more time on week ends, many people prefer to shop at other times, leaving Saturday free for other things. CHAPTER III

PRESENT STATUS OF STORE HOURS IN THE UNITED STATES

In the previous chapter hours of business in re­ tailing to 1950 were examined. This date was arbitrarily

selected as the dividing line between history and present

status. In this chapter attention is devoted to the pres­ ent status of each phase of the store-hours picture, and also to some important social and economic trends associ­ ated therewith.

Total Store Hours per Week

Total weekly store hours vary from store to store and from community to community. It is therefore desirable to talk in terms of the range of such hours. The latest national survey made by the NRDGA which covers store open hours was conducted in June, 1952. According to this sur­ vey, in which information was collected concerning depart­ ment and specialty stores in 258 cities, weekly store open hours ranged from a low of 41 2/3 to a high of 59 with a median of 49 . ^ There were undoubtedly some cases in which

^George Plant, Store Hours and Employee Schedules (New York: Store Management Group, National Retail Dry Goods Association, 1952), pp. 11-12.

50 51

weekly hours did not fall within this range, but it does

represent the prevailing practice at that time.

Judging from the information available since the

1952 survey, there has been little change since then. No

similar survey has been found, but information concerning

store open hours in various cities has been gleaned from reports received from a number of retail merchants' associ­ ations. In practically every case, the store open hours rewaled by this information fell within the range given in the 1952 survey. For example, in Pennsylvania as of March,

1955, Pittsburgh and Philadelphia stores were open 49 hours, Harrisburg stores 55 hours, Altoona stores 45 1/2 hours, and Palmyra stores 58 1/2 hours. ^ Palmyra is in the under 10,000 population class in which there seems to be a tendency toward longer hours . In New York, as of 1955, stores in Saratoga Springs were open 51 1/2 hours, in Utica

46 1/2 hours, in Palmyra 59 1/2 hours; and in Brooklyn as of 1954, stores were open 52 3/4 hours,3 in Illinois as of

^Store Hours in Major Pennsylvania Cities (Lancas­ ter , Pennsylvania"""Pennsylvania Retailers1 Association, 1955).

^Survey of Store Hours (Albany, New York: New York State Council oiTTtetail Merchants Inc., 1955) . 52

March, 1954, Bloomington stores remained open 49 hours,

Evanston stores 52 hours, and Peoria stores 46 hours.^

Thus, even though complete information is not

available, it is rather apparent that the prevailing store open hours in downtown establishments range from about 42

to 60 with the great majority falling somewhere between 46 and 54. Stores adopting the five-day store week tend to be at the bottom of the range, and suburban branches with their multiple night openings tend to be at the top.

Days Open— The Five-Day Week

The great majority of stores are open for business six days per week, although some have adopted a five and one-half day week-* and a few have adopted a five-day week. ^

This schedule does not refer to seasonal periods such as summer and Christmas, but to regular hours. The trend seems to be toward a decrease in six-day openings, although the longer week will probably continue to be the prevailing practice in most cities for some time. Apparently most of

^Results of Survey on Store Hours (Chicago: Illi­ nois Federation o¥~Retail Associations, 1954).

5In this discussion, the five and one-half day week means an afternoon closing and does not include those cases in which stores open at noon on the day of their late night opening.

^A supermarket on the West coast has even experi­ mented with a four-day week--Thursday, Friday, Saturday, and Sunday. 53

the increase is coming in the five and one-half day week.

The five-day week continues as the prevailing practice in a

few cities and the practice of individual stores and groups

of stores in other cities. Of course, some types of stores

stay open Sunday, thereby adopting a seven-day week.

That such is the general picture is indicated by

data from surveys conducted by the NRDGA. In 1952 stores

in 80 per cent of the 258 cities surveyed were open six

days per week, those in 17 per cent of the cities were open

five and one-half days, and those in 3 per cent of the cit­

ies were open five days. The corresponding figures for

1949 were 90 per cent open six days, 5 per cent open five

and one-half days, and 5 per cent open five days.^ Thus

the decrease in the six-day week and the increase in the

five and one-half day week during that period are apparent:.

According to the 1952 survey, all of the cities on the

five-day week were located in four states— Massachusetts,

Rhode Island, New York, and Connecticut. The increase in the five and one-half day week came chiefly in cities under

50,000 in population.

More recent information is available for cities in

several states where retail merchants' associations have made surveys. For example, an examination of store closing

7Plant, op. cit., p. 10. hours in 1955 in cities in New York reveals that of the 203

cities reporting about 6 per cent close one full week-day

as a year-around practice, and about 25 per cent close one-

half day, usually on Wednesday, on a year-around schedule,®

Therefore, about 69 per cent of the cities are on a six-day

store week, Thus in New York state, the trend away from

the six-day week to the five and one-half day week is

shown. In addition, many other cities in New York close

one day or one-half day during certain months of the sum­ mer. This information does not cover all stores but repre­

sents the prevailing practice in downtown areas of each community.

TABLE 2

LENGTH OF STORE WEEK IN DAYS, PENNSYLVANIA CITIES, CLASSIFIED BY SIZE OF CXEY, MARCH, 1955

Size of City No. of Cities Percentage of Percentage of (Population) Reporting Cities on a Cities on a 5-Day Week 5^-Day Week

Over 25,000 28 3.6 3.6 10,000 to 25,000 53 0.0 28.0 Dnder 10,000 60 1.7 50.0

*Refers to year-around practice.

Source: Store Hours in Major Pennsylvania Cities (Lancaster, Pennsylvania! Tennsylvania Retailers ' Associ­ ation, 1955).

^Survey of Store Hours, op. cit., pp. 1-6. 55

In Pennsylvania as of March, 1955, the five-day week was very unusual, with the five and one-half day week very common in cities under 25,000 population (see Table 2).

This information supports the finding in the 1952 national

survey that the five and one-half day week is more common among smaller cities.

In Indiana as of May, 1955, only one of the 135 cities reporting was on a five-day week. That city was

Indianapolis, and not all of the major stores there fol­ lowed such a schedule. About 63 per cent of the cities ob­ served a five and one-half day week. 9 Indiana is one state in which the six-day opening is less common than the five and one-half day opening.

These schedules are not static. Alert retailers are continually studying, experimenting, and appraising the experiences of others with the five-day week and the five and one-half day week, trying to determine the "right" schedule for their particular situation.

Sunday Openings

It is the common practice for most stores, par­ ticularly those handling shopping goods, to close on Sun­ day. Department and specialty stores, which make up such

^Daylight Saving Time and Store Closing Hours in Indiana Com^hrtTes Tlhaianapolis, Indiana: Indiana State Chamber of Commerce, 1955). 56 an important part of the downtown shopping district, tradi­ tionally close on this day. Even so, a considerable amount of retailing is done on Sunday. Drug stores, many handling groceries, household items, small hardware, etc., remain open Sundays as a regular practice. One can always find eating and drinking establishments and service stations open for business. In addition, grocery stores, bakeries, and ice cream establishments practice Sunday openings to a considerable degree. Obviously, Sunday openings are ob­ served primarily in the convenience goods field.

There has been a definite upward trend in Sunday openings among supermarkets since 1950 (see Table 3). Such openings have been practiced much more commonly in the

Mountain-Pacific region than in any other. Some informa­ tion for 1955 is available from a survey of new super­ markets opened during that year. This source indicates that 19 per cent of such supermarkets were open Sunday evening.10

Additional information on this topic was obtained in a survey of food stores conducted by the Brigham Young

University Marketing Department during the Christmas holi­ days, 1954. While home for the holidays, students gathered data from 131 food stores (82 chain and 49 independent) in

10"1955 Reached New Peaks," Supermarket Merchandis­ ing, Vol. 21 (January, 1956), Table 5, p. 34. 57 29 large cities located in 25 different states. Of the

131 stores surveyed, about 34 per cent remained open on

TABLE 3

EXTENT OF SUNDAY OPENINGS AMONG SUPERMARKETS,* UNITED STATES, 1950-1954

Percentage of Supermarkets Open Sundays Year Mountain-Pacific Region All Regions

1950 55 5 1951 60 9 1952 n.a. 10 1953 n.a. 10 1954 78 16

Information gathered from Super Market Institute member stores only, but such stores are considered fairly representative of the entire supermarket industry.

n 'a*Not available.

Source: The Super Market Industry Speaks (2nd, 3rd, 4th, 6th Annual Reportsj Chicago: Super Market Insti­ tute, 1950-1954).

Sunday. A breakdown between independents and chains re­ vealed that about 30 per cent of the chains and about 39 per cent of the independents were open Sundays. A tabula­ tion of Sunday openings by size of store indicated that such openings were observed by stores of all sizes— size of store being determined by number of employees. Sunday

^All tabulations were made directly from the ques­ tionnaires by the author. 58

openings were much more common on the West Coast, particu­

larly in Los Angeles, California, and Portland, Oregon,

than in the East.

As for Sunday openings among downtown shopping goods retailers, a recent NRDGA study shows that such open­

ings are far from nonexistent. According to this study, conducted in May, 1955, among 250 NRDGA member stores, about 39 per cent have competitors in the form of appliance and home furnishings dealers who remain open on Sunday.

About 37 per cent believe the practice of Sunday openings is growing.12

One way in which some department and specialty stores do business on Sunday is through their telephone order board. The NRDGA study stated that about 5 per cent of their member stores do this.13

There is considerable opposition to the practice of

Sunday openings. Such opposition is felt particularly when retail establishments other than drug stores, cafes, and service stations remain open on Sunday. Those who oppose

Sunday openings include not only religious leaders but fre­ quently labor unions, groups of retailers, and the general

12Beatrice Judelle, "Record in the Making,” Stores, Vol. 37 (July, 1955), Table 6, p. 10.

13Ibid., p. 11. 59 public. Sometimes this opposition is carried to the extent of Sunday closing laws.

A recent example of such opposition is the adver­ tising campaign protesting Sunday openings in San Antonio,

Texas. Church leaders criticized businesses practicing

Sunday openings and urged their followers to refrain from buying on that day. Independent supermarkets, ice houses, used-car dealers, and service stations were among those who remained open on Sunday.

"How Would You Like to Work on Sunday?" was the headline in one of the advertisements. Part of the text is quoted below:

Some of the grocers who stay open on Sunday say their employees "volunteer" for Sunday work. Would you volunteer if you were in their place? Sunday is traditionally the day for going to Church, being with the family, and visiting friends. We therefore urge you to stop at your favorite grocery store during convenient week­ day hours. Your grocer will be physically, men­ tally and spiritually better able to serve you after his traditional day of rest, Sunday.^

Undoubtedly, because of this and other forms of op­ position, Sunday openings are less common than they would be otherwise. Nevertheless, such openings are likely to continue. A certain amount of retailing has been conducted

1 4 " A d Campaign Protests Sunday Openings," Super­ market Merchandising, Vol. 21 (January, 1956), p. 63. 60

on Sunday for centuries. There seems to be little likeli­

hood of its discontinuance in this age.

Night Openings

One night opening per week is the prevailing prac­

tice among department and specialty stores throughout the

United States, and two or more night openings per week are

practiced by some. According to the latest NRDGA survey

taken at Easter time, 1956, in which information was re­

ceived from 310 member stores of all sizes, 82 per cent are

open at least one night per week and 16 per cent are open

two or more nights per week. 15 These figures are only

slightly larger than those found by a similar NRDGA survey

taken in November, 1952. The figures then were 78 per cent

open at least one night and 15 per cent open two or m o r e .16

Apparently most department and specialty store re­

tailers are not changing their night opening schedules

drastically from year to year. According to the 1956 NRDGA

survey, 94 per cent of the reporting stores were on the

same schedule as they were the previous y e a r .17 Approxi­ mately the same statement has been made in connection with

15J. Gordon Dakins, "The Self-Critical Retailer," Stores, Vol. 38 (May, 1956), p. 14.

l^Beatrice Judelle, "Retail Plans for 1953,,! Stores, Vol. 35 (January, 1953), p. 8.

l^Dakins, op. cit., p. 14. 61

other NRDGA surveys conducted since 1952. Each year it was

reported that over 90 per cent of the reporting stores had

experienced no change in night openings over the previous

year.

That multiple night openings are considerably more

important among suburban stores than among downtown stores

is clearly shown by an NRDGA survey of 250 member stores

conducted in May, 1955. This survey indicates that whereas

only 1 per cent of the downtown stores were open more than

two nights per week, 30 per cent of the suburban stores were open this many nights. Further evidence is given in

Table 4. This information was gathered from all sections of the country. Apparently, many main stores with one night opening per week have branches with two or more such

openings per week. Main stores practicing two night open­

ings per week have branches with three or more. ^

The analysis so far has been in terms of the per­ centage of stores practicing night openings. Information is also available from a 1952 survey on the percentage of cities practicing night openings. According to a sample of

258 cities, 83 per cent observed such openings.This is

l^Judelle, o p . cit., p. 10.

^ T h e reasons for the great importance of night openings in suburban areas are presented in the last sec­ tion of this chapter.

20plant, op . cit., p. 4. 62

fairly close to the percentage of stores practicing night

openings in that year; namely, 78.

TABLE 4

NIGHT OPENINGS AMONG MAIN STORES AND THEIR RESPECTIVE BRANCHES, UNITED STATES, 1955

No. of Night Openings Main Store Branch Units 1 28 8 2 21 13 3 0 21 4 0 1 5 0 1 6 0 1 none 4 3 Total 53 53

Source: ’’Branch Store Hours," Store Managers' News Bulletin (New York: National Retail hry Goods Asso­ ciation, Third Quarter, 1955), p. 26.

The proportion of all goods sold which are pur­ chased at night is another indication of the importance of night openings. A consumer s u r v e y conducted in 1954 in

Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, by the author indicates that approximately 15 per cent of Salt Lake City households and 10 per cent of Provo households do over half of their nongrocery shopping at night. About 25 per cent of Salt

Lake City households and 29 per cent of Provo households do over half of their grocery shopping at night.

2*The results of this survey are presented in Chap­ ters V and VI of this report. 63

Grocery stores, of course, practice night openings to a greater extent than do other types of stores. In

Table 5 data are presented which indicate the extent of

TABLE 5

NIGHT OPENINGS AMONG SUPERMARKETS* BY REGION, UNITED STATES, 1954

Percentage of Supermarkets Open Region Every 2-5 Nights 1 Night 1 or More Nights Night per Week per Week per Week

New England 11 54 34 99 Middle At­ lantic 23 52 23 98 East North Central 36 32 27 95 Southeast 52 24 23 99 West North Central 50 32 12 94 West South Central 66 24 6 96 Mountain and Pacific 92 3 2 97 All Regions 46 32 19 97

Information gathered from Super Market Institute member stores only, but such stores are considered fairly representative of the entire supermarket industry.

**0£ every business day.

Source: The Super Market Industry Speaks (6th An­ nual Report; Chicago: Super Market Institute, 1950-1954), p. 17. such openings in supermarkets. The importance of the Moun­ tain and Pacific regions in observing evening openings is apparent. There has been a significant increase in night openings since 1950. At that time only 75 per cent of 64

supermarkets remained open at least one night per w e e k . 2 2

By 1954 the percentage had increased to 97 (see Table 5).

Another source indicates that over 60 per cent of all new

supermarkets constructed in 1955 stay open every night of

the week except Sunday, and nearly 20 per cent stay open

then.23

Among department and specialty stores there has been some question as to which night or nights are best for night openings. This question must be decided locally in each case, but a few generalizations with respect to pres­ ent practice can be made. As of 1952, in cities of all sizes, Friday night openings were more popular than any other, followed closely by Monday night. Thursday was third, although considerably less popular than M o n d a y . 2 4

If stores are used as the base rather than cities, the situation appears different. By far the largest number of department and specialty stores remained open on Monday, followed by Thursday and then F r i d a y25 . The reason for the greater importance of Monday when stores are used as the base is that Monday tends to be the popular night in large,

22xhe Super Market Industry Speaks (2nd Annual Re­ port; Chicago: Super Market Institute, 1950), p. 24.

23«*i955 Reached New Peaks,” Supermarket Merchandis­ ing, Vol. 21 (January, 1956), Table 5, p. 34.

24j>lant, op . cit., Table V, p. 7. 25 ^ ^ ; 26. 65

multiple-store cities. When cities are used as the base, a

small city with one or two stores, where Friday tends to be

the popular night, carries as much weight as does a large

city with many stores.

More recent information shows that as of 1955, the

most popular night for single night openings among depart­

ment and specialty stores was still Monday, followed by

Thursday and then F r i d a y26 . g y far the most popular sched­ ule for two night openings per week was Monday and Thurs­

day. The most common schedule for three nights per week,

practiced almost exclusively by branch units, was Monday,

Thursday, and Friday.

Even though night openings have become customary,

they have not become as important as was forecast a few

years ago. In 1952, Robert A. Whitney, President of the

National Sales Executives, Inc., predicted that by 1957 there would be no morning shopping— that stores would open at noon and close at nine as a regular practice.27 There are a few examples where this has happened, but morning hours are still maintained by the vast majority of stores.

26MBranch Store Hours," Store Managers1 News Bulle­ tin (New York: National Retail Dry Goods Association, Third Quarter, 1955), p. 29.

27”The Family Shopper,” Newsweek, Vol. 40 (Octo­ ber 13, 1952), p. 76. 66

Daytime Schedules (Including Horning and Afternoon Closings)

Most downtown stores throughout the country regu­ larly open sometime between 9:00 and 9:30. Some, particu­ larly in small cities, open at 8:00 or 8:30; and some, particularly in large cities, open at 10:00. A very few open at 12:00 except on the day of the night opening. As for regular closing times in downtown areas, most stores close sometime between 5:00 and 5:30. A few close at 5:45 or 6:00, and a very few close as late as 8:00 or 9:00 ex­ cept on night openings. These schedules, of course, do not apply to drug and grocery stores, for which night openings are very common.

Regular opening and closing times in planned shop­ ping centers are frequently quite different from those in downtown locations. It is not uncommon for stores in these centers to open at 12:00 or 12:30 and close at 9:00 or

9:30. In a number of planned shopping centers in Columbus,

Ohio, for example, stores remain open until 9:00 six nights per week. Shopping goods stores in these centers open at noon except on Saturday, when they open earlier. In Sep­ tember, 1955, a new branch of Gimbel Brothers located in the Cross Country Shopping Center in Yonkers, New York, es­ tablished hours from 12:00 to 9:00 on Monday, Thursday, and

Friday, and from 10:00 to 6:00 on Tuesday, Wednesday, and 67

S a t u r d a y28 . i n August, 1955, a new branch of Stix, Baer &

Fuller located in a suburban shopping center in St. Louis,

Missouri, set store hours at 9:30 to 9:30 on Monday, Thurs­

day, and Friday, and at 9:30 to 5:30 on Tuesday, Wednesday,

and S a t u r d a y29 .

Morning closings on the day of the late night open­

ing are practiced by some stores in downtown areas. As of

1952, one study indicated that of all cities in which sin­

gle night openings were practiced, downtown stores in ap­ proximately 28 per cent of them remained closed until noon

on such days. Stores in about 4 per cent of the cities

opened from one-half hour to one and one-half hours later on these d a y s80 .

Closing one afternoon per week as a year-around practice is quite common in small cities and occurs to some extent in medium-sized cities. Such closings usually fall on Wednesday, although Thursday is also quite popular. In addition, many stores close one afternoon per week during the summer or part of the simmer such as during July and

August. During the Christmas shopping season, afternoon closings are not observed and store hours reach their maximum.

28"Branch Store Hours," op. cit., p. 31.

29ibid., p. 30. } o p . c i t ., p. 9. 68

Social and Economic Trends Related to Store Hours

In Chapter I a number of important social and eco­ nomic trends associated with changes in store hours were mentioned. These and several other trends are discussed in this section. When store-hours developments are related to social and economic trends, a better perspective of the present status of store hours is gained. This analysis is also valuable in predicting future developments in the area of store hours.

One of the most important of these trends is the continued growth of suburban living. This trend has been evident for some time but has experienced particularly rapid growth since the end of World War II. Predictions are that most of the population increase in the future will take place in suburban areas.

The rise of suburbia has been described as 11. . . one of the major social changes of the twentieth cen- tury."31 Suburban living is different from urban living in many respects. The need for many suburbanites to com­ mute daily for work sets up more rigid time schedules and increases the need for many families to operate two cars.

Community projects such as organizing a Christmas

3lEdmund deS. Brunner and Wilbur C. Hallenbeck, American Society; Urban and Rural Patterns (New York; Harper & Brothers, 1955), p . 253. 69

celebration or developing recreational facilities seem to

be particularly important in suburban areas. Collective

efforts to provide for the well-being of children have re­ ceived enthusiastic support in many such communities. Gar­

dening and do-it-yourself activities are very important.

Some probable effects on family life have been described as

follows:

There is some evidence that commuting strengthens family ties. Families spend more evenings to­ gether at home. They tend to do more things to­ gether, including not only attendance at the movies, listening to the radio, or viewing tele­ vision but also participating in games and sports such as skiing, sailing, and swimming, and in the care of gardens and the upkeep of the p r o p e r t y32 .

There are many reasons for this movement to the

suburbs. Dislike for crowded conditions in the city, the

desire to own a home, and the possibility of lower living costs in spite of extra commuting expense are among the main reasons. Automobile ownership has contributed to the trend by making it possible to locate in suburban areas not

served by public transportation facilities. The five-day work week has also contributed by reducing the number of commuting trips per week. Whatever the reasons, the exodus of families to the suburbs shows no signs of decreasing.

The suburban movement is related to store hours in that the extent of the night openings practice is greatest

32jbid,, p. 268. 70 in suburban areas. Two and three night openings per week

are common, and six such openings per week are observed in

some localities.

Suburban living is especially conducive to night

openings. The suburbs are inhabited by the kind of people

who have a proclivity for nighttime shopping. Suburbia has

". . . a preponderance of young, middle-income families

with children.Two out of three such families have

children under six. As is pointed out later in this sec­

tion, these are the very people who desire and use night­

time shopping facilities most.

increase in the share of the labor force made up of women is a second trend related to store hours. As

of 1939, about 24.5 per cent of the work force was made up

of women as compared to about 31 per cent as of March,

1957.34 A 1955 survey of consumer finances indicates that working wives contributed to the income of one-fourth of the spending units in 1954 and, among young married couples without children, about three-fifths of the wives work, at least part t i m e . 35 This increase in the number of women

^ ^ P e r r y Meyers, ’’The Shopping Center," Stores, Vol. 36 (February, 1954), p. 21.

34"Current Labor Statistics," Monthly Labor Review, Vol. 64 (January, 1947), p. v and Vol. 60 (May, 1957), p. 627.

35"The Financial Position of Consumers," Federal Reserve Bulletin, Vol. 41 (June, 1955), pp. 610-611. 71 entering and remaining in the labor force has been particu­ larly important since the beginning of World War II. In terms of store hours, this has helped to make night open­ ings of at least once-a-week frequency a customary practice in most cities throughout the United States. It is gener­ ally agreed, and the findings of consumer surveys support the assertion, that those households in which both husband and wife work desire and use evening shopping facilities to a considerable extent.36

A third trend is the increasing number of families with children, particularly pre-school age children. There was an increase of approximately 67 per cent in the number of children under five between 1940 and 1955.37 More and more couples are having second, third, and fourth babies.

This increase in the number of families with children has contributed significantly to the popularity of night open­ ings. Families with children who cannot be left alone without a baby-sitter favor night openings since they per­ mit one of the parents to shop after the husband gets home from work. In some cases the children are taken along in

36For an example of the findings of a consumer sur­ vey on this point, see Barrie F. Lewis and Gladys H. Fox, Shopping Hours Survey (Pittsburgh: Research Bureau for Re­ tail Training, University of Pittsburgh, 1949), p. 26.

37Kenneth Kramer, "The Ever-Changing Customer," in Changing Patterns in Retailing (Homewood, Illinois: Rich­ ard D. Irwin, Inc., 1956), p. 31. 72

the evening when both parents are available to keep track

of them. Again, the findings of consumer surveys support

this conclusion.38

Increased leisure time is a very important socio­

economic trend today. The reduction in the length of work

week, in terms of both hours and days, has given people

more leisure than ever before. This leisure is not being

used for passive crowd amusements to the extent predicted

by some. Much of it is being used in active individual and

family activities such as going on a week-end trip, engag­

ing in some do-it-yourself project, or spending time in the

garden. Some idea as to the importance of gardening can be

gained by noting that as of 1953, there were 150 chapters

of the Men's Gardening Clubs of America.39 The long week

end--two full days and three full nights— has been particu­

larly important because it provides enough leisure in one continuous period to carry out bigger projects.

Because of these developments, the popularity of

Saturday as a shopping day has declined. Many people are no longer anxious to shop on Saturday. This fact has brought about some rescheduling of store hours with

See Lewis and Fox, op. cit., p. 26, and Chap­ ter VI of this study.

3^ " T h e Leisured Masses," Business Week, September 12, 1953, p. 148. 73

relatively more emphasis placed on night openings when peo­

ple have leisure hours after work.

Another development relative to store hours is the

trend toward family shopping with the husband taking a more

important part. Leisure time is partly responsible for

this trend because it provides an opportunity for the

family to get together. As one writer stated, "Week-end

leisure has welded the family more firmly into one piece

than at any time since it was atomized by the changeover

from an agricultural society."4® Fathers are taking more

interest in their families--doing more baby-tending and

shopping.

With respect to store hours, this trend toward family shopping adds to the importance of evening hours since father is available then to accompany mother or the whole family on a shopping trip. According to Mr. B. Earl

Puckett, Chairman of the Board of Allied Stores, one rea­ son merchants keep their stores open at night is because they know that the husband spends more freely than the wife.41

The proportion of United States families in the middle income group is getting larger. In 1947, 19 per

40Ibid., p. 150.

4^Inez Robb, "Man Spends Freely; Women More Care­ ful," Columbus Citizen, November 11, 1954. 74 cent of the spending units made between $4,000 and $7,499 before taxes. By 1954, this percentage had increased to

3 5 . ^ Actually, the increase was not this great in terms of constant dollars. Nevertheless, since median money in­ come increased by 46 per c e n t ^ 3 during the period while prices increased by only 20.2 per c e n t , ^ some increase in the proportion of spending units in the $4,000-$7,499 bracket in terms of 1947 dollars is apparent.

The evidence relating this trend to store hours is far from conclusive but may be worth noting at this point.

A survey of consumers in Salt Lake City indicated a tend­ ency for nighttime shoppers to come from middle-income families, particularly those making between $4,000 and

$6,000, to a greater extent than from high-and low-income families.^

Another trend is the increased importance of the automobile. This is directly related to the suburban move­ ment since decentralization to the suburbs was made

42»txhe Financial Position of Consumers," op. cit., p. 609. ^Ibid.

^Calculated from consumer price indexes for 1947 and 1954 as given in ’’Current Labor Statistics,11 Monthly Labor Review, Vol. 78 (December, 1955), p. 1544.

‘^-’Results of this survey are presented in Chap­ ter VI. 75 possible by the automobile. Thus, since life in the sub­ urbs is related to store hours, it can be said that the automobile is indirectly related.

One reason frequently given for shopping at night

is that the family car is not available during the day.

This situation is modified by the growing tendency for families to own two cars. For example, in the metropolitan district of Salt Lake City, the percentage of households having more than one passenger car increased from slightly over 9 per cent in 1950 to about 19 per cent in 1954.^6

^ 1 9 5 4 Consumer Analysis of the Greater Salt Lake Market (Salt Lake City, Utah: Newspaper Agency Corpora­ tion, 1954), p . 142. CHAPTER IV

LEGAL PHASES OF THE PROBLEM OF STORE HOURS

Management decisions are influenced greatly by gov-

erment action--past, present, and future. Sound solutions to most business problems involve considering this impor­ tant factor, which becomes increasingly more important as the trend away from a laissez-faire policy continues. It

is the aim of this chapter to examine government regulation pertaining to store hours.

HOURS OF WORK LIMITATIONS

Federal Legislation and the Possibility of Inclusion of Retailing underThe Fair Lahor Standards Set

With the exception of Section 7 (a) of the National

Industrial Recovery Act, which provided that each industry should establish standards for hours of work and other labor matters, there has been no federal legislation gov­ erning hours of work in retailing. At present, the Fair

Labor Standards Act grants an exemption to any retail es­ tablishment whose business is at least 75 per cent retail in character and at least 50 per cent intrastate. Thus, the typical retail store qualifies for the exemption.

76 77

Nevertheless, the retail field has been indirectly

affected by the act. Since retailers must compete with

employers in covered industries in obtaining employees,

there is a tendency for store hours and wages to move in

the direction of those in industries covered by the law.

For example, average weekly wages in manufacturing (mostly

covered) rose 149 per cent between 1939 and 1950; and aver­

age weekly wages in retailing (mostly exempt) rose 125 per

cent during the same period.*-

Even though retailing enjoys an exemption from the

Fair Labor Standards Act, there is a question as to how

long this condition will continue. Pressure from various

sources has been brought to bear to repeal the exemption.

The first outright legislative move to include

retailing occurred in April, 1954, when Representative

Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., introduced a bill called the

Anti-Recession Act. This bill would have brought under the wage and hour provisions any retail establishment with four

of more units or with $300,000 or more sales volume.^ A

similar bill was introduced by Senator Murray of Montana;

*■ "Current Labor Statistics," Monthly Labor Review, Vol. 65 (July, 1947), pp. Ill, 120, and Vol. 76 (January, 1953), pp. 87, 100.

2"The Month in Retailing," Stores, Vol. 36 (May, 1954), p. 12. 78

and Senator Paul Douglas, Chairman of the Subcommittee of

the Senate Labor Committee, held hearings on the subject.

As this pressure continues, most retailers are be­

coming very much concerned. The repeal of the retail ex­

emption would bring not only direct cost increases but also

increased administrative and record-keeping expense. Of

course, hours in excess of forty per week would incur over­

time charges. The following statement made at the 45th an­

nual convention of the NRDGA early in 1956 illustrates the

concern felt by retailers: "In this otherwise promising

year, the biggest single anxiety of retailers is that they may lose their exemption from the Fair Labor Standards Act

and come under costly and complicated wage-hour controls of

the Federal Government."3 During both its 44th and 45th

annual conventions, the NRDGA passed resolutions in which

it formally stated its position favoring the retention of

the retail exemption.

The 84th Congress adjourned without taking action

on the extension of the wage-hour law. But it is expected that the subject will be brought up again. In the mean­ time, retailers, with the NRDGA in the lead, will be doing what they can to present their case. The final outcome, of course, remains to be seen; but it is probably just a

3"The Story of NRDGA*s 45th Annual Convention," Stores, Vol. 38 (February, 1956), p. 9. 79 matter of time before retailing is included under the act.

Pressures for broadened coverage seem too great to expect retailers to preserve their exemption much longer.

State Legislation

State laws limiting daily and/or weekly hours of work are both extensive and diverse. The specific provi­ sions, as well as the coverage of these laws, vary consid­ erably from state to state. In general, they prohibit work over a stated number of hours in certain industries and oc­ cupations . Some of them limit the hours of work by men, while others are specifically concerned with women and/or minors.

The only example which has been noted of a state law limiting hours of work by men in retailing is one which pertains to drug store employees in Colorado. Hours limitations for men typically pertain to public works or work in occupations which may be considered dangerous or unhealthy such as mining, smelter furnace men, hoisting engineers, etc. For example, Nevada state law stipulates that

. . . men employed or working on or about tinder- ground mines, open workings, smelters or refin­ ers must not be employed more than eight hours in any twenty-four hour period except in 80

emergencies or in the event no qualified em­ ployee is available.^

On the other hand, nearly all states have laws

limiting hours of work by women in retail establishments.

This fact is particularly pertinent since so many retail employees are women. Specifically, as of October 1, 1953, forty-one states and the District of Columbia had laws which set maximum daily and/or weekly hours for women in mercantile establishments.-* Two additional states, Georgia and Vermont, had such laws; but their coverages did not specifically include mercantile establishments.^ Of the forty-one states, twenty-four established a maximum of nine or ten hours a day and from fifty to sixty hours a week.

Hours of work limitations for minors are also per­ tinent. Most states have laws which regulate employment of minors in mercantile establishments. For example, in Massachusetts minors under eighteen years of age must not be employed in factories, mercantile establishments, offices, and many other places (except as a personal

^"Nevada Law Digest," in Martindale-Hubbell Law Directory, Volume III (New Jersey! Martindale-Hubbell, Inc., 1953), pages not numbered.

^State Hours Laws for Women, Women’s Bureau Bulle­ tin 250 (Washington, D. C.l tJ. S. Government Printing Office, 1953), pp. 1-2, 5-105.

^The five states with no maximum hours laws for women as of 1953 were Alabama, Florida, Indiana, Iowa, and West Virginia. 81 secretary or supervisor) for more than nine hours a day 7 and forty-eight hours a week. The laws of other states are similar except that age limits and number of hours per day and per week vary. In addition, many of the state hours laws for women cited above apply to minors as well.

This discussion of state hours of work limitations presents only their general provisions. There are many variations and exceptions pertaining to particular circum­ stances and emergency situations. It is of great impor­ tance, therefore, that the retailer become thoroughly familiar with the laws of his particular state.

RESTRICTIONS ON NIGHT WORK BY WOMEN

Since night openings are practiced by the great majority of retailers throughout the country, legal re­ strictions on night work by women are important. Several states have passed laws which prohibit the employment of women during certain hours of the night in certain indus­ tries. Those states with such laws covering mercantile establishments are listed in Table 6. Puerto Rico also prohibits such work in mercantile establishments between

10 P.M. and 6 A.M.

7"Massachusetts Law Digest,” in Martindale-Hiibbell Law Directory, Volume III (New Jersey: Mart indale-Hubbe 11, Inc., 1 9 5 3 ) , pages not numbered. 82

Only one state prohibits night work as early as

9 P.M. Since very few stores remain open after this hour

on their late night or nights, these laws represent no sig­ nificant barrier to night openings. There may be some cases, particularly in Kansas, where drug stores and super­ markets must close earlier than they would otherwise.

TABLE 6

STATES PROHIBITING EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN AT NIGHT IN MERCANTILE ESTABLISHMENTS AND SPECIFIC HOURS DURING WHICH SUCH EMPLOYMENT IS PROHIBITED, UNITED STATES, 1953

State Hours Prohibited

Connecticut 1» . to 6 A.M. Kansas After 91 P.M. Massachusetts* 10 P.M. to 6 A.M. Nebraska 1 A.M. to 6 A.M. New York** 12 P.M. to 7 A.M. Ohio*** 10 P.M. to 6 A.M. South Carolina After 10 P.M.

*Covers females between 16 and 21 only.

**For females under 21, prohibited hours are 10 P.M. to 7 A.M.

***Covers females under 21 only.

Source: Compiled from data presented in State Hours Laws for Women, Women1 s Bureau Bulletin 250 (Wash­ ington, I). C .: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1953) , pp. 2-105.

Some states, while they do not actually prohibit night work by women, regulate such work by providing for a lower maximum hour limit for nighttime than for daytime or 83 by establishing specific standards for working conditions.

For example, in Utah, no woman can be required to report for work in a retail establishment between 10 P.M. and

6 A.M. unless suitable transportation at no extra cost is available and unless suitable facilities are available for securing hot food and drink.® In Wisconsin, employment in mercantile establishments between 8 P.M. and 6 A.M. more than one night per week may not exceed eight hours a night or forty-eight hours a week.^ Again, these regulations do not hinder the typical retail operation.

Laws Governing Day of Rest, Meal and Rest Per i odsr or Women

With respect to day of rest, twenty-two states and the District of Columbia have established a six-day work week for women in some or all industries. In twenty-one of these and the District of Columbia, the six-day work week applies to mercantile establishments.-^ Several states have exemptions. For instance, in Massachusetts, drug stores and establishments used in the sale and deliv­ ery of food are exempt. In addition to the twenty-one states, Rhode Island prohibits work on Sunday except in

®State Hours Laws for Women, op. cit., pp. 88-89.

^Ibid., p. 103.

10Ibid., pp. 2-3, 5-105. 84

emergencies; and Kentucky requires payment of time and one-

half for work on the seventh consecutive day. 3-1

Laws in twenty-three states, the District of Colum­

bia, and Puerto Rico provide for meal periods of varying

lengths for women employed in mercantile establishments.

In Ohio, however, females over twenty-one are exempt.3-2

Several other states whose laws do not cover mercantile es­

tablishments provide for meal periods in some of the types

of work performed within retail establishments such as workroom and beauty culture operations. In New York, if women begin work before noon and continue past 7 P.M. , an

additional meal period must be allowed between 5 P.M. and

7 P.M. This law may have some application in connection with night openings. Rest periods other than at meal time

are required for women in mercantile establishments in

seven states, although in one of these, Wyoming, the law

applies only to those who must be on their feet continu­

ously. 13

CHILD LABOR LAWS

These laws were mentioned briefly in connection with state legislation limiting hours of work. In addition

3^Ibid., p. 3. 3-2ibid., pp. 3, 5-105.

13ibid., pp. 3, 5-105. 85

to limiting hours of work by minors in particular indus­

tries under certain conditions, some state laws actually

prohibit some types of employment while others require that

stated schooling requirements be satisfied. The types of

employment prohibited are typically those considered to be

dangerous to life, health, or morals. The schooling re­

quirement usually makes it necessary to secure a work per­ mit from the county superintendent of schools.

The child labor law of South Dakota may be cited as

an example of such regulations. Under this law, children under sixteen cannot be employed in any occupation danger­

ous to life, health, or morals. No children under sixteen

can be employed in any mercantile establishment until the

employer receives a certificate from the county super­

intendent of schools stating that the child can read and write, and that he regularly attends school or has done so within the last twelve months. Also, no child under four­

teen can be employed in a mercantile establishment except when public school is closed and in no case after 7 P.M.^

While the child labor laws of the various states are similar in broad outline, they vary considerably in

specific details such as age limits below which employment

l^"South Dakota Law Digest," in Martindale-Hubbell Law Directory, Vol. Ill (New Jersey: Martindale-Hubbell, Inc., 1953), pages not numbered. 86 is regulated, occupations or industries covered, and spe­ cial variations and exceptions. Therefore, each retailer should know thoroughly and in detail the laws in his state.

SUNDAY OPENING RESTRICTIONS

"Blue Laws"

"Blue laws" have been defined as ". . . strict laws passed in New England, particularly those affecting observ­ ance of the Sabbath and other religious matters.These laws were passed during early colonial times and covered a very broad area of social behavior. In addition to observ­ ance of the Sabbath, they pertained to such areas as pun­ ishment for moral misconduct, banishment of Quakers,

Adamites, and other heretics, and punishment for attempted overthrow of the dominion.

Forty-five of these laws were recorded by Samuel

Peters in his general history of Connecticut. Several of these dealing with observance of the Sabbath are quoted below.

The Sabbath shall begin at sunset on Saturday. No one shall travel, cook victuals, make beds, sweep house, cut hair, or shave on the Sab­ bath.

15james A. Ballentine, Law Dictionary (Rochester, New York: The Lawyers' Co-operative Publishing Company, 1948), p. 159. 87

No one shall run on the Sabbath Day or walk in his garden or elsewhere except reverently to and from meeting.16

There is a question as to whether some of these laws were invented by Samuel Peters as he wrote his his­ tory. There is good evidence, though, that such laws were in existence although perhaps not stated in the same way and perhaps not so extreme. Some evidence is furnished by a statement from an authoritative source to the effect that so-called "blue laws," which prohibit work on Sunday other than that of necessity and charity, are still on the stat­ ute books of a number of states.Such laws, if enforced, most certainly would prohibit the operation of retail stores on Sunday with the exception perhaps of drug stores and others carrying items which could be considered as necessities.

Examples of State Restrictions

No complete summary of state restrictions on Sunday openings was discovered. Nevertheless, an examination of the State Law Index covering several years indicates that

^Walter F. Prince, "An Examination of Peters's 'Blue Laws'," in American Historical Association Annual Re- . ’ • tj d . C.: U7 S. Government Printing Office,

Instate Hours Laws for Women, op. cit., p. 2. 88 many such restrictions have been passed by various states.

Some of these have been repealed.

As has been true of other state laws, the coverage and provisions of these laws vary considerably from state to state. Perhaps a few examples will illustrate their general nature. Rhode Island has a law which prohibits work on Sundays and holidays except that which is abso­ lutely necessary. North Dakota passed a law in 1941 which prohibited the sale of food at retail on Sunday. In 1942,

New York passed legislation restricting certain public sales on this day. Rhode Island passed a law in 1939 which prohibited the display of motor vehicles for business on the Sabbath and in 1938 prohibited the opening of barber shops. Both Alaska and Idaho had Sunday closing laws until

1939, when they were repealed.

It should be noted that the pool of state laws per­ taining to this subject is not static. It changes from year to year as some laws are repealed, others amended, and new ones passed.

City Ordinances--A Case History of the ProvoT~Utah, Sunday~~CTos xng Law

Many cities throughout the United States have passed ordinances prohibiting Sunday openings by retail

l^All 0f these examples except the first were taken from the various issues of State Law Index (Washington, D . C .: U. S. Government Printing Orfice, 1939-1949). stores. Some idea as to the extent of such restrictions can be gained from the results of a national survey con­ ducted by the NRDGA in Hay, 1955. This survey covered 250 member department and specialty stores located throughout the country. At that time, 30 per cent of the store execu­ tives responding indicated the presence of a local law pro­ hibiting Sunday openings and some others were u n c e r t a i n . 19

Therefore the true percentage might have been a little higher than 30. When asked, if they desired a local Sunday closing law, about half of those answering, or about 32 per cent of the total store executives, said yes. Among those who did not want such a law, an important reason given was that retailers already had more than enough laws with which to deal.

On January 19, 1955, a Sunday closing law, which had been passed during the previous month by the City Com­ mission of Provo, Utah, became effective. Five weeks later on February 24, 1955, the law was repealed. Perhaps a brief consideration of this law, its opposition and sup­ port, would serve to illustrate some of the implications involved in Sunday closing laws as well as one reason for their passage.

^Beatrice Judelle, "Record in the Making,” Stores, Vol. 37 (July, 1955), p. 7. 90

The original stimulus for the Provo law came from the Utah County Grocers1 Association, which met with the

City Commission and strongly urged that grocery stores be closed on Sunday. The argument put forth by the Grocers1

Association was as follows: Sunday operation of all gro­ cery stores was not profitable. Therefore the grocers had tried to reach an agreement among themselves to close. But always some stores began opening on Sunday when it became profitable by virtue of the fact that most were closed.

The Association also argued that the welfare of their em­ ployees required Sunday closings.

Because the City Commission felt that the conten­ tion of the grocers had merit, and because of its convic­ tion that one day's rest in seven was a desirable thing, the Sunday closing law was passed. The law was aimed pri­ marily at closing grocery stores but also prohibited all work except that necessary or for charity. The exact word­ ing of the ordinance was as follows:

Every person who on Sunday shall conduct or carry on, or perform or employ any labor about any trade or manufacture except works of necessity or charity conducted in an orderly manner; or who shall offer cur expose for sale any personal prop­ erty shall be guilty of a misdemeanor; Provided that meals m a y be served on the premises or elsewhere by caterers, and prepared tobacco, milk, bread, fruit, confectionary, newspapers, magazines, medical and surgical supplies may be sold in a quiet and orderly manner, and provided further that the prohibitions herein contained shall not be construed to prohibit the operation and maintenance on the first day of the week of 91

baths, garages, automobile service stations, golf courses, bowling alleys, skating rinks, ball parks, theatres, bathing resorts, or such indus­ tries as are usually kept in continuous opera­ tion. In works of necessity is included whatever is needful during the day for the good order or health or comfort of a community; but nothing in this section shall be construed to permit the sale of uncooked meats, groceries, clothing, boots, or shoes.20

The penalty for violation of the law was a fine of up to

$299 and six months in jail.

The major opposition came from the retail drug­ gists. Under the law, they could sell on Sunday only part of the items carried in stock; and they argued that they could not operate their stores profitably and abide by the law. At least two druggists declared their intentions to disregard the law and, if necessary, make a test case of it. Others awaited a legal opinion from the Utah State

Pharmaceutical Association and hoped for a favorable inter­ pretation of the law which would exempt drug stores. On the first Sunday under the law, druggists operated as usual with no attempt by the City to enforce the ordinance.

The druggists then met with the City Commission and requested that the words "sundries1' and "toiletries" be added to the list of exemptions which could legally be sold on Sunday. They were told that this could not be done

20nprovo Okeys Sunday Closing Law," Daily Herald, December 19, 1954. 92

without seriously weakening the law. The attempt to reach

an interpretation of the law satisfactory to both parties

ended in a stalemate and Provo druggists announced that

since operation under the law was not profitable, they

would close entirely on Sunday. Most druggists in Utah

County agreed to close on Sunday also in sympathy with the

Provo druggists. Thus drug stores were closed entirely on

the second Sunday.

On the third, fourth, and fifth Sundays druggists

operated as usual under a truce agreement. The city offi­ cials agreed not to enforce the law until time had been

allowed for the druggists to study the problem and see if a

satisfactory interpretation could be achieved.

In the meantime, other opposition appeared. The

Utah County Motel Association formally went on record as being opposed to the law and stated that it would hinder tourist trade in the area. The Association maintained that

if tourists could not get into drug and grocery stores to buy such items as film, toiletries, baby food, and fruit juices, they would drive on to the next city. Private citizens began to join the opposition also. Under "Letters to the Editor" articles appeared in the Daily Herald de­ claring the law to be a violation of free enterprise, em­ phasizing the need for Sunday openings and suggesting that the problem be put to a vote. Of course, the grocers and 93

the City Commission attempted to explain the reason for the

law and to defend it.

During the controversy, an in-store survey of

nighttime shoppers was conducted by the author. A question

designed to determine consumer opinion concerning the Sun­

day closing law was included. Of the total sample, about

34 per cent were in agreement with the law, 61 per cent

were not in agreement, and 5 per cent had no opinion. This

information, along with a statement that some question

might be raised as to the representativeness of the sample

since only those shopping after 6 P.M. were interviewed,

was made available to the City Commission.

Shortly thereafter, on February 24, 1955, the ordi­

nance was repealed. The article announcing the repeal in­

cluded an explanation by the City Commission stating that

it still believed the effect of the law would have bene­

fited Provo, but that it was now convinced that a "consid­

erable majority1’ of the residents of Provo resented the

attempt to pass and enforce such a law. ^

Thus ended a Sunday closing law that was never really enforced. The unexpected opposition by the retail

druggists and their strategy to close entirely on Sunday undoubtedly contributed in a major way to the repeal of the

23-"Sunday closing Law Is Repealed by City Dads," Daily Herald, February 24, 1955. 94

law. The in-store survey indicated that many consumers

were not particularly opposed to the closing of grocery

stores on Sunday but objected strenuously when the effect

of the law brought about the closing of drug stores. It is

interesting to note that very little opposition was evident

before the law was passed even though a public hearing was

held and notices in the press forecast the passage of the

law.

Sunday closing laws in two other Utah cities had

experienced little more success. Grocery stores in Salt

Lake City were reopened after a Sunday closing law was held unconstitutional and discriminatory. The city of Orem was

in the midst of court action defending its law when a new

city administration was elected and repealed it.

PROPOSED LEGISLATION IS MASSACHUSETTS

In December, 1952, two b i l l s ^ pertaining to store

hours were filed in the Massachusetts State Legislature.

These bills proposed store-hours restrictions more severe

than any other legislation which has been examined. A

brief description of these bills and their final outcome is

presented below.

22see the Appendix for a complete statement of these two bills. Senate Bill 275

This bill was entitled "An Act to Safeguard the

Standards of Women and Children in Mercantile Establish­ ments" and was filed by the Massachusetts State Federation of Labor, AF of L. Its provisions would have prohibited the employment of women over twenty-one and girls under twenty-one in retail stores after 6 P.M. and before

6 A.M. 23 of course, many states prohibit night work by women but never before 9 P.M. and usually not before 11 or

12 P.M. Senate Bill 275 never became law as it was killed in Committee.

House Bill 1984

Under the title "A Bill for the Elimination of

Traffic Congestion and Hazard in Shopping Areas of Cities and Towns, the Mitigation of Delinquency Among Youth, and the Further Assurance of the Sanctity and Unity of Family

Life," this bill would have prohibited retail stores with nine or more employees located in cities with 5,000 or more people from staying open after 6 P.M. ^4 This proposed legislation, filed by the AF of L Retail Clerks Local 711, represented severe restrictions indeed. Its fate was the same as that of Senate Bill 275— it was killed in Committee.

23xhe Thompson Case (Boston: Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration, 1953), p. 2.

24ibid., p. 3. 96

It is not difficult to understand why such a bill would not

be passed in a freedom-loving, free enterprise country such

as the United States.

SOCIAL DESIRABILITY OF HOURS LEGISLATION

Even though there has been some opposition to hours

legislation, most laws of this type are unquestionably in

the public interest. Few would question the social desira­

bility of child labor laws which are designed to encourage

school attendance and to safeguard the health and morals of

youth. Legislation regulating hours of work by women and

requiring that suitable transportation to and from work be

available during night hours is certainly desirable. Laws which limit working hours so as to provide sufficient time

for civic activities, recreation, and good health contrib­ ute to the welfare of the com m unity.25

On the other hand, the social desirability of Sun­

day closing laws is debated. Some argue that commerciali­

zation of Sunday creates an atmosphere harmful to the youth

of the community. They say that Sunday work deprives peo­ ple of the traditional day of rest which is essential to

physical and spiritual well-being. Others argue that

25shorter hours were once argued against as con­ tributing to temptation and improvidence. This attitude has largely disappeared. 97

Sunday openings by some stores fill a definite need and provide a valuable convenience for the public. Judgments made as to the desirability of Sunday closing laws vary ac­ cording to the nature and coverage of the specific law, and also upon the religious background of the one making the judgment.

It is very doubtful if a law requiring stores to close at 6 P.M., such as House Bill 1984 proposed in Massa­ chusetts, would be in the public interest. The need and desire for night shopping facilities is so great that forc­ ing 6 P.M. closings would cause considerable inconvenience and hardship in many communities.

PROBLEM OF ENFORCEMENT OF HOURS LAWS

Some hours laws, particularly those prohibiting

Sunday openings, are not actively enforced. Many communi­ ties and some states have Sunday laws, yet do little, if anything, about violators. For example, Alabama has a law which explicitly prohibits Sunday openings for all except drug stores and service stations.^6 Nevertheless, some merchants continually violate the law. The Alabama law also makes illegal on Sunday such activities as card

^Alabama Code of 1940, Title 14, Paragraph 420. 98

playing, hunting, and unnecessary labor, which go cm regu­

larly with apparently no attempt at enforcement.

Probably one of the reasons for this lack of en­

forcement is that many of the laws are out-dated. Certain

types of activities on Sunday have become more socially

acceptable than when the laws were passed. This fact sug­

gests that revisions may be in order and perhaps some leg­

islation should be repealed.

The cost of policing likely contributes to the lack

of enforcement also. For instance, the difficulty of checking all employers to see that laws governing meal and rest periods for women are obeyed is understandable. Nev­ ertheless, the presence of such legislation undoubtedly has a favorable effect so long as a real attempt at enforcement is made.

CONCLUSIONS

Sufficient legislation relative to the time of doing business has been passed in the United States to war­ rant careful study and attention by retailers. Even though the amount and severity of such legislation is far less than in Europe, the trend seems to be in the direction of more legal restrictions.

With respect to hours of business, these restric­ tions pertain primarily to working hours of women and 99 minors and to Sunday closing laws. For the most part, re­ tailers in the United States can still decide for them­ selves, individually or collectively, what time they will open in the morning, what time they will close at night, and how many hours per week they will keep their stores open.27 They are also relatively free from legal restric­ tions as to hours of work by men. Should the campaign to bring retail establishments under the Fair Labor Standards

Act p r o w successful, however, regulation of hours of work by men in retail stores would be the rule rather than the exception.

With the legislation now on the books and the pos­ sibility of more to come, no retailer who would make the most of his opportunities can afford to be ill-informed or to take a passive position in relation to such legislation.

He should be active individually and with other merchants in influencing the legislation that affects him. It is to be hoped, however, that all affected parties including the general public will influence proposed legislation in order that the greatest good for the greatest number may be realized.

27lt is recognized, however, that hours of work limitations for women will have some bearing on total store hours per week. CHAPTER V

STORE HOURS AND THE CONSUMER--CONSUMER BEHAVIOR,

OPINIONS, AND PREFERENCES

A knowledge of consumers, their needs, preferences, habits, and motives, is very important in making store- hour s decisions. Consumers, within limits, are free to choose what, where, and when they will buy. Therefore, in order to serve customers most profitably, merchants should obtain as much information as possible about them and ad­ just their operations accordingly. To make store-hours de­ cisions without such information is most unwise.

To learn as much as possible about consumer shop­ ping habits and preferences relative to hours in one lo­ cality, a consumer survey was conducted by the author.

This was a house-to-house, personal interview survey con­ ducted just before Thanksgiving, 1954, in Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah. A representative sample of 405 households in Provo and 1,147 households in Salt Lake City was inter­ viewed. Careful attention was given to the construction of the questionnaire, the method of sampling, the control of the field work, and the appraisal of the validity and

100 101

reliability of the sample and survey results. Detailed in­

formation concerning methodology is provided in Appendix A.

The survey results presented in this chapter should

be of interest not only to merchants In Salt Lake City and

Provo, Utah, but to others as well. To those in Salt Lake

City and Provo, the findings are of direct importance since

they provide a better basis for store-hours decisions than

existed before. For example, information indicating which night or nights are most convenient for consumers to shop

should aid retailers in choosing a night on which all major

downtown stores are to remain open. Data which reveal the extent of nighttime shopping in the area should help indi­ vidual retailers in making decisions concerning night open­ ings. Consumer expression as to whether the normal opening time Is early enough and whether the normal closing time is late enough is of obvious importance. Consumer attitudes concerning the five-day store week, Sunday openings, and afternoon closings also are important in guiding management decisions in these problem areas.

The survey findings should be of interest to mer­ chants in other geographic areas because such findings il­ lustrate many of the types of information which can be obtained from a consumer survey which will aid retailers in reaching sound store-hours decisions. The conclusions drawn for the Utah area indicate the nature of recommenda­ tions which may be formulated as a result of research in 102 other communities. The appendix material dealing with sur­ vey methods should be of value in planning research for other areas.

In order that the reliability of figures in the survey findings may be appraised, information concerning the standard error is presented in Appendix A. This infor­ mation shows, for selected numbers of respondents, the sam­ pling error for each of several percentages. Throughout this and the following chapter, wherever the number of re­ spondents in a table differs from the total sample (405 for

Provo and 1,147 for Salt Lake City), this number is shown.*■

The findings presented in this chapter are grouped under the following major headings: Night Openings, Day­ time Schedules, Sunday Openings, Days per Week Open for

Business, and Most Popular Shopping Days.

NIGHT OPENINGS

Nongrocery shopping is considered separately from grocery shopping in this survey. This separation is neces­ sary in order that the results might be meaningful to the individual retailer and groups of retailers because gro­ cery shopping habits with respect to hours differ from

*-In cases in which the number of respondents dif­ fers only slightly from the total sample because some re­ spondents failed to answer every question, the number is not given. In all such cases, the number does not vary from the total sample by more than 2.2 per cent. 103 nongrocery shopping habits. Theoretically, a further breakdown of the types of shopping might be desirable. It seems extremely doubtful, however, that consumers could re­ spond with a satisfactory degree of accuracy concerning any smaller segment of their shopping.

Extent of Nighttime Shopping

Nighttime shopping is defined for this study as that shopping done after 6 P.M. The extent of nighttime shopping as compared to morning and afternoon shopping for groceries and nongroceries may be observed from the data in

Tables 7 and 8. More grocery shopping is done in the even­ ing than in the morning and more in the afternoon than in the evening in both Salt Lake City and Provo (Table 7) .

More nighttime grocery shopping is done in Provo than in

Salt Lake City although the difference is not great.

In both Salt Lake City and Provo, less nongrocery shopping is done in the evening than in either the morning or afternoon although the difference between morning and evening is slight (Table 8) . Almost as much shopping is done in the evening as in the morning in spite of the fact that most stores are open five or six mornings per week and only one night per week.

More nighttime nongrocery shopping is done in Salt

Lake City than in Provo. Note that 15.2 per cent of Salt

Lake City households do over half of their nongrocery 104

TABLE 7

PERCENTAGE OF GROCERY SHOPPING DONE IN THE MORNING, AFTERNOON, AND EVENING, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Households Who Buy the Following Time of Day Percentages of Groceries at Specified Times None 1-25 26-50 51-75 76-100 Salt Lake City Morning 41.4 32.2 8.3 6.6 11.5 Afternoon 19.4 23.0 15.7 18.2 23.8 Evening 33.9 32.7 8.3 7.9 17.2 Provo Morning 38.8 37.5 9.5 7.2 7.0 Afternoon 12.2 29.4 17.4 17.9 23.1 Evening 27.4 33.4 10.6 10.8 17.8

Source: Consumer Survey.

TABLE 8

PERCENTAGE OF NONGROCERY SHOPPING DONE IN THE MORNING, AFTERNOON, AND EVENING, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Households Who Buy the Following Time of Day Percentages of Nongrocery Items at Specified Times None 1-25 26-50 51-75 76-100 Salt Lake City Morning 42-6 29.8 11.7 5.8 10.1 Afternoon 14.3 16.9 18.8 19.3 30.6 Evening 43.2 31.3 10.3 5.3 9.9 Provo Morning 38.6 36.1 13.7 6.2 5.5 Afternoon 5.2 15.7 19.4 23.4 36.3 Evening 44.9 34.4 10.5 4.5 5.7

Source: Consumer Survey. 105 shopping at night, while only 10.2 per cent of Provo house­

holds do this proportion at night. One possible explana­

tion for the larger proportion in Salt Lake City is that

both husband and wife work in a larger percentage of the

households there than in Provo. The present survey found

21 per cent for Salt Lake City and 12.8 per cent for Provo.

Furthermore, during the time the survey was taken, there

was relatively greater opportunity to shop at night in Salt

Lake City. Sears, Roebuck and Company remained open both

Monday and Friday evenings there but only Friday evenings

in Provo, and Sugar House Shopping Center in Salt Lake City

remained open Friday evenings, giving many households a

second night for shopping.

As shown by the tabulation in Table 8, 43.2 per

cent of the households in Salt Lake City and 44.9 per cent

of those in Provo buy none of their nongrocery items in the

evening. This information agrees quite closely with the results of a nation-wide survey using the consumer panel technique. According to the nation-wide survey, 41.9 per cent of the 2,752 respondents never shop in downtown de- o partiaent stores in the evening (after 6 P.M.). The

^Shopping Habits & Preferencesof Department Store Customers (New York: Batten, Barton, Durstine & Osborn, T5c7TT954), p. 11. 106

percentage who never shop in branch or neighborhood de­

partment stores in the evening is almost as great.

Just as one would expect, the percentage of grocery

shopping in the evening exceeds the percentage of non­

grocery shopping at that time (Tables 7 and 8) . This is a

reasonable expectation since most grocery stores regularly

remain open after 6 P.M.

Tables 9 and 10 provide further information con­

cerning the extent of nighttime shopping. While the infor­

mation in these two tables is not entirely comparable to

TABLE 9

PERCENTAGE OF SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO HOUSEHOLDS WHO HAVE SHOPPED IN THE EVENING FOR GROCERY ITEMS WITHIN SPECIFIED PERIODS OF TIME, NOVEMBER, 1954

Time Period Percentage Distribution Salt Lake City Provo

Within last week 50.6 55.6 Within last two weeks 9.3 10.9 Within last month 9.4 8.9 Not within last month or never 30.7 24.7 Total 100.0 100.0

Source: Consumer Survey.

that in Tables 7 and 8, general agreement does exist. The

data in both sets of tables indicate that there is more nighttime grocery shopping in Provo than in Salt Lake City

and more nighttime nongrocery shopping in Salt Lake City 107

than in Provo. Furthermore, the tabulations in both sets

of tables show more nighttime grocery shopping than non­

grocery shopping for both cities. Such agreement between

responses to different questions furnishes some evidence as

to response reliability.

TABLE 10

PERCENTAGE OF SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO HOUSEHOLDS WHO HAVE SHOPPED IN THE EVENING FOR NONGROCERY ITEMS WITHIN SPECIFIED PERIODS OF TIME, NOVEMBER, 1954

Time Period Percentage Distribution Salt Lake City Provo

Within last week 22.8 21.8 Within last two weeks 12.2 8.4 Within last month 13.4 15.8 Not within last month or never 51.7 54.0 Total 100.0 100.0

S ourc e: C onsumer Survey.

The extent of evening shopping compared to morning and afternoon shopping at the Sugar House Shopping Center, a controlled center located in Salt Lake City, is presented in Table 11. More shopping is done in the evening than in the morning for both Salt Lake City and Provo. The tabula­ tion in Table 8 shows slightly less evening shopping than morning shopping for nongrocery items for Salt Lake City as a whole. These data are not strictly comparable since some grocery shopping is done at the Sugar House Center, but it 108 is likely that nighttime shopping is more important at the

Center than for the city as a whole. This is consistent with the general pattern existing throughout the country.

As was pointed out in Chapter III, stores located in sub­ urban areas practice night openings to a considerably greater extent than do those located in downtown districts.

TABLE 11

COMPARISON OF MORNING, AFTERNOON, AND EVENING SHOPPING AT SUGAR HOUSE SHOPPING CENTER BY PROVO AND SALT LAKE CITY HOUSEHOLDS AS INDICATED BY THE TIME OF DAY OF LAST SHOPPING TRIP, NOVEMBER, 1954

Time of Day of Last Percentage Distribution Shopping Trip Salt Lake City Provo

Morning 18.5 11.3 Afternoon 54.7 64.2 Evening 26.8 24.5 Total 100.0* 100.0*

*100 per cent equals 612 for Salt Lake City and 53 for Provo.

Source: Consumer Survey.

Merchandise Purchased at Night

Grocery shopping at night is more extensive than nongrocery shopping at night. In order to gain some idea as to the relative importance of nighttime shopping for merchandise lines other than grocery, respondents were asked what type of nongrocery item they most commonly shopped for in the evening. This was a difficult question 109

to answer as shown by the fact that nearly 50 per cent of

the respondents could not say definitely (Table 12). One

might have expected furniture and appliances to be a little

higher in the list since these are items for which husband

and wife frequently shop together, and couples constitute

an important group among nighttime shoppers. These items,

TABLE 12

TYPES OF NONGROCERY ITEMS WHICH NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS MOST COMMONLY BUY, SALT. LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Nighttime Shoppers Type of Merchandise Who Most Commonly Buy Specified Types of Merchandise Salt Lake City Provo

Clothing 23.2 21.1 Drugs and notions 17.5 23.3 Home furnishings 4.7 2.6 Furniture and/or appliances 3.0 2.2 Hardware 1.6 1.3 Other .5 1.3 Cannot say definitely 49.5 48.2 Total 100.0* 100.0*

*100 per cent equals 633 for Salt Lake City and 228 for Provo.

Source: Consumer Survey. however, are purchased less frequently than clothing, drugs, and notions. A check by department store management as to the comparative activity in various departments on 110 night openings would do much to shed additional light on the matter.

Most Convenient Shopping Times

When respondents were questioned concerning conven­ ient shopping times, an attempt was made to avoid suggest­ ing an answer. Each respondent was asked: "If stores were open any time, what time (or times) would be most conven­ ient for you to shop for nongrocery items?" The question was phrased the same for grocery items.

All days are equally convenient for grocery shop­ ping for quite a significant group in both Salt Lake City and Provo (Table 13) . Saturday and Friday in the order stated are the two most convenient shopping days with Mon­ day following third. Nearly one-third of the preferences indicated evening as most convenient or as one of the most convenient times.

Saturday, Friday, and Monday, in that order, are the three most convenient nongrocery shopping days (Ta­ ble 14) . These are the same as those most convenient for grocery shopping. Again, nearly 50 per cent of the re­ spondents feel that all days are equally convenient. In the "evening" columns it can be seen that 32.3 per cent of

Salt Lake City preferences and 24.1 per cent of Provo pref­ erences indicated evening as either the most or as one of the most convenient shopping times. When these figures are TABLE 13

MOST CONVENIENT GROCERY SHOPPING TIMES, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, BY DAY AND TIME OF DAY, NOVEMBER, 1954

Day ofthe Percentage of Total Expressed Preferences Re- Week ceived by the Following Periods of the Day Morning Afternoon Evening Total SLC Provo SLC Provo SLC Provo SLC Provo

Monday 1.6 2.5 1.6 3.0 2.1 2.7 5.3 8.2 Tuesday .5 1.2 .9 1.7 1.3 .7 2.7 3.6 Wednesday .6 1.2 1.6 2.5 1.0 1.8 3.2 5,5 Thursday .9 .5 1.6 1.5 1.3 .7 3.8 2.7 Friday 4.0 3.5 8.3 7.0 9.4 5.8 21.7 16.3 Saturday 6.9 5.3 12.2 14.2 6.7 9.0 25.8 28.5 Sunday .4 .5 .6 .7 .5 .2 1.5 1.4 All days equally convenient 9.3 8.0 16.7 15.7 10.1 10.2 36.1 33.9 Total 24.2 22.7 43.5 46.3 32.4 31.1 100.0* 100.0*

*100 per cent equals 1,589 for Salt Lake City and 599 for Provo.

Source: Consumer Survey. Ill TABLE 14

MOST CONVENIENT NONGROCERY SHOPPING TIMES, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, BY DAY AND TIME OF DAY, NOVEMBER, 1954

Day of the Percentage of Total Expressed Preferences Re­ Week ceived by the Following Periods of the Day Morning Afternoon Evening Total SLC Provo SLC Provo SLC Provo SLC Provo

Monday 1.7 2.0 2.1 2.2 3.9 2.0 7.7 6.2 Tuesday .9 1.3 1.3 1.7 1.0 .6 3.2 3.6 Wednesday 1.2 1.3 2.2 2.8 1.2 1.1 4.6 5.2 Thursday 1.1 .9 2.2 1.7 1.2 .4 4.4 3.0 Friday 1.5 1.7 3.3 3.7 7.2 4.8 12.0 10.2 Saturday 4.0 4.8 9.9 11.5 5.4 4.8 19.3 21.1 Sunday .2 .2 .5 .6 .5 0.0 1.2 .8 All days equally convenient 11.1 10.0 24.5 29.6 11.9 10.4 47.5 50.0 Total 21.6 22.2 46.0 53.8 32.3 24.1 100.0* 100.0*

*100 per cent equals 1,549 for Salt Lake City and 540 for Provo.

Source: Consumer Survey. 113 compared with those din Table 8 showing the extent of night­ time shopping, the percentage of expressed evening prefer­ ences far exceeds the percentage of households who do over one-half of their shopping at night. Apparently, some who indicate evening as most convenient actually do little shopping then. This situation may be explained, at least in part, by the fact that some may find it most convenient to shop on nights other than those when stores remain open.

The results of an earlier survey taken in Pitts­ burgh, Pennsylvania, indicated that for "nearly one-third" of the respondents only evenings would be convenient for downtown shopping.^ This figure is fairly close to the percentage of Salt Lake City preferences which indicate evening as the most or one of the most convenient shopping times.

Evening shopping preferences may be observed more clearly from the data in Table 15. The expressed prefer- erences for specific evenings come only from those for whom evenings are most convenient or one of the most convenient shopping times. It is most significant for management to determine the relative convenience of particular evenings for those who indicate evenings as convenient and who would

^Harrie P. Lewis and Gladys H. Fox, Shopping Hours Survey (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: Research Bureau for Re- tail Training, University of Pittsburgh, 1949), p. 1. 114 therefore likely shop at night. A statement of preference by those who would likely shop very little or none at all at night would be of secondary importance at best. Those who indicated evenings as convenient without specifying a particular night were asked if any one evening would be more convenient than the others.

TABLE 15

MOST CONVENIENT EVENINGS FOR NONGROCERY SHOPPING, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Evening Percentage of Total Evening Preferences Received by Specific Evenings Salt Lake City Provo

Monday 12.2 8.5 Tuesday 3.0 2.3 Wednesday 3.8 4.6 Thursday 3.6 1.5 Friday 22.4 20.0 Saturday 16.8 20.0 Sunday 1.4 0.0 All days equally convenient 36.8 43.1 Total 100.0* 100.0*

*100 per cent equals 500 for Salt Lake City and 130 for P r o v o .

Source: Table 14.

By far the largest percentage of those who indi­ cated evenings as convenient said no one evening was more convenient than the others (Table 15) . In Salt Lake City,

Friday is the most convenient evening followed by Saturday 115

and Monday. In Provo, Friday and Saturday are equally con­

venient followed by Monday.

Several observations are important. First, when

respondents indicate the most convenient night, there may

be a tendency to overemphasize the night which stores are

currently open because they are accustomed to this night

and may have arranged their affairs around it. At the time

of this survey, Provo stores were open Friday evenings; and

most Salt Lake City stores were open Monday evenings with

some open Friday. Second, practical operating considera­

tions, especially personnel problems, may rule out Saturday night openings. This would leave the decision primarily

between Monday and Friday. Third, it may be that a higher

percentage of those indicating Monday evening as most con­ venient would actually shop then than would be the case for

Friday evening because of more competition from recreation

and other activities on the week end. Whether respondents

fully considered this type of competition in making their responses is not known.

A fourth observation is that the most convenient night for one store1 s customers may not be the most conven­

ient for the majority of consumers in the trading area.

The customers of one particular store may come primarily from certain income levels, from certain sections of the trading area, and from certain occupation groups. There­ fore, a different night might be more convenient for them. 116 If, however, uniformity in store hours is important, as many would agree, primary concern should be to determine

the consensus of all consumers in the market area. Fi­ nally, along with the data presented in Table 15, manage­ ment should carefully weigh all other information and experience at its disposal in arriving at a decision. Al­ though responses in this survey show Friday evening consid­ erably more convenient than Monday, the preference is not so overwhelming as to rule out Monday evening completely if experience and other information support that night.

Why Particular Shopping Times Are Most Convenient

The more important reasons for choosing certain times as most convenient for grocery and nongrocery shop­ ping are presented in Tables 16 and 17 respectively. It is not possible to determine which reasons refer to which times except as they are classified by evening and other than evening. The reason most frequently given by those choosing evening for grocery shopping in both Salt Lake

City and Provo was "free from job or school," followed closely by "transportation available" and "want family mem­ ber or friend to go along" (Table 16) . For those choosing other than evening in Salt Lake City, the most important reason was "free from housekeeping," followed closely by

"transportation available" and "not restricted by chil­ dren." For those choosing other than evening in Provo, 117

TABLE 16

REASONS FOR CHOICES OF PARTICULAR TIMES AS MOST CONVENIENT FOR GROCERY SHOPPING, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, CLASSIFIED BY EVENING AND OTHER THAN EVENING, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Total Selections Received by Specified Reasons Reasons Those Choosing Those Choosing Evening Other Than ______Evening SLC Provo SLC Provo

Want family member or friend to go along 19.5 19.6 8.4 9.2 Free from job or school 23.6 24.8 13.1 19.2 Free from housekeeping 11.9 10.4 17.8 18.1 Not restricted by children 10.6 8.8 13.3 12.1 Get better service and/or selection 2.6 3.2 9.2 6.9 Transportation available 21.7 22.4 15.6 14.1 Stores and/or town less crowded 3.0 2.0 9.9 5.5 Have other obligations at night 1.6 1.2 2.7 4.3 Other 5.6 7.6 10.1 10.6 Total 100.0* 100.0* 100 .0* * 100.0**

*100 per cent equals 771 for Salt Lake City and 250 for Provo.

**100 per cent equals 1,002 for Salt Lake City and 348 for Provo.

Source: Consumer Survey. 118

TABLE 17

REASONS FOR CHOICES OF PARTICULAR TIMES AS MOST CONVENIENT FOR NONGROCERY SHOPPING, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, CLASSIFIED BY EVENING AND OTHER THAN EVENING, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Total Selections Received by Specified Reasons Reasons Those Choosing Those Choosing Evening Other than Evening SLC Provo SLC Provo

Want family member or friend to go along 17.2 17.7 10.2 11.5 Free from job or school 22.7 26.8 13.9 19.0 Free from housekeeping 12.9 10.1 17.0 17.2 Not restricted by children 12.4 12.1 11.9 10.0 Get better service and/or selection 3.6 2.5 8.4 6.8 Transportation available 20.2 22.7 16.7 15.0 Stores and/or town less crowded 3.6 1.0 9.4 5.5 Have other obligations at night 1.7 1.5 2.6 3.8 Other 5.7 5.6 9.9 11.2 Total 100.0* 100.0* 100.0** 100.0**

*100 per cent equals 757 for Salt Lake City and 198 for Provo.

**100 per cent equals 1,016 for Salt Lake City and 400 for Provo.

Source: Consumer Survey. 119

about the same reasons are given as in Salt Lake City ex­

cept "free from job or school" is more important in Provo.

This greater importance can probably be explained by the

fact that a greater percentage of the total population in

Provo is in school. "Get better service and/or selection" and "stores and/or town less crowded" are relatively more

important reasons for those who choose days then for those who choose evenings. Perhaps these factors keep some peo­ ple from shopping more on night openings.

Apparently about the same factors determine the most convenient nongrocery shopping times (Table 17) as de­ termine the most convenient grocery shopping times. The three most frequently given reasons for those choosing evenings are the same for nongroceries as for groceries.

For those choosing other than evening, the three most im­ portant reasons are the same as for groceries except "free from job or school" has pulled a little ahead of "not re­ stricted by children." Again, "get better service and/or selection" and "stores and/or town less crowded" are rela­ tively more important for those choosing days than for those choosing evenings. One might wonder why those choos­ ing evening would give the reason that they have other obligations at night. This is undoubtedly because they have obligations on certain nights and therefore some other night would be more convenient. "Pay day" constitutes a 120 large percentage of "other" reasons given. Apparently, quite a few people find certain times most convenient be­ cause pay day falls on a particular day.

Extent to Which Daytime Shoppers Desire Night Openings

Daytime shoppers are defined here as those who find it most convenient to shop some time other than evening.

Slightly over half of these people still desire stores to remain open at least one night per week (Table 18) . The

TABLE 18

EXTENT TO WHICH DAYTIME SHOPPERS DESIRE GROCERY AND NON- GROCERY STORES TO REMAIN OPEN ONE OR MORE NIGHTS PER WEEK, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Type of Desire for One or More Night Openings per Week Store Salt Lake City Provo Yes No No Opinion Yes No No Opinion

Grocery* 57.4 28.3 14.3 63.1 25.3 11.6 Nongrocery** 51.5 33.4 15.1 54.4 34.9 10.7

*100 per cent equals 685 for Salt Lake City and 249 for Provo.

**100 per cent equals 709 for Salt Lake City and 281 for Provo.

Source: Consumer Survey. percentage is a little higher for grocery stores than non­ grocery stores and for Provo than Salt Lake City. Of course, one would seriously question establishing night 121 openings exclusively for these people. Nevertheless, most of them are undoubtedly served a little better by giving them the possibility of shopping at night occasionally.

Daytime Schedules

The great majority of consumers in Salt Lake City and Provo are satisfied with the time at which stores open in the morning and close in the evening (Table 19) . Quite a sizable group of respondents in Salt Lake City, however,

TABLE 19

CONSUMER OPINION CONCERNING OPENING AND CLOSING TIMES OF DOWNTOWN STORES. SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Households Replying in Following Ways Question Salt Lake City Provo Yes No No Yes No No Opinion Opinion

Do stores open early enough in the morning? 82.6 14.4 3.0 77.3 21.7 1.0 Do stores regu­ larly close late enough in the evening? 76.9 21.9 1.1 84.9 14.6 .5

Source: Consumer Survey. feel that the regular closing time is not late enough.

Some feel they do not have quite enough time to get into a store after they get off work. At the time of the survey, stores in Salt Lake City closed at 5:40 P.M. In Provo, 122

slightly over one-fifth of the consumers feel that downtown

stores do not open early enough in the morning. While

these two groups of dissatisfied customers merit considera­

tion, other factors should also be considered in arriving

at a decision.

Only a small percentage of consumers would be in­

convenienced by, and therefore object to, half-day closings

during the week (Table 20). Most respondents feel that

TABLE 20

EXTENT TO WHICH CONSUMERS OBJECT TO HALF-DAY CLOSINGS DURING THE WEEK, SALT LAKE CITY AND FRO VO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Households Replying in Following Ways Question Salt Lake City Provo Yes No No Yes No No Opinion Opinion

Would you be in­ convenienced if downtown stores remained closed 8.9 88.4 2.7 8.4 90.1 1.5 one morning or one afternoon during the week?

Source: Consumer Survey. they could quite easily adjust their affairs around such a closing so long as it occurs the same time each week. At the time the survey was taken, most downtown stores re­ mained closed in the morning on the day of their night 123 opening. None practiced afternoon closings. Undoubtedly, many consumers would object to having the half-day closing fall on Saturday. This is a very popular shopping day for both Salt Lake City and Provo.

SUNDAY OPENINGS

While this subject is probably not of great inter­ est to department and specialty store managers who tradi­ tionally do not remain open on Sundays, these stores do carry some merchandise sold on Sunday. To that extent they are competing with stores that remain open. The problem is also of general interest for the community as a whole.

Extent of Sunday Shopping

Grocery and drug items are undoubtedly two of the most commonly purchased items on Sundays. The extent of such shopping in Salt Lake City and Provo is shown by the tabulation in Table 21. Very few households do more than

25 per cent of their drug shopping on Sunday and an even smaller percentage do more than 25 per cent of their gro­ cery shopping on Sunday. Over one-half of the households in Provo and Salt Lake City purchase no groceries at all on

Sunday. A little more than one-half of Provo households and a little less than one-half of Salt Lake City house­ holds purchase no drug items on Sunday. Sunday shopping is a little more extensive in Salt Lake City than in Provo. 124

There is a possibility that some who shop occasionally on

Sunday may hesitate to say so because of their own feeling that it is not quite the proper thing to do.

TABLE 21

PERCENTAGE OF GROCERY AND DRUG ITEMS PURCHASED ON SUNDAY, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Households Purchasing Following I tern Percentages of Specified Items on Sunday None 1-25 26-50 51-75 76-100 Salt Lake City Grocery 55.7 42,5 1.3 .4 .1 Drug 47.5 46.0 4.1 1.1 1.3 Provo Grocery 68.6 30.9 .3 .2 0.0 Drug 54.2 41.8 2.5 .7 .7

Source: Consumer Survey.

Types of Goods Purchased on Sunday

In addition to drug and grocery items, the goods most frequently purchased on Sunday are gasoline, dairy products, bakery goods, and prepared meals (Table 22) .

Gasoline is considerably more important among the items purchased on Sunday in Provo than among those purchased on

Sunday in Salt Lake City. Chi the other hand, purchases of bakery goods on Sunday are much more important in Salt Lake

City than in Provo. Only small differences exist with re­ spect to the other products. 125

It Is important to recognize that the base used in

calculating the percentages in Table 22 was not the number

of households interviewed but the total number of answers

given. Since many respondents gave more than one answer

TABLE 22

TYPES OF GOODS OTHER THAN GROCERY AND DRUG ITEMS PURCHASED ON SUNDAY, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Affirmative Type of Goods Responses Received by Specified Types of Goods Salt Lake City Provo

Gasoline 27.9 37.5 Dairy products 18.0 17.9 Bakery goods 15.7 5.1 Prepared meals 12.4 12.3 Flowers, corsages, etc. 1.3 .5 Hardware .9 .2 Clothing .4 0.0 Furniture and/or appliances .2 0.0 Other 1.1 .7 Buy none on Sunday 22.2 25.8 Total 100.0* 100.0*

*100 per cent equals 1,852 for Salt Lake City and 570 for Provo.

Source: Consumer Survey.

(i.e., indicated they purchased more than one type of goods), total answers exceeded the number of respondents.

There were 1,852 answers given in Salt Lake City and 570 in

Provo, whereas the number interviewed was 1,147 in Salt

Lake City and 405 in Provo. Therefore, to convert the 126

percentages in Table 22 to percentages of households, one would multiply each by 1.61 for Salt Lake City and by 1.41

for Provo. For example, the percentage of households who buy no goods on Sunday is 35.7 for Salt Lake City and 36.4

for Provo. The percentage of households who purchase gaso­

line on Sunday is 44.9 for Salt Lake City and 52.9 for

Provo.

Extent of Consumer Desire for Sunday Openings

The types of stores for which consumers desire Sun­ day openings, as well as the relative extent of such de­ sire for each type, are shown in Table 23. As was pointed out in connection with Table 22, these percentage calcula­ tions are based on total answers given rather than number of households interviewed. With many respondents giving multiple answers (i.e., indicating they desire more than one type of store to remain open), the total answers given in Salt Lake City were 3,065 and in Provo, 934. To convert the percentages in Table 23 to percentages of households who desire the various types of stores to remain open, the same general procedure as outlined above would be followed.

Each percentage for Salt Lake City would be multiplied by

2.67 and each percentage for Provo would be multiplied by

2.31. For example, the percentage of households who desire no stores to stay open in 17.9 for Salt Lake City and 18.9 127

for Provo. The percentage of households who desire drug

stores to remain open is 65.9 for Salt Lake City and 64.0

for Provo. As one would expect, the stores which carry the

types of goods most commonly purchased on Sunday are the

ones for which consumer desire for Sunday openings is

greatest.

TABLE 23

TYPES OF STORES CONSUMERS DESIRE TO REMAIN OPEN ON SUNDAY, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954 * - > - •

Percentage of Affirmative Type of Store Responses Received by Specified Types of Stores Salt Lake City Provo

Drug 24.7 27.7 Service station 19.2 21.1 Cafe and cafeteria 15.9 15.6 Grocery 13.4 11.2 Bakery 8.7 2.7 Dairy Queen 7.4 11.0 Florist 1.1 .6 Hardware .7 .2 Clothing .5 .2 Department store .5 .1 Furniture .3 .2 Appliance .3 .1 Jewelry .1 .1 Other .4 .8 Desire none to remain open 6.7 8.2 Total 100.0* 100.0*

*100 per cent equals 3,065 for Salt Lake City and 934 for Provo.

Source: Consumer Survey. 128

Consumer Reaction to Sunday Opening Rotation Plan for Drug Stores

It is sometimes argued that drug stores should re­

main open on Sunday in order that emergency needs for pre­

scription merchandise and medicinal supplies can be filled.

Assuming this to be true, it does not necessarily follow

that all drug stores within a city must remain open. Some

type of rotation plan whereby at least one store would be

open each Sunday might provide the needed facilities.

Assuming retail druggists could reach an agreement

concerning such a plan, there still remains the important

question as to consumer reaction. Apparently the great majority of consumers in these two cities would not object

to such a plan (Table 24). Some of those who opposed a

rotation plan gave as the reason their desire to trade ex­

clusively at one store. In some cases this desire stemmed

primarily from their feeling that certain stores had lower

prices.

Even though 65.9 per cent of the households in Salt

Lake City and 64.0 per cent of those in Provo desire drug

stores to remain open on Sunday, only 15.1 per cent in Salt

Lake City and 7.1 per cent in Provo would object to a rota­

tion plan. Even though consumers may want drug stores to be open on Sunday, they do not necessarily want all such

stores to remain open. From the point of view of the 129 consumer, a rotation plan for drug stores in Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, appears feasible.

TABLE 24

CONSUMER OPINION CONCERNING SUNDAY OPENING ROTATION PLAN FOR DRUG STORES, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Households Replying Question in the Following Ways Salt Lake City Provo Yes No No Yes No No Opinion Opinion Would you object to rotation plan 15.1 80.8 4.1 7.1 91.4 1.2

Source: Consumer Survey.

DAYS PER WEEK OPEN FOR BUSINESS

At the time of the survey, stores in both Salt Lake

City and Provo were open for business six days per week.

About three-fourths of the households in both cities feel they would not be inconvenienced by a five-day store week in downtown stores so long as they closed some day other than Saturday (Table 25) . Saturday is a very convenient shopping day for both Salt Lake City and Provo.

Wednesday ranks first in both Salt Lake City and

Provo as the day of the week which consumers would prefer as the closing day if stores were to adopt a five-day week, although Monday runs a very close second in Salt Lake City

(Table 26). Perhaps one reason why Salt Lake City 130

TABLE 25

CONSUMER OPINION CONCERNING FIVE-DAY STORE WEEK, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Households Replying Question in the Following Ways Salt Lake City Provo Yes No No Yes No No Opinion Opinion

Would you be in­ convenienced if stores closed 20.3 77.4 2.3 24.9 72.6 2.5 one day during week except Sat.? Would you be in­ convenienced if stores closed Saturday but 68.4 30.4 1.2 78.3 21.2 .5 were open other days?

Source: Consumer Survey.

TABLE 26

CONSUMER PREFERENCE FOR CLOSING DAY IF STORES ADOPTED A FIVE-DAY WEEK, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Households Day of Week Preferring Day______Ealt Lake City Provo Wednesday 24.2 38.7 Monday 23.8 13.2 Tuesday 11.0 13.9 Saturday 6.8 5.0 Thursday 4.5 4.2 Friday 1.0 1.0 No preference 28.7 24.1 Total 100.0 100T0

Source: Consumer Survey. 131 respondents preferred Monday more than did Provo respond­ ents is because many Salt Lake City stores were already closed Monday mornings at the time the survey was taken.

Apparently, Friday is the day least desired by consumers as a closing day.

When these data are compared with the results of the nation-wide survey referred to earlier in this chapter, it can be seen that agreement exists with respect to the two days least desired as the closing day; i.e., Friday and

Thursday in that order. According to the nation-wide sur­ vey, however, Monday is the day most desired by consumers as the closing day followed by Saturday.^ The majority of respondents in Salt Lake City and Provo feel they would be inconvenienced if stores closed on Saturday. This differ­ ence points up the danger in assuming that national figures accurately describe a local situation. Yet such assump­ tions have some times been made in arriving at a decision concerning store hours.

MOST POPULAR SHOPPING DAYS

With respect to most popular shopping days, re­ spondents were asked two questions: ”0n what day of the

^Shopping Habits & Preferences of Department Store Customers (t'few York! Batten, Barton, Durstine & Osborn, IncT, 1954), p. 14. 132 week do you usually buy most of your grocery items?" and

"On what day of the week do you usually buy most of your nongrocery items?" The replies to these two questions are summarized in Tables 27 and 28.

It is recognized that any retailer can determine the relative popularity of each day by looking at his past sales record. These questions were included in the survey primarily to permit the results to be compared with actual behavior as a check on the validity of the results.-* It may be interesting, however, for the merchant to compare his own records with the data in Tables 27 and 28, which represent the consensus of all the consumers in the market area surveyed.

It is interesting to compare the data in Tables 27 and 28 with those in Tables 13 and 14. The three most con­ venient shopping days in Provo for both grocery and non- gorcery items are Saturday, Friday, and Monday in that order (Tables 13 and 14) . The same three days in the same order are the days on which most grocery and nongrocery items are purchased in Provo (Tables 27 and 28) . In Salt

Lake City, the three most convenient shopping days for gro­ ceries and nongroceries are also Saturday, Friday, and Mon­ day in the order listed. The three days on which most

^This point is discussed in the Appendix. 133

TABLE 27

MOST POPULAR GROCERY SHOPPING DAY, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Households Who Buy Day of Week Most of Groceries on Specified Days Salt Lake City Provo

Monday 2.3 6.8 Tuesday 1.2 1.7 Wednesday 1.6 1.7 Thursday 2.5 .7 Friday 30.2 23.2 Saturday 41.2 46.9 Sunday .7 .5 No one day of outstanding importance 20.2 18.3 Total 100.0 100.0

Source: Consumer Survey.

TABLE 28

MOST POPULAR NONGROCERY SHOPPING DAY, SALT LAKE CITY AND PROVO, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Households Who Buy Day of Week Most of Their Nongrocery Items on Specified Days Salt Lake City Provo Monday 8.4 3.4 Tuesday 2.4 3.2 Wednesday 2.6 3.0 Thursday 2.4 1.5 Friday 5.2 5.9 Saturday 22.3 21.6 Sunday .2 .2 No one day of outstanding importance 56.6 61.2 Total 100.0 100.0

Source: Consumer Survey. 134 grocery items are purchased, though, are Saturday, Friday, and Thursday, although there is very little difference be­ tween Thursday and Monday. The three days on which most nongrocery items are purchased are Saturday, Monday, and

Friday in that order. Perhaps the greater importance of

Monday over Friday is due to the Monday night opening prac­ ticed by most downtown stores at the time of the survey.

CONCLUSIONS

Merchants have much to gain from careful consumer research when making store-hours decisions. The values to retail management of the survey findings presented in this chapter were discussed earlier.

On the basis of the findings presented, a few sug­ gestions as to retailer action are given. These sugges­ tions are illustrative of conclusions which might be supported by similar research in other areas. Details as to specific days, hours, and preferences might vary; but such research could result in conclusions for similar cate­ gories of recommendations. The following suggestions, of course, might be modified by factors other than consumer considerations,

1. Both Salt Lake City and Provo merchants should continue to provide nighttime shopping facilities. The ex­ tent to which consumers shop at night, the expressed 135 preferences of many for night openings, and a consideration

of the reasons behind the practice would seem to justify

such action.

2. Merchants in Salt Lake City should collectively

consider Friday as the late night. So also should Provo

merchants. At the time of the survey, downtown merchants

in Salt Lake City remained open Monday nights. Provo mer­

chants were on a Friday night schedule, but before survey

results were tabulated, changed to Monday night. Of

course, this recommendation should be considered along with

such factors as the day on which the largest share of con­

sumers receive their pay checks, the possibility of inter­

ference from week-end social activities, etc. Neverthe­

less, consumer response in both cities indicates Friday as

a more convenient day than Monday.

3. Merchants in both cities should continue to

provide Saturday shopping facilities since it is clearly the most popular shopping day. If, in the future, they

should consider going to a five-day store week, Thursday,

Friday, and Saturday should not be considered as the clos­

ing day. Wednesday or Monday would be consistent with con­

sumer desire.

4. Salt Lake City merchants might reappraise the desirability of closing at 5:40 in the evening since about one-fifth of the consumers feel that this is too early. Also, Provo merchants might reappraise the desirability of

opening at 10 A.M, since about one-fifth of the consumers

feel this is too late. Great care should be exercised in

this matter, however, because costs of such action could

easily exceed the profit from any additional sales.

5. Whatever action might be taken should be the result of collective study and consideration. In this way

downtown merchants can achieve reasonably uniform hours, an

objective which is very desirable from the viewpoint of

consumers. CHAPTER VI

STORE HOURS AND THE CONSUMER--IS THERE A SIGNIFICANT

DIFFERENCE BETWEEN DATTIME AND NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS?

Some individuals who have written on the subject

of store hours have made statements and expressed opinions

concerning the peculiar nature of nighttime business com­

pared to daytime business. According to some of these

statements, the male shopper shows up more heavily at night; couples, particularly those who both work during the

day or who have pre-school age children, make great use of nighttime shopping; merchandise returns are less frequent among nighttime shoppers; and delivery costs are less on nighttime business. One source stated that "... reason leaves no room to doubt that the nocturnal shopper, as a customer, is just about as different from the daytime cus­ tomer as day is from night."*•

One of the prime objectives of the consumer survey^ conducted by the writer was to determine if a significant

3-Grey Matter— Department Store Edition, Vol. 13, No. 5 (New York: Grey Advertising Agency, Inc., September- October, 1952).

2Details concerning this survey are presented in Chapter V and in the Appendix.

137 138

difference does exist between daytime and nighttime shop­

pers. If such a difference does exist, it would be impor­

tant for retail management to determine the specific nature

of the difference and to use this information in formulat­

ing operating policies and procedures for night openings.

To determine if there is a significant difference between daytime and nighttime shoppers, it is necessary to

identify the two types of shoppers in order that they may be compared. For this study, nighttime shoppers are de­

fined as those who usually buy over 50 per cent of their nongrocery items in the evening (after 6 P.M.). Daytime

shoppers are defined as those who usually buy none of their nongrocery items in the evening. The two types of shop­ pers in the survey sample were segregated on the basis of their answers to the following question: "About what pro­ portion of your nongrocery items do you usually buy in the evening?" Data in Table 8 reveal that 43.2 per cent (485) of those answering in Salt Lake City said they shopped none in the evening and thus became designated as daytime shop­ pers. Those in Salt Lake City who said they purchased be­ tween 51 per cent and 75 per cent or between 76 per cent and 100 per cent in the evening and thus became designated as nighttime shoppers constituted 15.2 per cent (170) of those answering. The remaining 41.6 per cent of the re­ spondents who purchase between 1 per cent and 50 per cent in the evening are not included in either category. 139 The question may be raised as to how accurately

consumers can report as to the proportion of nongrocery

shopping done at night. This is a difficult question, but

those who usually buy none in the evening are aware of

this. Thus the category of daytime shoppers is quite clearly identified. Furthermore, those at the other ex­

treme who buy the majority of their nongrocery items at night are pretty well aware of this. There may be some who say they purchase a little over one-half at night who,

in reality, purchase a little less than one-half. Yet even these respondents would be quite clearly distinguishable from strictly daytime shoppers.

The general procedure followed throughout the re­ mainder of this chapter is to compare daytime and nighttime shoppers in the Salt Lake City area on the basis of: in­ come group, age group, marital status, occupation of the breadwinner, residential circumstances, number of children, ages of children, employment circumstances, extent to which husband and wife shop together, use of delivery, credit and returned goods privilege, and location within the trading area. Daytime and nighttime shoppers in the Provo area were not compared. Since the absolute number of nighttime shoppers in Provo is small, percentage calculations based upon this number would not be statistically reliable. 140

Income Group

Apparently nighttime shoppers come from the middle-

income groups, especially the $4,000-$5,999 group, to a

much greater extent than from either the low- or the high-

income groups (Table 29) . The percentage of nighttime

TABLE 29

COMPARISON OF DAYTIME AND NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS ACCORDING TO INCOME GROUP, SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Daytime and Income Group Nighttime Shoppers in Specified Income Group Daytime Nighttime

Under $2,000 20.2 4.0 $2,000-$3,999 31.3 35.6 $4,000-$5,999 28.8 43.0 $6,000-57,999 9.8 14.1 S8,000-$9,999 5.6 2.0 $10,000 and over 4.3 1.3 Total 100.0* 100.0*

*100 per cent equals 396 for Daytime and 149 for Nighttime.

Source: Consumer Survey.

shoppers in the "under $2,000" group is small compared to the percentage of daytime shoppers in that group. This finding can be explained, in part at least, by the fact that a large percentage of those in this income group are older people who are retired and receiving social security or a pension. As is shown later in this report, these peo pie shop very little at night. 141

Combining some income groups reveals that 92.7 per

cent of nighttime shoppers earn from $2,000 to $7,999,

whereas only 69.9 per cent of daytime shoppers earn this

amount. Only 3.3 per cent of nighttime shoppers earn

$8,000 and over, while 9.9 per cent of daytime shoppers

earn this amount. Time would likely be more flexible for respondents in the high-income groups, and thus they could

shop more during the day and especially the morning when

stores and town are less crowded.

The difference between the percentage of daytime and the percentage of nighttime shoppers in each income group has been tested statistically for significant differ­ ence and found to be significantThe difference between the percentage of daytime and nighttime shoppers in the

$2,000-$3,999 income group is barely significant, however.

That nighttime shoppers come chiefly from the middle-income groups is supported by other data. According to Mr. Perry Meyers, Director of Research at Allied Stores, suburbia has ". . . a preponderance of young middle-income families with children."^ There seems to be general agree­ ment on this point. It is also a recognized fact that

% h e differences between these pairs of percentages are sufficiently great that it is unlikely that they can be accounted for merely by the sampling error.

^Perry Meyers, "The Shopping Center," Stores, Vol. 36 (February, 1954), p. 21. 142

nighttime shopping reaches its greatest importance in sub­

urban shopping centers.

Age Group

The differences between the percentage of daytime

and the percentage of nighttime shoppers in the various age

groups shown in Table 30 were found to be statistically

significant with two exceptions. The differences in the

TABLE 30

COMPARISON OF DAYTIME AND NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS ACCORDING TO AGE GROUP, SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Daytime and Age Group Nighttime Shoppers in Specified Age Group Daytime Nighttime

Under 20 1.5 1.8 20-29 12.3 31.3 30-39 23.1 31.3 40-49 20.2 21.1 50-59 16.2 9.0 60 and over 26.7 5.4 Total 100.0* 100.0*

*100 per cent equals 480 for Daytime and 166 for Nighttime.

Source: Consumer Survey.

"under 20" and the 40-49 age groups are not large enough to be significant. It can be concluded, then, that a signifi­ cant difference does exist between the percentages of day­ time and nighttime shoppers in the 20-39 and "50 and over" 143

age groups. The percentage of nighttime shoppers in the

20-39 group is 62.6 compared to only 35.4 for daytime shop­ pers in this group. On the other hand, only 14.4 per cent

of nighttime shoppers are 50 or over, whereas 42.9 per cent of daytime shoppers are this age. It is not difficult to understand why older people, especially those over 60, shop very little at night. Their time is more flexible, and many have some physical hindrance.

The suburban market, where night openings are prac­ ticed to the greatest extent, contains a very liberal por­ tion of the age groups from which, as shown by the above findings, the great majority of nighttime shoppers come.

For example, one author has stated that . . the suburban market contains more than its share of middle-income con­ er sumers in the 25-45 year-old age brackets.” Another re­ cent study has pointed out a tendency for consumers 50 and above to be "more strongly oriented" to downtown than to suburban shopping centers.^

^Eugene J. Kelley, "Retail Structure of Urban Economy," Reprint from Traffic Quarterly, July, 1955, p . 415.

. T. Jonassen, The Shopping Center Versus Down­ town (Columbus, Ohio: Bureau of Business' Research, The Ohio State University, 1955), p. 82. Marital Status

A larger percentage of nighttime shoppers than day­ time shoppers are married. On the other hand, a smaller percentage of nighttime shoppers are widowed (Table 31).

There is a significant difference between the two cate­ gories of shoppers with respect to these two factors. In the other two cases (namely, single and divorced) , the dif­ ferences are not large enough to be significant.

TABLE 31

COMPARISON OF DAYTIME AND NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS ACCORDING TO MARITAL STATUS, SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Daytime and Marital Status Nighttime Shoppers with Specified Marital Status Daytime Nighttime

Single 5.0 3.6 Married 78.4 87.6 Widowed 14.2 5.9 Divorced 2.5 3.0 Total 100.0* 100.0*

*100 per cent equals 485 for Daytime and 169 for Nighttime.

Source: Consumer Survey.

The difference between the percentage of daytime and the percentage of nighttime shoppers in the widowed category is understandable. Widowed persons are likely to be in the older age groups, and older people tend to be daytime shoppers (Table 30). Of course, if the proportion 145

of widowed persons tends to be greater in the older age

groups, then the proportion of married persons tends to be

smaller in these same age groups*

Occupation of Breadwinner

There are some differences in the percentage of

daytime shoppers compared to the percentage of nighttime

shoppers in the various occupational groups listed in

Table 32. In eight of the fifteen groups, these differ­ ences are so small that they may be due to sampling error and therefore are not significant. Included in these occu­ pational groups are the following: professional (lawyer, doctor, etc.), factory employee, proprietor or partner in business, salesman, government employee, student, railroad employee, and pharmacist. In the remaining seven occupa­ tional groups, the differences seem to be significant, although some are just barely so. The most outstanding difference is in the retired group. This fact seems con­ sistent with the information shown previously that older people and people with incomes under $2,000 shop very lit­ tle at night. Skilled workers and retail store employees are the two most outstanding groups which are significantly more important among nighttime shoppers than among daytime shoppers.

These findings are supported by other data. It has been shown that nighttime shoppers come from middle-income groups to a touch greater extent than from low- or hlgh- income groups (Table 29) . According to a 1955 survey on consumer finances, the occupation group with the highest percentage of spending units in the middle-income groups

(between $2,000 and $7,499) in 1954 was "skilled and

TABLE 32

COMPARISON OF DAYTIME AND NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS ACCORDING TO OCCUPATION OF BREADWINNER, SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Daytime and Occupation Nighttime Shoppers in Specified Occupation Daytime Nighttime

Professional 6.0 6.0 Teacher 1.2 3.0 Factory employee 3.6 4.8 Office employee 4.4 7.1 Proprietor or partner in business 9.0 7.7 Farmer .6 0.0 Skilled worker 23.2 31.0 Salesman 6.3 6.6 Retail store employee 4.0 10.1 Government employee 7.7 7.7 Minister .4 0.0 Student 1.0 1.8 Railroad employee 3.6 3.0 Pharmacist 0.0 .6 Retired 18.6 3.0 Other 10.4 7.7 Total 100.0* 100.0*

*100 per cent equals 479 for Daytime and 168 for Nighttime.

Source: Con sinner Survey. 147 semi-skilled" followed by "clerical and sales.These

groups correspond fairly well with skilled workers, retail

store employees, and office employees which have been shown

to be relatively more important among nighttime shoppers

than among daytime shoppers (Table 32) .

Additional supporting evidence was found in a re­

cent study of downtown versus suburban shopping. According

to this study, skilled workers "... consistently and sig­ nificantly show greater orientation toward suburban shop­

ping than the other groups."8 Nighttime shopping, of

course, is practiced to the greatest extent in the suburban market.

Residential Gircumstaaces

The majority of respondents, both daytime and nighttime shoppers, own (or are currently buying) their own homes (Table 33). Nevertheless, the renter is signifi­ cantly more important, although not greatly so, among nighttime shoppers than among daytime shoppers. Perhaps one reason for this finding is that younger couples shop relatively more at night than do older couples (Table 30),

7"The Financial Position of Consumers," Federal Reserve Bulletin, Vol. 41 (June, 1955), p. 615, Table 2.

^Jonassen, op. cit., p. 92. 148

and younger couples are more likely to be renting than

older, more established couples.

TABLE 33

COMPARISON OF DAYTIME AND NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS ACCORDING TO RESIDENTIAL CIRCUMSTANCES. SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Daytime and Residential Nighttime Shoppers with Speci­ Circumstances fied Residential Circumstances Daytime Nighttime

Renter 30.6 36.1 Home owner 69.4 63.9 Total 100.0* 100.0*

*100 per cent equals 483 for Daytime and 169 for Nighttime.

Source: Consumer Survey.

Number of Children in Household

A comparison between daytime and nighttime shoppers

on the basis of the number of children in the household is

shown in Table 34. The percentage of nighttime shoppers with no children is very significantly smaller than the

percentage of daytime shoppers with no children. The per­

centage of nighttime shoppers with two, three, or four children is significantly greater than the percentage of

daytime shoppers with corresponding numbers of children.

Specifically, 57.9 per cent of nighttime shoppers have two,

three, or four children, whereas only 36 per cent of day­

time shoppers fall in this group. The differences between 149

the two categories of shoppers with five, six, or seven

children in the household are not statistically signifi­

cant; and the difference between those with eight or more

children is barely significant.

TABLE 34

COMPARISON OF DAYTIME AND NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS ACCORDING TO NUMBER OF CHILDREN IN THE HOUSEHOLD, SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Daytime and Number of Children Nighttime Shoppers with Specified Number of Children Daytime Nighttime

One 16.7 15.8 Two 18.8 27.4 Three 11.8 20.1 Four 5.4 10.4 Five 2.4 3.7 Six .9 .6 Seven .2 .6 Eight or more 1.1 0.0 None 42.8 21.3 Total 100.0* 100.0*

*100 per cent equals 467 for Daytime and 164 for Nighttime.

Source: Consumer Survey.

A possible explanation for these differences is that those households with five or more children are more likely to have one old enough to "baby-sit" than are those households with less than five. Thus the mother can shop during the day to a greater extent. Furthermore, in those households with one child, the mother can take her child 150 with her more easily than can the mother with several chil­ dren. It seems quite clear that householders with chil­ dren, particularly those with two, three, or four, are more likely to shop at night than are householders with no chil­ dren or with five or more.

As would be expected, families with children are prevalent in the suburban market where nighttime shopping is of great importance. For example, one author states that suburban women have 20-30 per cent more children than do city women. ^

Ages of Children in Household

Percentage calculations in Table 35 are based upon the total number of daytime and nighttime shoppers with children. To include those without children would result in a much greater difference between the two groups of shoppers because relatively more would be added to daytime shoppers than to nighttime shoppers.

There is a significant difference between daytime and nighttime shoppers with children in the pre-school and college groups (Table 35). A higher percentage of night­ time shoppers have pre-school children, whereas a higher percentage of daytime shoppers have college-age children.

This finding is consistent with information previously

^Meyers, op. cit., p. 21. 151 given showing that younger couples are more important as nighttime shoppers than are older couples. The differences showing parents of grade-school children relatively more prevalent among nighttime shoppers and parents of high- school children relatively more prevalent among daytime shoppers are also consistent. These differences, however, are not large enough to be statistically significant.

TABLE 35

COMPARISON OF DAYTIME AND NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS ACCORDING TO AGES OF CHILDREN IN THE HOUSEHOLD, SALT LAKE CITY. UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Daytime and Age Group Nighttime Shoppers with Chil­ dren Who Have The® in Specified Age Group Daytime Nighttime

Pre-school 49.4 58.9 Grade school 51.7 55.8 High school 35.6 32.6 College 15.4 8.5

Note: Totals exceed 100 per cent because some have children in several age groups. 100 per cent equals 267 for Daytime and 129 for Nighttime.

Source: Consumer Survey.

That families with pre-school age children desire and use nighttime shopping facilities to a considerable degree is generally accepted. A 1949 study made in Pitts­ burgh, Pennsylvania, supports this conclusion. One of the 152

Important findings of this study was that "... respond­

ents from families with pre-school age children vote

heavily for evening shopping."10

Employment Circumstances

The percentage of households in which both husband

and wife work is significantly greater among nighttime

shoppers than among daytime shoppers (Table 36) . This con­

firms a widespread belief that one important reason people

TABLE 36

COMPARISON OF DAYTIME AND NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS ACCORDING TO EMPLOYMENT CIRCUMSTANCES, SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Type of Percentage of Daytime and Nighttime Shopper Shopper Households in Which Both Husband and Wife Work

Daytime 18.8 Nighttime 32.0

Note: 100 per cent equals 377 for Daytime and 147 for Nighttime.

Source: Consumer Survey.

shop at night is because work prevents shopping during the

day. In some cases, of course, this work may be on a part- time or shift basis, thus providing some opportunity to

^Harrie F. Lewis and Gladys H. Fox, Shopping Hours Survey (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: Research Bureau for Re­ tail Training, University of Pittsburgh, 1949), p. 26. 153

shop during the day. This is apparently the case with the

18.8 per cant of daytime shoppers shown in Table 36. Nev­

ertheless, there is a significant difference between day­

time and nighttime shoppers in the extent to which both husband and wife are employed.

The 1949 Pittsburgh study gives supporting evi­

dence. This study reveals that evening shopping is

strongly favored by those families in which all adults work.-*-1

Extent to Which Husband and Wife Shop Together

There is a significant difference between daytime and nighttime shoppers in the extent to which husband and wife shop together (Table 37) . This is true for both gro­ cery and nongrocery shopping. Specifically, 30.1 per cent of daytime shoppers never shop together for groceries; the corresponding figure for nighttime shoppers is only 17.7 per cent. Again, 26.4 per cent of daytime shoppers never shop together for nongroceries; the corresponding figure for nighttime shoppers is only 11.5 per cent.

At the other extreme, 42.2 per cent of nighttime shoppers shop together for groceries 76-100 per cent of the time; the corresponding figure for daytime shoppers is only

H l b i d ., p. 26. 154

26.7 per cent. Again, 35.8 per cent of nighttime shoppers

shop together for nongrocery items 76-100 per cent of the

time; the corresponding figure for daytime shoppers is only

22.8 per cent. Apparently, the desire to shop together

leads many couples to use night openings.

TABLE 37

COMPARISON OF MARRIED DAYTIME AND NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS ACCORDING TO EXTENT TO WHICH HUSBAND AND WIFE SHOP TOGETHER, SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Type of Percentage of Married Daytime and Night­ Shopper time Shoppers Who Shop Together the Following Percentages of the Time None 1-25 26-50 51-75 76-100 Grocery Shopping Daytime 30.1 24.9 10.0 8.4 26.7 Nighttime 17.7 15.6 12.9 11.6 42.2 Nongrocery Shopping Daytime 26.4 31.4 10.5 8.9 22.8 Nighttime 11.5 20.3 14.9 17.6 35.8

Note: 100 per cent equals 382 for Daytime and 148 for Nighttime for both grocery and nongrocery shopping.

Source: Consumer Survey.

A recent nation-wide survey of shopping habits of

department store customers also touches on this point.

While the respondents in this survey were not separated

into daytime and nighttime shoppers, the results do reveal that husbands accompany their wives more frequently at night than during the day. Specifically, 9.3 per cent of the respondents said their husbands regularly accompany 155

them on shopping trips at night, whereas only 4.8 per cent

said they regularly accompany them during the day. Fur­

thermore, 37.8 per cent said their husbands never accompany

them during the day, whereas only 20.6 per cent said they

never accompany them at night. ^

Use of Delivery Service

Each respondent was asked the following question:

“If a store offers free delivery on merchandise which can

be carried or taken home in the family car, do you usually

have such merchandise delivered?” The answers to this

question given by daytime and nighttime shoppers are shown

in Table 38. It might be questioned whether respondents

would freely admit their acceptance of free delivery under

these circumstances. Daytime shoppers, however, would be

no more or less apt to admit their acceptance than would

nighttime shoppers. Therefore, the comparison between day­

time and nighttime shoppers is valid.

The difference between the HYes" answers by daytime

and nighttime shoppers (Table 38) is significant, but barely so. Apparently, a somewhat smaller proportion of nighttime shoppers are likely to use delivery service on

such merchandise than is the case with daytime shoppers.

^Shopping Habits & Preferences of Department Store Customers (New York! Batten, Barton, ourstine & Osborn, Inc ., 1954) , p . 20. 156

This seems logical in view of the fact that nighttime shop­ pers are more apt to he husband and wife combinations than are daytime shoppers. With the husband along, an item could be carried more easily than if the wife were shopping alone.

TABLE 38

COMPARISON OF DAYTIME AND NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS ACCORDING TO USE OF DELIVERY SERVICE, SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Shoppers Who Give the Type of Following Replies with Respect to Shopper Acceptance of Free Delivery on Items Which Can Be Carried Home Yes No Cannot Say ______Definitely

Daytime 20.2 78.5 1.2 Nighttime 16.7 81.6 1.8

Note: 100 per cent equals 484 for Daytime and 168 for Nighttime.

Source: Consumer Survey.

Use of Credit and Returned Goods Privilege

The percentage of daytime shoppers who have charge accounts is only slightly higher than the percentage of nighttime shoppers with charge accounts (Table 39) . This difference is not great enough to be significant. On the other hand, the percentage of nighttime shoppers buying merchandise other than homes and automobiles on the 157

instalment plan is significantly greater than the percent­

age of daytime shoppers using this form of credit. Perhaps

one reason a nighttime shopper is more likely to be buying

on instalment is because she is less likely to be in the

"$8,000 and over" income group (Table 29). Of course, she

is also less likely to be in the "under $2,000" income

group; but this low-income group probably consists mostly

of older people who are not so apt to be buying the kinds

of merchandise usually purchased on instalment.

TABLE 39

COMPARISON OF DAYTIME AND NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS ACCORDING TO USE OF CREDIT AND RETURNED GOODS PRIVILEGE, SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, NOVEMBER, 1954

Percentage of Shoppers Service Used Utilizing Specified Store Service Daytime Nighttime

Have charge account 62.1 59.8 Buying on instalment plan 34.3 47.3 Have returned merchandise within last month 13.5 17.8

Note: 100 per cent equals 484 for Daytime and 169 for Nighttime for all three services.

Source: Consumer Survey.

The conclusion that nighttime shoppers are impor­ tant among those who purchase on the instalment plan is corroborated by the findings of the 1955 survey of consumer finances referred to earlier. According to these findings, 158 instalment credit is used by middle-income groups to a greater extent than by high- or low-income groups; by skilled and semiskilled workers to a greater degree than by any other occupation group; and by married couples with children more than by single persons or married couples without children.13 Data presented previously in this chapter indicate that nighttime shoppers are of greatest importance in the middle-income groups, among skilled work­ ers, and among married couples with children. In other words, the use of instalment credit is greatest among the same categories of consumers in which nighttime shoppers are of greatest importance.

Another bit of supporting evidence is that the 1955 survey of consumer finances indicates that, other things being equal, heads of spending units in the 18-44 age group use instalment credit to a greater extent than do those 45 and over. I4 This information is consistent with the data showing that the great majority of nighttime shoppers are between 20 and 49 years of age (Table 30) .

A larger percentage of nighttime shoppers than day­ time shoppers said they had returned merchandise to a store for exchange or refund within the last month (Table 39) .

13"The Financial Position of Consumers," op. eit., p. 620, Table 15.

14Ibid. 159

The difference is significant but barely so. This finding

may be surprising to some who have reasoned that nighttime

shoppers are less likely to return merchandise because more

often husband and wife are shopping together, thus allowing

more chance for a final decision concerning the purchase.

It is not doubted that there is some basis for such reason­

ing, but there are several possible reasons which would

help to explain the survey finding. First, dissatisfaction

with a large dollar value item is more likely to cause a

return than the same degree of dissatisfaction with a small

dollar value item; and it is generally believed that night­

time shoppers, consisting heavily of couples, purchase pro­

portionately more "big ticket" items than do daytime

shoppers. Second, a nighttime shopping trip probably has

to be completed in a shorter period of time, on the aver­

age, than a daytime shopping trip. Therefore, decisions made at night might be more hurried than those made in the

daytime, particularly in those communities where stores are

open only one night per week. Third, some couples may have more difficulty reaching a lasting decision when shopping together than when shopping separately. Each may agree to the purchase primarily because of a feeling that the other wants the item.

It may be that the percentage of shoppers who have returned merchandise within the last month is greater than 160 that shown in Table 39 for both daytime and nighttime shop­ pers. Either a failure to remember or an unwillingness to admit would cause this to be true. These factors would operate on both daytime and nighttime shoppers so that the relative picture would not be changed.

Location Within Trading Area

The location of residences of daytime and nighttime shoppers is shown in Figure 1. Both types of shoppers come from all sections of the trading area in which the survey was taken. The ratio of total nighttime shoppers to total daytime shoppers is about 1 to 3, although this ratio varies in different sections of the trading area. In other words, nighttime shoppers are relatively more important in some sections than in others. Specifically, 12.0 per cent of nighttime shoppers and 9.8 per cent of daytime shoppers come from Murray and Eolladay. This is a ratio of about

1 nighttime shopper to daytime shoppers. Again, 19.6 per cent of nighttime shoppers and 14.0 per cent of daytime shoppers come from South Salt Lake. This is a ratio of about 1 nighttime shopper to 2 daytime shoppers. Finally,

68.4 per cent of nighttime shoppers and 75.9 per cent of daytime shoppers come from Salt Lake City proper. In this area, the ratio of nighttime to daytime shoppers is about

1 to 3£. FIGURE 1

LOCATION OF DAYTIME AND NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS

161 162

AKE

IOHTM

0 ©©A© A© 0 © © oc c

‘A G k 00 0 00 o

0** °0A OA 0 O A 0 O o„ i I oo 00 0 0 0 QO00

00

d a y tim e s h o p p e r s n i g h t t i m e s h o p p e r s

Ptyure 1 163

The above data indicate that nighttime shoppers

come from the suburban and outlying sections of the city to

a greater extent than from within the city proper. This is

consistent with other information showing that nighttime

shopping is of most importance in suburban shopping cen­ ters .

Also, within Salt Lake City proper, the importance of nighttime shoppers varies by area. For example, in the area north of 4th South and east of State Street, the ratio is about 1 nighttime shopper to 5^ daytime shoppers. On the other hand, in the area north of North Temple Street and west of State Street, the ratio of nighttime to daytime shoppers is about 1 to 1.8 The characteristics of these two areas help to explain the relative importance of night­ time shoppers. The area north of 4th South and east of

State Street contains many apartment dwellers, most of whom do not have young children. The eastern part of the area is made up largely of high-income families. These factors are conducive to daytime shopping. The area north of North

Temple Street and west of State Street, on the other hand, is a relatively new residential area for middle-income families. It is occupied largely by young couples with pre-school age children. Families with these characteris­ tics are likely to be nighttime-shopper households. 164

Summary and Conclusions

The above comparisons between daytime and nighttime shoppers indicate that there are a number of significant differences. These differences are summarized below.

1. Nighttime shoppers come from the middle-income group, especially $4,000-$6,000, to a much greater extent than daytime shoppers. They come from the ,lunder $2,000” and ”$8,000 and over” groups to a much lesser extent than daytime shoppers.

2. Nighttime shoppers are more important in the

20-39 age group and less important in the "50 and over” age group than daytime shoppers.

3. Nighttime shoppers are more likely to be mar­ ried and less likely to be widowed than daytime shoppers.

4. Skilled workers and retail store employees are the two most outstanding groups which are significantly more important among nighttime shoppers than among daytime shoppers. A much larger percentage of daytime than night­ time shoppers are retired.

5. Nighttime shoppers are a little more apt to be renting their dwelling units than are daytime shoppers.

6. The percentage of nighttime shoppers with chil­ dren is much larger than the percentage of daytime shoppers with children. The percentage of nighttime shoppers with 165

two, three, or four children is much higher than the per­

centage of daytime shoppers with two, three, or four chil­

dren.

7. A larger proportion of nighttime shoppers have

pre-school age children, and a smaller proportion have col­

lege age children than do daytime shoppers.

8. The percentage of households in which both hus­

band and wife work is very much greater among nighttime

shoppers than among daytime shoppers.

9. Shopping trips involving both husband and wife

are more common among married nighttime shoppers than among married daytime shoppers.

10. Nighttime shoppers are a little less likely

than daytime shoppers to have the store deliver merchandise which can be carried home.

11. The percentage of nighttime shoppers buying on

instalment is much larger than the percentage of daytime

shoppers using this form of credit.

12. A slightly higher percentage of nighttime shop­ pers than daytime shoppers said they had returned merchan­ dise for exchange or refund within the last month.

13. The proportion of nighttime shoppers who live

in Murray, Holladay, and South Salt Lake (see Figure 1) is greater than the proportion of daytime shoppers living in these areas. On the other hand, the proportion of 166 nighttime shoppers living in Salt Lake City proper is smaller than the proportion of daytime shoppers living in this area.

Even though these differences were determined on the basis of a study of just one area, it is believed that most, if not all, of them exist in other areas as well.

Data from other sources pertaining to a variety of cities tend to corroborate the survey findings. Merchants should find this information useful in formulating operating poli­ cies and procedures for night openings. CHAPTER VII

STORE HOURS AND THE CONSUMER--IN-STORE SURVEY

OF NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS

Before the findings of the in-store survey of nighttime shoppers are presented, two other matters are treated briefly. First, the purpose of the study is ex­ plained; and second, methodology is described.

PURPOSE OF SURVEY

The results of a house-to-house consumer study were considered in Chapters V and VI. Chapter V dealt with the store-hours problem in general, but much of the data re­ lated particularly to nighttime shopping. In Chapter VI, nighttime shoppers were compared with daytime shoppers to determine if a significant difference exists between them.

This additional consumer research was undertaken in an at­ tempt to determine, by interviewing consumers actually shopping at night, some of the desires, preferences, and characteristics of nighttime shoppers in order to shed fur­ ther light on the subject and perhaps verify some of the findings of the house-to-house study.

167 168

This research, then, might be considered partially as a check on the accuracy and reliability of the findings of the house-to-house survey as it dealt with the night- openings phase of the store-hours problem. If it is found that consumers actually shopping at night tend to have the same characteristics as nighttime shoppers were shown to have by the house-to-house study, then more confidence can be placed In the findings of both pieces of research. In comparing the findings of the two surveys, however, one should bear in mind the differences between them--particu­ larly the sampling technique and the time element. These differences point up cases in which the data are not strictly comparable.

SURVEY METHODS

Data were gathered by personal interview of cus­ tomers as they were shopping at night (between 6 and

9 P.M.). Interviewers, stationed just inside the entrances of a number of stores in Provo, Utah, attempted to inter­ view as many shoppers as possible. Of course, when many customers entered at once, it was not possible to interview each one; and In the case of family shopping groups, only the husband or wife was interviewed. 169

In an effort to obtain as representative*- a sample

as possible, stores in which interviewing was done were se­

lected to obtain a group which would be representative of

the kinds and sizes of establishments in downtown Provo, o except drug and grocery. The stores selected included the following:^

Store No. 1 - a chain department store, Store No. 2 - an independent department store, Store No. 3 - a soft goods chain store, Store No. 4 - a variety chain store, Store No. 5 - a ladies1 ready-to-wear chain store, Store No. 6 - an independent men's and boys' cloth­ ing store, Store No. 7 - an independent women's ready-to-wear store.

These stores collectively attract customers from all income groups.

The interviewing was done on three different nights: Friday, February 18; Monday, February 21; and Mon­ day, February 28, 1955. Store No. 1 was open both Monday and Friday nights, and all others were open only on Monday nights. Therefore, the interviewing done on Friday,

*-It is recognized that the method used in this sur­ vey will not provide a random sample; therefore, the sam­ pling error cannot be statistically determined.

^his survey purposely excluded drug and grocery stores in order that results might be more meaningful to shopping goods stores.

^individual stores are referred to by these numbers throughout the remainder of the chapter. 170

February 18, was in Store No. 1 only. A total of 676 usable questionnaires resulted from the three nights of in­

terviewing. Of those interviewed, 42.3 per cent were male,

and 57.7 per cent were female.

Careful attention was given to the construction of

the questionnaire, the supervision of interviewing, and the editing and tabulation of the results. The questionnaire might have contained many more questions; but since the in­ terviewing was to be done in the stores, it was felt desir­ able to keep it relatively short. Tabulation was done by hand but was double-checked for accuracy. All percentage calculations were also double-checked.

SURVEY RESULTS

Consumer Desire for More Than One Night Opening per Week

The majority of nighttime shoppers^ do not wish stores other than drug and grocery to practice multiple night openings (Table 40) . The question on the question­ naire specifically referred to stores other than drug and grocery. Even though nearly one-third indicated a desire for more than one night opening per week, this finding does not necessarily justify the adoption of a multiple-night

^Those actually shopping after 6 P.M. on the nights of the survey. This is not exactly the same definition as used in the house-to-house survey. 171

schedule. It is likely that some of those who answered

"Yes" would not materially increase their nighttime shop­

ping if a second night were added. Furthermore, possible

cost increases would be an important consideration. There may be some, however, who do not shop at night, and there­

fore were not covered by this survey, who would do so if a

second night were added.

TABLE 40

EXTENT TO WHICH NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS DESIRE MORE THAN ONE NIGHT OPENING PER WEEK, PROVO, UTAH, FEBRUARY, 1955

Response Percentage of Nighttime Shoppers Giving Specified Response

o S\ / - Yes JV.O No 59.5 No opinion 9.9 Total 1 0 0 . 0

Source: In-Store Survey.

Most Convenient Nongrocery Shopping Night

The replies to the question "If stores were open any night, which night or nights would be most convenient for you to shop for nongrocery items?" are tabulated in

Table 41. Monday, Friday, and Saturday, in that order, are considered the three most convenient shopping nights, al­ though Saturday is considerably less convenient than either

Monday or Friday. 172

According to the findings of the house-to-house

survey, these same three nights are most convenient, al­

though the order of convenience is different. Friday and

Saturday are of equal convenience followed by Monday

(Table 15). Before any conclusions are drawn, however,

several observations should be made.

TABLE 41

MOST CONVENIENT NIGHTS FOR NONGROCERY SHOPPING, PROVO, UTAH, FEBRUARY, 1955

Percentage of Total Expressed Night Preferences Received by Particular Nights

Monday 39.9 Tuesday .5 Wednesday 2.6 Thursday 2.4 Friday 35.7 Saturday 4.4 Sunday .4 All nights equally convenient 14.0 Total 100.0

Source: In-Store Survey.

First, the universes sampled in the two surveys were not exactly the same. Some respondents in the in­ store survey lived in small towns and places outside of

Provo, whereas the house-to-house survey included only

Provo city proper plus two rural delivery routes. Second, in the in-store survey, all those shopping after 6 P.M. 173

indicated which night was most convenient. In the house-

to-house survey, only those for whom evenings were either most convenient or one of the most convenient shopping times indicated the convenient evening.

A third and very important point is that shortly after the house-to-house survey was conducted, Provo stores changed from Friday night openings, which they had prac­ ticed for one year, to a Monday night schedule. At the time of the in-store survey, consumers had had nearly two months in which to become accustomed to the Monday night opening. There seems to be a tendency for consumers to prefer the night to which they have become accustomed. If this is true, it would help to explain the Monday night preference shown in the in-store survey and the Friday night preference shown by the house-to-house survey.

Fourth, the great majority of respondents in the in-store survey were interviewed while shopping on a Monday night. Only in Store No. 1 were respondents interviewed on

Friday night, and there interviewing was done on Monday night also. It is interesting that 65.3 per cent of those interviewed in Store No. 1 prefer Friday to Monday

(Table 42) . The tabulation in Table 42 shows that when the choice is limited to Monday or Friday, Monday is preferred by only a slight margin. Perhaps if equal numbers were in­ terviewed on each night, the balance would be tipped in favor of Friday. 174

In view of the above information, the choice of a

late shopping night lies between Monday and Friday. Fro®

the point of view of the consumer, neither night seems

unquestionably of greater convenience than the other, par­

ticularly when there seems to be a tendency to vote for the

TABLE 42

COMPARATIVE CONVENIENCE OF MONDAY AND FRIDAY NIGHTS FOR NONGROCERY SHOPPING, PROVO, UTAH, FEBRUARY, 1955

Night Percentage of Nighttime Shoppers in Fol­ lowing Stores Who Prefer Particular Night All Store Store Store Store Stores Stores 1 2 3 4 5,6,& 7

Monday 50.0 31.2 61.0 57.7 49.6 62.5 Friday 48.6 65.3 37.8 41.3 50.4 37.5 No opinion 1.4 3.5 1.2 1.0 0.0 0.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Source: In-Store Survey. night to which one has become accustomed. The difference

in consumer preference is not so great as to prevent man­

agement from making the decision primarily on the basis of

other factors such as pay day and employee and executive preference. Of course, Saturday was shown to be equally convenient with Friday in the house-to-house survey, but much less convenient than Friday in the in-store survey.

At any rate, employee and executive attitudes would likely rule out Saturday night as practicable. 175

Why Particular Nights Are Most Convenient

The most important reason why consumers choose a particular night for shopping is that they have obligations on other nights (Table 43). These obligations include meetings, school events, and other social activities. The next most important reason is "free from job" followed by

"pay day."

TABLE 43

REASONS FOR CHOICE OF PARTICULAR NIGHTS AS MOST CONVENIENT FOR NONGROCERY SHOPPING, PROVO, UTAH, FEBRUARY, 1955

Percentage of Total Choices Reasons Received by Specified Reasons

Have obligations other nights 27.6 Free from job 18.6 Pay day 13.9 Due to week end 7.3 Free from housework 5.9 Not restricted by children 5.1 Because of habit 4.5 Transportation is available 2.7 Want family member or friend to shop with me 2.2 Stores and/or town less crowded 1.3 Does not interfere with school 0.7 Other 10.1 Total 100.0

Source: In-Store Survey.

A tabulation of the reasons by night of preference shows few differences based upon the night selected.

Therefore no table on this point is included. A few dif­ ferences are mentioned, however. A larger percentage of 176

those choosing Friday do so because they want family mem­

bers or friends to shop with them than is true of those

choosing Monday. Also, "due to week end" and "does not

interfere with school" are more important reasons for those choosing Friday than for those choosing Monday. Finally,

"because of habit" is relatively more important for those choosing Monday than for those choosing Friday. This last difference lends support to the belief expressed earlier that there is a tendency for consumers to choose the night which stores are currently open and to which they have be­ come accustomed.

The data in Table 43 are not strictly comparable to those in Table 17, in which results of the house-to-house survey on reasons for night preferences are presented. In

Table 17, the reasons explain principally why consumers choose evenings as against daytime, whereas in Table 43, the reasons explain why they choose one night rather than another.

Frequency of Night Shopping Trips

Slightly over two-fifths of the respondents shop at night one or two times a month, about one-third shop three or more times a month, and a little over one-fifth shop less frequently than once a month (Table 44) . These data were tabulated from the replies given to the following question: "How many nights have you shopped like this 177

within the past four weeks (not counting tonight)?" The

maximum number of nights in a four-week period in which

customers could shop was eight since Store No. 1 remained

open both Monday and Friday nights. For those customers who did not shop at Store No. 1, the maximum was four.

TABLE 44

NUMBER OF NIGHT SHOPPING TRIPS MADE DURING PAST FOUR WEEKS, PROVO, UTAH, FEBRUARY, 1955

Number Percentage of Nighttime Shoppers Making of Trips Specified Number of Trips

One 23.6 Two 19.4 Three 11.1 Four 21.8 Five or more 1.6 None 22,5

Source: In-Store Survey.

Proportion of Nongrocery Items Purchased in the Evening

The majority of respondents usually purchase 25 per cent or less of their nongrocery items at night, although nearly one-fifth of them purchase over 75 per cent of such

items at night (Table 45) . Apparently, most of the cus­ tomers shopping at night at any given time actually buy the majority of their nongrocery items in the daytime. 178

TABLE 45

PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL NONGROCERY PURCHASES MADE IN THE EVENING, PROVO, UTAH, FEBRUARY, 1955

Percentage of Percentage of Nighttime Shoppers Who Purchases______Buy Specified Percentage at Night

1-25 59.7 26-50 11.9 51-75 10.0 76-100 18.4

Source: In-Store Survey

Marital Status of Nighttime Shoppers

A little over four-fifths of nighttime shoppers are married, and most of the remaining shoppers are single

(Table 46). Comparatively few are widowed or divorced.

TABLE 46

MARITAL STATUS OF NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS, PROVO, UTAH, FEBRUARY, 1955

Marital Status Percentage of Nighttime Shoppers with ______Specified Marital Status______

Single 15.3 Married 81.4 Widowed 2.7 Divorced 0.6 Total------rUUTO------

Source: In-Store Survey

These data are more meaningful when compared to the marital status of all heads of households in Provo as re­ vealed by the house-to-house consumer survey, According to 179 the house-to-house study, 8.2 per cent are single, 82.4 per cent are married, 9-1 per cent are widowed, and 0.2 per cent are divorced. Widowed consumers are relatively less important among nighttime shoppers than among total heads of households. This conclusion is in general agree­ ment with the findings of the house-to-house survey which showed the percentage of widowed nighttime shoppers to be smaller than the percentage of widowed daytime shoppers

(Table 31).5

There is very little difference between the per­ centage of nighttime shoppers who are married (Table 46) and the percentage of all heads of Provo households who are married. According to the house-to-house survey, however, a larger percentage of nighttime shoppers are married than is true of daytime shoppers. Therefore, married consumers might be expected to be more important among those shopping at night than among total heads of households. It must be remembered, however, that in the house-to-house survey only heads of households were included in the sample, and single adults who were not heads of households were excluded.

These single adults were included in the in-store survey.

This fact helps to explain the larger percentage of single

~>Table 31 pertains to Salt Lake City rather than Provo, but it is felt that the two sets of data tend to support each other. 180 people among those shopping at night. Furthermore, other things being equal, the larger the percentage of single people, the smaller the percentage in one or all of the re­ maining categories.

Marital status of nighttime shoppers was tabulated for those who buy 1-50 per cent of nongrocery items at night and for those who buy 51-100 per cent at night. The differences in percentages between these two subgroups were very slight. Apparently, the proportion of total purchases made at night by nighttime shoppers varies little with marital status.

Occupations of Nighttime Shoppers

Skilled workers, students, factory employees, and retail store employees, in that order, are the four most important occupational groups among those shopping at night

(Table 47) . According to the house-to-house survey, skilled workers and retail store employees, in that order, are the two most important occupational groups among night­ time shoppers; and both are significantly more important among nighttime than among daytime shoppers (Table 32) .

Thus, partial agreement exists between the two surveys. It should be remembered, however, that Table 47 pertains to

Provo and Table 32 pertains to Salt Lake City. Since stu­ dents and factory employees make up a larger proportion of total population in Provo than in Salt Lake City, it is not 181

too surprising to find these two groups of relatively

greater importance among those shopping at night in Provo

than among nighttime shoppers in Salt Lake City.

TABLE 47

OCCUPATIONS* OF NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS, CLASSIFIED BY FREQUENCY OF SHOPPING TRIPS AND PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL NONGROCERY ITEMS PURCHASED AT NIGHT. PROVO, UTAH, FEBRUARY, 1955

Occupation Percentage Distribution Total Have Shopped** Purchase*** Shop­ 0 to 2 3 or More 1-50% 51- pers Times Times 100%

Skilled worker 36.5 35.5 38.4 35.6 38.5 Student 16.3 17.6 13.8 16.6 15.5 Factory employee 8.4 7.7 9.9 7.5 11.2 Retail store employee 6.5 6.5 6.5 7.0 5.3 Salesman 6.3 7.4 4.3 5.8 7.5 Professional 5.1 4.9 5.6 5.3 4.3 Teacher 4.5 4.4 4.7 4.9 3.7 Office employee 3.9 3.5 4.7 4.7 2.1 Proprietor or part­ ner in business 3.3 3.0 3.9 3.4 2.7 Railroad employee 2.0 1.9 2.2 1.9 2.1 Farmer 1.5 1.9 0.9 1.5 1.6 Government employee 0.9 0.5 1.7 1.1 0.5 Pharmacist 0.2 0,2 0.0 0.2 0.0 Retired 0.6 0.7 0.4 0.9 0.0 Other 3.9 4.4 3.0 3.6 4.8 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

*Refers to occupation of breadwinner.

Within past four weeks.

***At night.

Source: In-Store Survey. 182

According to the house-to-house survey, 24 per cent of all breadwinners in Provo are skilled workers. Since skilled workers make up 36.5 per cent of those shopping at night (Table 47), it is apparent that skilled workers are more important among nighttime shoppers than in the total population.

Skilled workers and factory employees seem to in­ crease slightly in importance as the frequency of shopping trips increases and as the amount purchased at night in­ creases (Table 47). For most occupational groups, however, there is little meaningful variation with frequency of trips and amount purchased. Retired persons are very un­ important among nighttime shoppers as was indicated in the house-to-house survey.

Age Distribution of Nighttime Shoppers

Nearly 90 per cent of those shopping at night are under 50 years of age, and approximately 66 per cent are under 40 (Table 48). With the exception of the 'hinder 20" age group, this age distribution shows a fairly close re­ semblance to that determined for nighttime shoppers in the house-to-house study (Table 30), Here again, one would ex­ pect a larger percentage in the "tinder 20" group in the in­ store survey because shoppers in their late teens were interviewed in the store but not in the house-to-house sur­ vey unless they were heads of households. 183

The percentage of persons in the total population in Provo above 19 years of age who are 50 or over is 28.8 according to the house-to-house survey and 26.6 according to the 1950 Census. The percentage of those above 19 years of age shopping at night who are 50 or over is 11.9 as re­ vealed by the in-store survey of nighttime shoppers. These data support the findings of the house-to-house survey which reveal that consumers 50 and over are unimportant as nighttime shoppers.

TABLE 48

AGE DISTRIBUTION OF NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS, PROVO, UTAH, FEBRUARY, 1955

Age Group Percentage of Nighttime Shoppers in Specified Age Group

Under 20 10.1 20-29 29.1 30-39 27.0 40-49 23.1 50-59 8.2 60 and over 2.5 Total 100.0

Source: In-Store Survey.

Location of Nighttime Shoppers within Trading "Area

Approximately one-third of those interviewed in

Provo stores live in nineteen cities and towns outside of

Provo (Table 49). Of this one-third, 82.8 per cent come from four cities located nearest Provo with 53.5 per cent 184 coming from Orem, one of these four cities. Orem does not have a central shopping district. Small clusters of stores and individual places of business are spread out over a distance of approximately seven miles. This situation probably accounts for the large percentage of customers who shop in Provo. A few nighttime shoppers come from cities as far as 135 miles away. These people are probably visit­ ing Provo for some other purpose.

TABLE 49

PLACES OF RESIDENCE OF CUSTOMERS SHOPPING AT NIGHT IN PROVO STORES, FEBRUARY, 1955

Geographic Area Percentage of Customers Who Live in Specified Geographic Area

Provo city proper 62.9 Provo rural routes 4.0 Other cities and towns 33.1 Total 100.0

Source: In-Store Survey.

Of the 62.9 per cent who live within the city of

Provo, 36.0 per cent live in the northeast section, 30.8 per cent live in the northwest section, 19.2 per cent live in the southeast section, and 14.0 per cent live in the southwest section. It is believed that these percentages correspond fairly well with the percentages of population living within these sections except perhaps for the 185 southwest, where the percentage of population is probably somewhat greater than 14. This section of Provo is the oldest and probably contains a larger proportion of older people. This fact would help to explain the smaller per­ centage of nighttime shoppers.

Extent to Which Both Husband and Wife Work in Night t ime - Shopper Families

According to the house-to-house survey, both hus­ band and wife work in 12.8 per cent of all married-couple households in Provo. Since the percentage of married- couple households in which both husband and wife work is greater among nighttime than among daytime shoppers

(Table 36), one would expect this percentage as revealed by the in-store survey of nighttime shoppers to be greater than 12.8, The percentage is 21.4 (Table 50).

The percentage of married nighttime-shopper fami­ lies in which both husband and wife work increases as the frequency of night shopping trips increases and as the amount purchased at night increases (Table 50) . This fact is good evidence of the importance of this characteristic among nighttime shoppers. 186

TABLE 50

EMPLOYMENT CIRCUMSTANCES AMONG MARRIED NIGHTTIME-SHOPPER FAMILIES, PROVO, UTAH, FEBRUARY, 1955

Percentage of Married Nighttime- Shopper Category Shopper Families in Which Both Husband and Wife Work

Total nighttime shoppers 21.4 Those who shopped 0 to 2 times in past 4 weeks 18.9 Those who shopped 3 or more times in past 4 weeks 25.9 Those who purchase 1-50% at night 17.8 Those who purchase 51- 100% at night 31.2

Source: In-Store Survey.

CONCLUSIONS

In general, the findings of the in-store survey of nighttime shoppers tend to substantiate the findings of

the house-to-house survey and other data discussed in

Chapter VI. The characteristics of a sample of custom­

ers shopping at night were found to be substantially the

same as those indicated by the house-to-house survey and corroborated in some cases by information from other

sources. Specifically, these characteristics pertain to

employment circumstances, age distribution, occupation of breadwinner, and marital status, although data concerning

the latter point are not too conclusive. There are other characteristics, of course, which were not investigated in the in-store survey because of the need to keep the ques­ tionnaire short. It is believed, however, that the other important characteristics, if investigated, would also be verified. CHAPTER VIII

NIGHT OPENINGS AND STORE OPERATION

As retailers have adopted night openings, several

important questions pertaining to the profitability of such

openings have been raised. These questions are considered

in the first part of this chapter. In the latter part,

consideration is given to the possibility of making night

openings more profitable through a knowledge of the nature

of nighttime shoppers and how they differ from the daytime

shoppers.

CONVENIENT STORE HOURS--A METHOD OF

NONPRICE COMPETITION

There are many ways in which retailers compete for

consumer patronage in addition to lowering prices. There

seems to be a tendency for merchants to shy away from

direct price competition, thereby increasing the amount of nonprice competition. This tendency stems partially from

the belief that patronage secured on the basis of price

alone is not very loyal. Customers will shift from store

to store as each temporarily has the lowest prices. Fur­

thermore, it is difficult to forecast accurately the 188 189 reaction of customers and competitors. Competitors may match the lower price; or consumers may fail to buy suf- ficently larger amounts, either of which could put the merchant in a worse position than before the price reduc­ tion.

One important type of nonprice competition is serv­ ice competition. Merchants attempt to secure convenient locations, establish liberal return goods policies, extend credit and delivery services, install air-conditioning equipment, and offer many other services in an effort to attract and retain consumer patronage. Convenient store hours is merely another example of service competition.

The relative importance of this method of service competition undoubtedly varies among different types of retailers and different classes of goods. For example, convenient store hours are normally more important for con­ venience goods retailers than for specialty goods retail­ ers. Convenient hours are also one of the most important methods by which many small retailers can compete with their large competitors. Many remain open Sundays or later at night in order to secure all-important volume. For any retail establishment, however, the more nearly its open hours represent the "right" hours for its customers, the more it will attract and retain customer patronage. 190

An indication of the importance of convenient store

hours has been provided in a major consumer study pertain­

ing to suburban shopping centers versus downtown. Accord­

ing to this survey, a ranking of advantages of suburban

shopping centers in order of importance shows "more conven­

ient hours" ranking fifth in a list of eight advantages in

both Seattle and Houston.^ The first four advantages

listed were "closer to home," "parking easy," "do not have

to dress up to go," and "less crowded." In Columbus, Ohio,

where the study was first made, respondents placed "more

convenient hours" third in order of importance. ^ This same

study shows, for each of the three cities, the percentage

of respondents who indicated that "more convenient hours"

was of no concern to them. These percentages are: Colum­

bus, 5.8 per cent; Houston, 4.8 per cent; and Seattle,

5.6 per cent.^

Even though convenient store hours is not the most

important advantage a store or a group of stores can offer,

it is still a matter with which most consumers are con­

cerned. Anything which is of concern to consumers ought to

receive attention by retail management.

1-C. T . Jonas sen, The Shopping Center Versus Down­ town (Columbus, Ohio: Bureau of Busxhess^Research, The "Ohio State University, 1955), p. 121.

^lbid., p. 2. ^Ibid., p. 45. 191

ARE NIGHT OPENINGS PROFITABLE?

No astute merchant will adopt any change in his operations unless he believes it will be profitable, either immediately or in the long run, or unless he believes it will be more unprofitable not to do so. With respect to the adoption of night openings, the effect on profits de­ pends upon how such openings affect sales volume and oper­ ating expenses.

Do Night Hours Bring Additional Business or Merely Rob Daytime Business?

This significant question has been raised fre­ quently and argued both ways. The differences of opinion concerning the answer are to be expected since no one seems yet to have come up with a sure and easy method of measur­ ing the exact extent of shifted or additional business. A leading spokesman emphasized this point when he said: "De­ partment stores really have no sure technique for determin­ ing with any preciseness what percentage of their night volume represents business that may be switched from other days of the week."^ Another reason for these differences of opinion is that there may actually be a different result

^E. B. Weiss, Director of Merchandising, Grey Ad­ vertising Agency, Inc., in an address at the 42nd Annual Convention of the NRDGA in The Thompson Case (Boston: Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration, 1953), p. 19. in one store under one set of conditions than in another

under different conditions.

If one could be sure that nighttime volume repre­

sented business which would not, for the most part, be done

during the day, then the problem would be greatly simpli­

fied. Nevertheless, the operating expense factor would

have to be considered. Under certain circumstances, even

additional business may not be profitable business.

One extreme viewpoint pertaining to the question of

additional versus shifted volume is the "limited market"

concept. According to this viewpoint, there is just "so

much" business to be had by retailers. Therefore, whether

they limit hours to daytime or open one or more nights per

week is unimportant— collectively, they will get the same

amount of business. Under this assumption, and assuming

also that all acted uniformly, all nighttime volume would

be shifted from daytime with no additional or extra busi­

ness. Of course, even under the "limited market" concept,

if one retailer keeps his store open longer by adopting

night openings while others do not, his night volume will

include some business which he would not have gotten with­

out night openings.^ If such openings prove profitable, however, others will follow.

-*It is generally believed, however, that shopping goods stores do better when there is opportunity for cus­ tomers to compare products in a number of near-by stores. 193

The result would be the same with all methods of

service competition. If competitors imitate the practice

and it is assumed that the total market cannot be expanded,

then the cost of doing business for all stores would in­

crease with no advantage to any one store.

To accept this "limited market" concept certainly

does not seem to be the most progressive or fruitful thing

to do. Moreover, there is evidence that the argument is

not valid. Retail stores do not compete just with retail

stores for the consumer's dollar, but with theaters, amuse­

ment parks, eating and drinking establishments, gas sta­

tions, etc. The more consumers spend in these places, the

less they can spend in retail stores. It appears that re­

tailers, particularly during periods when the trend in con­

sumer discretionary spending power is up, could increase

their total sales by making it more convenient and easy for

consumers to spend their money in retail stores. Likewise,

they will lose sales if others compete more vigorously and

effectively for the consumer's dollar. As one author put

it, "The retailer has no hammer lock on a fixed share of

the consumers' income.

A specific example of nonstore competition faced by retailers is afforded by vending machines. One reason for

^Dero A. Saunders, "Shopping After Dark," Fortune, Vol. 46 (November, 1952), p. 122. 194 the Increasing importance of this method of selling is that it makes merchandise available whenever machines are acces­ sible. Consumers are buying an increasing number of items through vending machines even at prices higher than those in most retail stores. This fact emphasizes that the amount of business available for retail stores is not a fixed quantity.

Opinions of retail executives who have attempted to evaluate their own experiences with night openings are significant. A confidential survey of over 500 retail ex­ ecutives was conducted by the NRDGA. The majority of these executives represented stores open one night per week, al­ though some worked for stores not open any evening and some represented stores open two nights. According to this sur­ vey, approximately 80 per cent of the respondents were of the opinion that sufficient additional volume was secured through night openings to offset increased operating ex­ penses. ^ This finding reflects principally the opinions of the executives towards a one-night schedule. Most of them stated that they were not in favor of additional night openings.

^George Plant, Store Hours and Employee Schedules (New York: Store Management Croup, National Retail Dry Goods Association, 1952), p. 27. 195

At its Mid-Year Conference held in Chicago in June,

1952, the Store Management Group of the NRDGA sponsored a panel discussion in which the experiences of five different stores relative to night openings were described. These stores were: Sibley, Lindsay & Curr, open two nights per week, and E. W. Edwards & Sons, open two nights, both of

Rochester, New York; Woodward & Lothrop of Washington,

D. C., open one night; Milwaukee Boston Store of Milwaukee,

Wisconsin, open two nights; and J. L. Hudson Company of

Detroit, Michigan, open one night. In all but one of these, store representatives were either sure that addi­ tional volume resulted or at least were pleased with night­ time business. In the one, Woodward & Lothrop, the store representative felt that he would be willing to discontinue the night opening if other stores would do likewise, al­ though he stated that from management's point of view,

O their night openings yielded good business. There is no assurance, of course, that this is typical.

In summary, there is very little evidence to sup­ port the conclusion that all nighttime business is trans­ ferred from daytime. Night openings probably bring some net volume gain for all stores since, through this prac­ tice, retailers compete more effectively with nonstore

8Ibid., pp. 32, 34, 37, 39, 42. 196 competition for the consumer’s dollar. This gain undoubt­ edly is not shared equally by individual stores. Some at­ tract more nighttime business than others, depending upon how effectively such business is planned for and promoted.

Even though some additional business results, there is still the very crucial question as to whether such vol­ ume is sufficient to offset any increase in operating ex­ penses incurred by night openings. No way has been found to determine this accurately; but for one night opening per week, limited evidence in the form of retail executive opinion indicates the affirmative. Multiple, night openings for many downtown stores, however, would probably increase expenses more than gross margin.

Per Hour Volume Daytime Versus Nighttime as Shown by Store Records and Executive Statements

If it can be shown that per hour volume at night compares favorably with per hour volume during the day, the case for night openings is strengthened. This is true particularly if it is assumed, as concluded above, that some nighttime business is additional rather than trans­ ferred volume. To shed some light on this matter, the co­ operation of one of the major Provo stores was secured.

This store, a very successful unit of a national soft goods chain, kept a record of daytime (10 A.M. to 6 P.M.) and nighttime (6 P.M. to 9 P.M.) volume on the day of the late 197

opening and made these figures, expressed in percentages of total day's volume, available for each month of 1954 and

1955. These data for 1955 are presented in Table 51.

TABLE 51

DAYTIME VERSUS NIGHTTIME SALES VOLUME EXPRESSED AS PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL DAY’S VOLUME FOR A SELECTED STORE, PROVO, UTAH, 1955

Month Daytime (10-6) Nighttime (6-9) % of Total Per Hour 7o of Total Per Hour Day's Volume Volume* Day's Volume Volume* CD . (2) (3) (4.) January 78.9 9.9 21.1 7.0 February 78.3 9.8 21.7 7.2 March 75.6 9.4 24.4 8.1 April 72.5 9.1 27.5 9.2 May 74,4 9.3 25.6 8.5 June 82.2 10.3 17.8 5.9 July 69.8 8.7 30.2 10.1 August 73.0 9.1 27.0 9.0 September 77.7 9.7 22.3 7.4 October 70.3 8.8 29.7 9.9 November 77.4 9.7 22.6 7.5 December 81.8 10.2 18.2 6.1

Average for year 76.0 9.5 24.0 8.0

*Column (1) divided by 8.

**Column (3) divided by 3.

Source: Sales Record of Selected Store.

For the months of April, July, and October, per hour nighttime volume (column 4) exceeds per hour daytime volume (column 2) . In the remaining months per hour day­ time volume exceeds per hour nighttime volume, although the 198

two are about equal for August. Therefore, for the year as

a whole, per hour daytime volume is a little greater than

per hour nighttime volume.

The figures are very nearly the same for 1954. The

monthly percentages differ a little here and there; but for

the year as a whole, the percentages are identical with

those for 1955--the per hour daytime volume is 9.5 per cent

and the per hour nighttime volume is 8.0 per cent of the

total day's volume. This fact indicates a fairly stable

relationship between daytime and nighttime business.

Per hour nighttime volume is near enough per hour

daytime volume to make a good case for night openings for this store. The variation by months may cause the store management to entertain the idea of dropping night openings during certain months. The confusion this would cause among consumers and employees would undoubtedly make such a schedule impracticable.

The experience of the Provo store is within the range of the experiences of other stores recorded in retail literature. According to statements made by retail execu­ tives, the percentage of the total day's business done after the normal closing time ranges from 19 per cent to 40 or 45 per cent and even higher in suburban shopping cen­ ters. For example, in 1952, Sibley, Lindsay & Curr of

Rochester, New York, was doing between 19 per cent and 199

22 per cent at night,^ the Milwaukee Boston Store was doing

between 27 per cent and 34 per cent,-^ and both Harvey's of

Nashville, Tennessee, and Russek's of Philadelphia were do­

ing 40 per c e n t . H With respect to branch store hours, a

group of panel members at a convention of the NRDGA held in

1954 were unanimous in reporting that close to half of their respective branch stores' weekly volume was done at night. This included Woodward & Lothrop of Washington,

D. C., which did 45 per cent of its branch volume on two nights, and the Hecht Company, also of Washington, which did 50 per cent of its total week's branch volume over a twelve-hour period on three nights.^

Some have claimed that less customer traffic is re­ quired to obtain a given volume of business at night than to secure the same amount of business during the day. For example, a study at Donaldson's in Minneapolis indicated that "... night shopping produced a higher ratio of transactions per customer entering the store— often bet­ ter than one to one compared to about one transaction per one-ana-a-half customers during the d a y ."13 Again,

^Plant, oj>. cit., p. 32. l^Ibid., p. 39.

H T h e Thompson Case, op. cit., p. 18.

12"store Management," Stores, Vol. 36 (February, 1954), p. 44. —

l^Saunders, oj>. cit., p. 121. 200

Charles Kern, Merchandise Manager of Russek's of Philadel­

phia, reported that even though his store had only 25 to

30 per cent of the total day's traffic after 5:30 P.M., it

secured 40 per cent of the day's business then.

Operating Expenses and Night Openings

Any extra costs incurred as a result of adopting night openings must always be considered in relation to ad­ ditional volume that results therefrom. Whether the addi­ tional volume is sufficient to compensate for the extra cost and make a contribution to profits will vary with the circumstances. As was pointed out previously in this chap­ ter, however, a survey of over 500 executives indicated that 80 per cent of them believed that for one night open­ ing per week additional volume was sufficient to offset in­ creased costs.

In any specific case, the extent to which operating costs increase depends upon the conditions surrounding the adoption of night openings. Payroll costs do not increase if total store hours remain the same through reducing morn­ ing hours or adopting a five-day week, and if no premium pay or supper money is paid. Advertising cost may or may not increase, depending upon whether management feels extra promotion is necessary to make night openings a success.

l^rhe Thompson Case, op. cit., p. 18. 201

The effectiveness with which the proper amount of extra help is scheduled will influence payroll costs, as will the amount of self-service that can be used. Therefore, in view of the varying conditions under which night openings may be adopted, each case must be considered separately in the light of the prevailing circumstances.

Even though the gross margin on nighttime business may not cover all costs which may be charged against night openings, it may still be profitable to maintain them. So long as the margin covers all variable costs and makes any contribution to fixed costs, total profits will be in­ creased. Some expenses such as taxes, depreciation, inter­ est, and insurance remain the same whether night openings are practiced or not. Therefore, if such openings make any contribution to these costs in addition to covering ex­ penses resulting directly from night openings, profits will be increased. Furthermore, to the extent that the public has come to expect night shopping facilities, it may be more unprofitable in the long run for a merchant to drop night openings than to keep them even though they are not profitable at present.

Conclusion

It is obvious that the profitability of night open­ ings depends on the circumstances. In the majority of cases, however, they can be made profitable if not pushed 202

beyond the real needs and desires of customers in the trad­

ing area. The fact that night openings of at least once-a-

week frequency have become so widely practiced indicates

that this is true. Moreover, to resist a movement that is

associated with social and economic trends of the times, as

are night openings, would not likely be profitable in the

long run. Profits are inseparably connected with serving

the needs and desires of the customer. This must be the

retailer’s first concern.

INCREASING THE PROFITABILITY OF NIGHT OPENINGS

BY THE INDIVIDUAL MERCHANT

Every successful merchant is continually alert to ways and means of serving his customers better and making

his business more profitable. Every retailer who has

adopted night openings, whether he took the initiative him­

self or was "forced" into it by his competitors, should use

all the ingenuity, knowledge, and methods at his disposal to make the most of his nighttime operation. A few sugges­ tions as to how one might approach this matter are given below.

Review of Differences between Daytime and Nighttime Shoppers

As indicated by the consumer surveys discussed in Chapters VI and VII of this study, nighttime-shopper 203

spending units consist largely of married couples with

children, particularly pre-school age children, two, three,

or four in number. They come primarily from the younger

age groups and middle-income groups. The breadwinners are

skilled workers, retail store employees, and office em­ ployees to a greater extent than are their daytime counter­ parts; and they have not reached retirement. Both husband and wife are employed in many cases, and they shop together to a greater extent than is true of daytime units. They are heavy users of instalment credit and are more likely to take their packages with them than daytime spending units.

They are a little more likely to be renting than are their daytime counterparts and are more concentrated in certain sections, particularly the suburbs, than in others. They return merchandise for exchange or refund to a slightly greater extent than do daytime units.15

Formulating Operating Policies and Procedures for Night Openings on the Basis of the Major Characteristics of Nighttime Shoppers i ' i ■ — .I, - ■ ,w .-i Sm?■■■■ ■ ■ ■ ■— M m , i i Knowledge of the major characteristics of nighttime shoppers should aid in effectively attracting and serving the needs of such shoppers. The more one understands about his customers and potential customers, their nature, buying

It should be remembered that these characteris­ tics were determined for one particular area. It is likely, however, that they exist in other areas as well. 204 habits, and motives, the more profitably he can serve them.

Other things being equal, the merchant who can bring to bear the greatest amount of ingenuity, imagination, and creative ability in determining the nature of nighttime shoppers and in formulating operating policies and proce­ dures for night openings with their characteristics in mind will capitalize most on his night opening business.

Sales promotion.16--The effectiveness of sales pro­ motion activities for night openings could be greatly en­ hanced through a knowledge of the characteristics of nighttime shoppers. With regard to advertising, this know­ ledge would aid in determining the kinds of goods to pro­ mote, the price lines to push, the copy appeals to use, and how to reach the potential customer most effectively with the advertising message. Without this information, the merchant is shooting wildly at his nighttime market.

In selecting specific items to be featured in ad­ vertising for night openings, the buyer (or other respon­ sible executive) would be able to choose products which are geared to the needs and desires of nighttime shoppers. For example, children's and infants' clothing, cribs and youth beds, and plastic swimming pools are important items for

16As used here, sales promotion includes adver­ tising, display, personal selling, and special-purpose pub­ licity . 205 householders with pre-school age children. Tools and spe­ cial types of work clothing are needed by skilled workers.

Labor-saving household appliances and devices are particu­ larly important in those households in which both husband and wife work. A careful selection of items by one who is familiar not only with the merchandise but also with the specific characteristics of his customers will contribute much to advertising effectiveness.

A sound decision regarding which price lines to push is important in successful advertising. The merchant should know not only which items will appeal most to night­ time shoppers but also what price range is in line with the market. Knowing that evening shoppers are primarily in the middle-income group would obviously aid in such a decision.

Effective copy appeals cannot be determined without considering the characteristics of the group to which the advertising is directed. The advertisement must inform prospective buyers about the benefits of the product in language which is understandable and significant. Know­ ledge of the nighttime-shopper characteristics cited above would help the copy writer prepare such an advertisement.

When an automatic washing machine is being advertised, for example, it would be well to stress the fact that extra time is made available to spend with the children, or that working wives will appreciate the saving in time and work. 206

Since nighttime shoppers consist primarily of middle-income

families, price should neither be overlooked as an appeal nor given too much prominence. If possible, copy should use words and phrases familiar to skilled workers, office employees, and retail employees since these are the most important occupational groups among nighttime shoppers.

If merchants know in which sections of the trading area the ratio of nighttime to daytime shoppers is high, they can do a better job of selecting advertising media used to reach nighttime customers. It may be that one newspaper has better coverage than others in suburban areas where nighttime shoppers are most prevalent. If it is de­ cided to use direct mail, knowledge of the characteristics of evening shoppers would be valuable in developing mail­ ing lists and in keeping them up to date. For example, knowing which occupations are most important among night­ time shoppers would aid in building a list from the city directory. If handbills or dodgers are used, it would be helpful to know in which sections nighttime shoppers are most important in order that these areas could receive spe­ cial attention.

Both window and interior displays could be made more effective through knowledge of nighttime-shopper char­ acteristics. This information would be helpful in select­ ing specific merchandise and price lines to display on 207 night openings and in creating the type of display which would appeal most to the prospective customer. It would be

desirable to select for display those items which were fea­ tured in the advertising for night openings. Perhaps dis­ plays could be made to appeal to both men and women since couple shoppers are important at night.

Data concerning the nature of nighttime shoppers would be useful also in the personal selling phase of sales promotion. This information could be used effectively in a sales training program. Several training periods could be devoted to a discussion of nighttime shoppers, where they live, the income and occupational groups to which they be­ long, the number and ages of children in the family, etc., and how this information might guide salespeople in sales presentations. Perhaps a check list of selling appeals which appear most promising could be printed on a card and given to each salesperson. This card could also list the types of merchandise which are likely to be of special in­ terest to nighttime shoppers and therefore good items for suggestion selling.

Various types of special-purpose publicity could be directed at nighttime shoppers if the characteristics of such shoppers were known. For example, since many night­ time shoppers are suburbanites, classes on gardening, out­ door fireplace building, and other do-it-yourself projects 208 might be sponsored. Children's fashion shows with custom­

ers' children participating may prove beneficial. Special

exhibits of products of local artisans and industries would

likely be interesting to skilled workers. Demonstrations and showings could feature merchandise which is particu­ larly suited to the needs of nighttime shoppers.

Buying and pricing.--Knowledge of the major charac­ teristics of evening shoppers in the trading area would ob­ viously aid the buyer in selecting and pricing merchandise to be featured on night openings. In buying a living room set, for example, the buyer would select a sturdy, well- constructed set because many of his nighttime customers have children. He would want one with durable, easy-to- clean fabric for the same reason. Since evening shoppers are primarily in the middle-income group, the buyer would avoid selecting a high-priced set but try to find one in the medium price range with the desired features. In addi­ tion to guiding the buyer in selecting the right quality product, his knowledge of nighttime shoppers would aid him in determining what types of merchandise and what price lines would be most suitable for nighttime promotion.

Customer services.--Since nighttime shoppers are heavy users of instalment credit, it would be desirable to be sure that such credit facilities are adequate on night 209

openings--that customers can get through the procedure

simply and quickly. Store signs should designate the loca­

tion of the credit department and perhaps suggest that in­

stalment purchases are handled quickly and conveniently.

The establishment and promotion of a special nighttime-

shopper account should be worth considering. Such an ac­

count would give recognition to the evening shopper as an

important type of customer and emphasize the fact that the

store is fully prepared to render this type of service.

Furthermore, a list of nighttime credit customers would be

available for study and analysis.

Special services and facilities for family shopping groups would be desirable. Providing adequate and comfort­ able seating facilities in the clothing departments where some members must wait while others try on clothing would be helpful. Special meals at family rates may be in order.

The provision of strollers and nurseries for young children, as many stores do, are desirable on night openings. Per­ haps special attractions for children such as balloons or special inexpensive pencils should be provided.

Merchandise which is particularly appealing to evening shoppers may not be found easily. Some means of directing customers to this merchandise would be helpful.

A leaflet listing special items could be printed for the night opening and placed just inside the entrances. A 210 headline such as "Nighttime-Shopper Specials" would be ap­ propriate. In addition to the leaflet, store signs and public address systems could be used to welcome the evening shoppers and point out special bargains and services.

Conclusion

Other applications of the data concerning night­ time shoppers undoubtedly could be made. Moreover, some of the suggestions might be improved by extending or altering them to fit given operating procedures and circumstances.

Nevertheless, these suggestions offer an approach which, if effectively applied, would surely aid individual merchants in increasing the profitability of their night openings. CHAPTER IX

STORE HOURS AND PERSONNEL MANAGEMENT

It is difficult to overemphasize the importance of

personnel— the human element— in the successful operation

of a retail store.^ Retailing is a "humanized" business;

and the store which can obtain, train, and maintain employ­

ees in such a way that they co-operate enthusiastically and

effectively has gone a long way towards accomplishing its

objectives.

There is a definite interrelationship between store hours and personnel management. Store hours influence em­ ployee work schedules, which in turn affect the job of ob­ taining, training, and maintaining employees. Furthermore, the quality of personnel management, including the quality of executive leadership, helps determine whether employees will willingly accept a new schedule which may be desirable because of a change in store hours. In this chapter, sev­ eral questions pertaining to personnel management as

*A good statement concerning the importance of the human element in business is found in Richard H. Rich, "People Are More Important than Things," Stores, Vol. 36 (March, 1954), p. 7.

211 212

influenced by store hours are discussed. First, however, the present status of and trends in employee work schedules are reviewed.

Employee Work Schedules--Present Status and Trends

A recent national survey of 200 department and spe­ cialty stores revealed that 69 per cent had an employee work week of 40 hours or less, 16 per cent had a 41 to 42- hour schedule, and 15 per cent had a work week of 43 hours or m o r e . ^ A 1952 survey of 533 department and specialty stores revealed that 65 per cent had an employee work week of 40 hours or less . ^ These figures indicate a downward trend in employee work hours. Of course, weekly hours vary considerably from store to store. In a few stores employ­ ees work 37^ hours or less. These are primarily large stores located in large cities. In others, particularly small stores in small cities, employees work 48 hours or more.

With respect to the employee work week in terms of days, the survey of 200 department and specialty stores re­ vealed that 40 per cent had employees on a six-day week,

^"Retailers Forecast for 1955,” Stores, Vol. 37 (January, 1955), p. 19.

^George Plant, Store Hours and Employee Schedules (New York: Store Management Group,National Retail Dry Goods Association, 1952), p. 26. 213

22 per cent had them on a five and one-half day week, and

38 per cent operated on a five-day week. The trend is down

in the six-day week and up in the five and one-half day and

the five-day week. The findings of another survey of 250

stores conducted in 1955 revealed that 43 per cent had ex­

ecutive trainees on a five-day schedule and another 30 per

cent had them on a five and one-half day schedule.^

In terms of cities rather than stores, NRDGA's last

survey showed that the prevailing practice in cities of

over 200,000 population was an employee work schedule of 42

hours or less. In three-fourths of these cities, employees

generally worked 40 hours or less.-* Smaller cities gener­

ally have longer work schedules, sometimes 48 hours and

over.

With the widespread practice of night openings, most employees have some night work. This work usually is limited to one night per week. Even with multiple night openings, many stores have scheduled hours so that most em­ ployees work only one night per week. In order to do this, part-time help is utilized to a considerable extent,

■^George Plant, "The Thinning Reserves of Retail Ex­ ecutives," Stores, Vol. 37 (November, 1955), p. 16.

5Ibid., p. 16. 214 fi especially during peak periods. Night openings generally

have not added to the length of the employee work week. In

some cases stores adopted a five-day week at the same time

night openings were added. In others, morning closings

were adopted simultaneously with night openings.

The above information pertains primarily to depart­ ment and specialty stores. As to the hours trend in retail

trade generally, an authoritative source indicated that

". . . hours in 1955 were about the same as in the two pre­ ceding years and moderately below earlier years. , . .

Employee Attitudes toward Work Schedules

From the point of view of retail employees, their working hours usually constitute a negative factor in the

job situation. The degree of satisfaction or dissatisfac­

tion naturally varies among employees and among stores with different employee work schedules. Seldom, however, would an employee include working hours among the things he

liked most about his job.

Some information concerning employee attitudes toward work schedules was made available by a survey of

&See George Plant, ,*Hanagement Perspective,” Stores, Vol. 38 (July, 1956), p. 9.

7"Employment, Hours, and Earnings at the Close of 1955," Survey of Current Business, Vol. 36 (January, 1956) , p« 7. 215 retail store employees conducted in 1952 by the New York

University School of Retailing. This survey resulted in

316 usable questionnaires which came from department and specialty store employees in ten different cities. Re­ spondents were 71 per cent women and 29 per cent men, and

50 per cent of them had held their present positions more than two years. Nonexecutive and junior executive employ­ ees were included in the sample.®

In answer to the question ,fWhat do you like most about your job?" respondents gave the following job condi­ tions (listed in order of importance): "kind of work I do," "people with whom I work," "my treatment by the com­ pany," "my job security," "my chances for promotion," and

"insurance and pension plans." "Working hours" was not among the replies. When respondents were asked, "What do you dislike most about your job?" "working hours" appeared in a number of places. Specifically, respondents gave the following job factors (listed in order of importance): "my rate of pay," "Saturday work," Ilmy chances for promotion,"

"my working hours," "my working conditions," and "evening

®The article presenting the findings of this survey gave no information about the work schedules practiced by the stores in which employees worked. It is likely that a variety of work schedules were represented.

% ’. Dart Ellsworth, "How Will Evening Openings Affect Retail Workers?" Journal of Retailing, Vol 29 (Spring, 1953), p. 7. 216

work."!® xhe strongest dislike for working hours appeared

among junior executives.

A more recent survey conducted by the New York

University School of Retailing also reflects the fact that

working hours constitute a source of dissatisfaction among

retail employees. In this case, usable questionnaires were

returned by 167 former employees of ten leading retail es­

tablishments in New York City. All respondents were col­

lege graduates. Of these 167, 80 per cent had taken jobs

outside of retailing and 20 per cent had taken employment

in another store. The significant finding with regard to working hours was that "money" and "hours of work" were the

two most important of fifteen reasons given for leaving 11 retailing.

Additional information concerning employee atti­

tudes toward their work schedules was made available by the

Industry Services Unit of the Department of Employment Se­

curity in Salt Lake City, Utah. Between October, 1954, and

April, 1956, this organization had, with the co-operation

of the various managements, taken employee attitude surveys

in four leading stores in Salt Lake City. This information

10Ibid., p. 8.

H-T. Dart Ellsworth and Jeanne S. Hulquist, !tWhy Do College Graduates Leave Retailing?" Journal of Retailing, Vol. 31 (Winter, 1955-1956), p. 160. “ 217 was made available on a confidential basis and with the

understanding that the identity of the stores involved

would not be revealed. It can be said, however, that they

consist of three department stores and one furniture store,

which hereafter are referred to as Stores 1, 2, 3, and 4

respectively. In all, 1,195 employees, who represented

about 69 per cent of those to whom questionnaires were dis­

tributed, completed and returned the questionnaires.

These attitude surveys were quite comprehensive and

included several questions and voluntary write-ins concern­

ing working hours. Hone of the four surveys were exactly alike. Questionnaires were tailored somewhat to fit the types of information desired by the managements.

A strong preference for a five-day work week was evidenced by employees in all four stores. Numerous volun­ tary write-ins stating this preference were made. In

Store 1, 110 of the 412 completed questionnaires contained such write-ins. Many of these statements stressed the need for one day a week in addition to Sunday to take care of personal matters. Many others made the observation that most employees in other industries in the city were on a five-day week. ^

•^■^Nonselling employees in Stores 1 and 2 were al­ ready on a five-day week. S' 218

The questionnaires used in Store 1 and Store 3 con­

tained a specific question concerning preference for the

five-day week. The statement "Would prefer a 5-day week,

even if it meant working 8 hours a day" was listed. Re­

spondents were to indicate whether they agreed, disagreed,

or were undecided. In Store 1, 92.8 per cent agreed,

4.0 per cent disagreed, and 3.2 per cent were undecided.

In Store 3, 92.1 per cent agreed, 2.6 per cent disagreed, and 5.3 per cent were undecided. This finding is in agree­ ment with the thought expressed by many retail executives that a reduction in the number of hours worked per day is a poor substitute for a five-day week from the employee's point of view.

In Store 4, employees were asked to indicate their agreement or disagreement with the statement "I would pre­ fer a 40-hour work week, even at a slight reduction in pay." At that time employees were on a six-day, 48-hour work week. Of the 120 who answered, 38.6 per cent agreed,

45.5 per cent disagreed, and 15.9 per cent were undecided.

When answering the question, however, 22.5 per cent of the

120 employees scratched the words "even at a slight reduc­ tion in pay." Obviously those who did this would agree with the revised statement. Therefore, only 16.1 per cent agreed with the statement as it was originally written.

The great majority of employees in this store either were 219 not willing to take a slight reduction in pay in order to get shorter hours or were undecided.

This finding does not mean that employees did not prefer the shorter work week but that the preference to avoid a cut in pay was stronger. The presentation of re­ sults indicated that employees felt they could not exist on less pay.

Employees in Store 2 were asked one other question pertaining to working hours. To the statement "I am satis­ fied with the number of work days per week," 58.7 per cent expressed agreement. A breakdown between selling and non­ selling employees is important. Of the nonselling employ­ ees, who were on a five-day week, 86.4 per cent expressed agreement; but of the selling employees, who were mostly on a six-day week, only 22.2 per cent expressed agreement.

There were no questions on any of the question­ naires which referred specifically and exclusively to night work. In all four stores, however, write-in statements concerning night work were made by many employees. 13 £n

Store 1, 71 of the 412 and in Store 3, 42 of the 210 re­ sponding made such statements. Many expressed the opinion that night openings were not good for either the store or the employees. Others felt that there was not sufficient

13a 11 four stores practiced one night opening per week. Monday was the late night. 220

business to justify staying open late, and still others

felt that night openings should be practiced only during

special seasons, such as before Christmas and Easter, In

Stores 1, 2, and 3, employees were asked, "What are some of

the things you like least about working for this store?"

In all three stores, working late on Monday nights ranked

high among the things listed. Evening work, though, did

not cause as much dissatisfaction as did the six-day week.

How Significant Are Store Hours in General and Night Openings in Particular in Decreasing Re­ tailing 1 s Ability to Attract and Hold Qualified People?

Because of the urgent need for qualified people in

retailing, merchants are very much interested in the influ­

ence of store hours on retailing's ability to attract and

retain good people. Many have recognized this need as one

of the important problems in the field. A trade associa­

tion executive recently had this to say concerning the matter:

Probably never before in a peacetime period has the need for attracting more good people into re­ tailing been so widespread or acute. . . . For the last two years, retailing has obtained even less than its usual share of good people from schools, colleges and other1 outside sources--and that usual share has long been inadequate. 14

l^Geotge Plant, "The Thinning Reserves of Retail Executives," Stores, Vol. 37 (November, 1955), p. 15. 221

Further evidence of the concern over the failure of young

people to seek career opportunities in the field is that

Egil Krogh, President of Sibley, Lindsay & Curr, proposed

that retailers endow chairs of retailing at a number of universities and in general increase their support of edu­ cational institutions that offer professional retail training.

With regard to the effect of store hours and par­ ticularly night openings on the ability of retailing to at­ tract good people into the field, the findings of a survey conducted by the New York University School of Retailing are of interest. This survey was a part of the 1952 study discussed previously in connection with employee attitudes.

Questionnaires were distributed on a proportionate basis to college seniors— both male and female--who were majoring in liberal arts and business administration at each of the eleven American Collegiate Retailing Association Schools and Colleges. A total of 529 usable questionnaires were returned. Of the 529 respondents, 57 per cent were men and

43 per cent were women.

The approach used in the survey was first to ask students in which of a number of fields they would choose

15"xhe Story of KRDGA's 45th Annual Convention,** Stores, Vol. 38 (February, 1956), p. 9. 222 to work if they were to begin their careers at that time.16

Students were then asked if they would still choose the same field if various job conditions such as absence of good working conditions, some night work, etc. were present.

According to the findings, night work and Saturday work were less important than other job factors in causing a change of mind about the original career choice. Spe­ cifically, 89 per cent of the respondent s^ indicated they would choose the same field even if it required Saturday work, and a like percentage would choose the same field even if it required them to work one or more nights per week. Only 26 per cent would choose the same field if it did not offer many chances for promotion, only 34 per cent would do so if it did not offer job security, only 36 per cent would do so if it did not offer good physical working conditions, and only 44 per cent would do so if it did not offer a variety of job opportunities.!®

These findings indicate that night and Saturday work would keep relatively few who favor a given field from

!®Seven fields, one of which was retailing, and an "other” category were listed.

l^Total respondents— not just those who chose re­ tailing. For those who chose retailing, the percentages were about the same as for total respondents.

1®T. Dart Ellsworth, "How Will Evening Openings Affect Retail Workers?" Journal of Retailing, Vol. 29 (Spring, 1953), p. 3. 223

entering that field whether it be retailing or some other.

It is very probable, though, that night and Saturday work

represents a greater deterrent than indicated by the above

findings. Students very likely would be less willing to

admit, even to themselves, that working hours would

"frighten11 them away than to admit that few job opportuni­

ties, little chance for promotion, and poor working condi­ tions would keep them out of a given field. To change one's mind because of working hours could be interpreted as being lazy.

Employee attitudes toward their work schedules con­

stitute important evidence concerning the effect of working hours on retailing's ability to hold qualified people. It will be recalled from the previous section that an employee survey revealed that working hours did not appear among the things which employees liked most about their jobs but did appear among those things which they disliked most. A sur­ vey of former employees (all college graduates) revealed that "hours of work" was one of the two most important rea­ sons given for leaving retailing. Furthermore, employee attitude surveys in Salt Lake City, Utah, indicated consid­ erable dissatisfaction with the number of work days per week and also indicated that night work was one of the things which employees liked least about their jobs. Ap­ parently, working hours are quite important in making it difficult to keep people in the retail field. 224

The opinions of retail executives give further evi­

dence of the influence of store hours on attracting and

keeping people in the field. With respect to retailing's

ability to secure and retain "superior supervising and ex­

ecutive talent," a 1952 survey of over 500 retail execu­

tives revealed that 30 per cent felt longer store hours and

more frequent night openings would have a "very marked and

adverse" effect. An additional 45 per cent felt that it

would have "some direct effect" on this ability. Only

25 per cent believed that it would have "very little ef­

fect .

Mr. Charles E, McCarthy, President of Allied Stores

Corporation, believes that much of the difficulty in get­

ting good employees stems from the mistaken notion, which

retailing has allowed to continue, that store hours and

employee hours are the same at all levels. He states:

The fact is that the trend to a five-day week, to scheduling time off for executives every week, to a definite limitation of night work, and to a definite limitation on the total executive work week has continued unabated for years. Unless we are to conclude that no schedule other than a completely daytime Monday through Friday work week has no chance to attract talent for execu­ tive development, I cannot see in the hours issue cause for great alarm.20

l^George Plant, Store Hours and Employee Schedules (New York: Store Management Group, National Retail Dry Goods Association, 1952), p. 27.

Gordon Bakins, "Management Perspective," Stores, Vol. 38 (November, 1956), pp. 5, 8. 225

In view of survey results and executive opinion,

several general conclusions can be drawn. Considerable dissatisfaction concerning working hours, particularly the number of work days per week, exists among retail employees and undoubtedly is a contributing influence in causing many who have other opportunities for which they are qualified to leave the field. Such dissatisfaction Is strongest among junior executives, precisely where the need for good talent is most critical. Working hours, however, repre­ sent just one of many job conditions which influence the decision to leave or remain in the field. While the short­ ening of hours and elimination of night work would help, such action would not completely solve the problem. In fact, the presence of other desirable job conditions, in­ cluding intelligent and understanding executive leadership, may in exceptional cases make working hours relatively unimportant.

As for retailing's ability to attract qualified people, available evidence does not permit one to measure accurately the importance of night and Saturday work as deterrents; but it is felt that such working hours are suf­ ficiently significant that they cannot be ignored. The survey of college seniors undoubtedly understates the im­ portance of working hours in this respect. Of course, the more favorable other job conditions are, the less 226

likely it is that working hours would keep people out of

the field.

With respect to evening openings in particular,

while surveys have shown them to be a source of dissatis­

faction among employees, they do not seem to be as serious

as the number of work days per week. Even though they un­

doubtedly detract some from retailing's ability to obtain

and retain good people, they are not sufficiently signifi­

cant in this regard to justify withdrawing this service

from the customer. In the long run, serving the customer1 s

needs and desires is in the interest of both the store and

its employees. Helping employees to realize that their own

interests are really in harmony with those of the store is

an important job of personnel management. Of course, man­

agement should lighten the burden of night openings as much

as possible through the use of part-time help or in any

other way that might be feasible.

Night Openings and the Question of Premium Pay

Some stores pay a premium for night hours and oth­

ers do not. In those that do, the premium is paid almost

always by providing supper money or a free supper. In

fact, no case has been found in which a premium is paid in

any other way. It would be much more complicated and time consuming to calculate payroll if employees, particularly 227 those paid on commission or a combination of salary and commission, were paid at a higher rate for the relatively

few night hours worked.

It is common in manufacturing to pay a premium for night work. The Bureau of Labor Statistics checked 1,065 contracts and found that in 743 of them either premium pay or some other form of extra compensation was provided for workers on the second and third shifts.21 The situation in manufacturing is considerably different than in retailing, however. A night-shift worker in manufacturing works many more nights per week and many more hours per night than does the typical retail employee who is employed by a store practicing night openings.

The decision as to whether a premium is paid and, if so, how much must be decided separately for each indi­ vidual case. It depends largely upon the presence or ab­ sence of other desirable job conditions. In those stores in which employees are unionized, the union undoubtedly would be a factor influencing the decision.

Problems Incident to Maintaining Store Hours Longer than Employee Work Week

Many merchants keep their stores open six days per week and yet operate on a five or five and one-half day

21”premium Pay,” Business Week, March 28, 1953, p. 177. ~ 228 work week. This frequently results from competitive pres­

sure for a shortened work week and concern over the effect

on sales volume of adopting a shorter store week. When

such a schedule is adopted, a number of problems are created.

One of the most obvious of such problems is the

scheduling of employee hours. This must be done in a way

that will give proper coverage at all times and yet give

all employees equal consideration with respect to time off.

This objective involves some system of staggering hours.

Another problem frequently encountered pertains to obtain­

ing and effectively using extra help. This may involve extra training and lowered efficiency if part-time help is used. Of course, part-time help may be needed even when

store hours and employee work week are the same, but not

to the same extent.

It is more difficult to maintain a smooth flow of work when an employee taking time off leaves partially com­ pleted work to be finished by another worker the following

day. This problem applies primarily to nonselling divi­

sions in the store. Still another problem is the loss of

supervision on the supervisor's day off. Someone else may

supervise in his absence, but some effectiveness would

likely be lost. 229 The fact that such problems are created does not

mean that store hours should never be longer than the em­

ployee work week. This may be the best solution in spite

of the problems. Their presence has contributed in a few

cases, however, to a decision to adopt a five-day store

week with a five-day employee work week.

Store Hours and Personnel Standards

Judging from the extent of employee dissatisfaction

with working hours as presented in a previous section, one

can conclude that a six-day week and night openings have a

negative effect on employee morale and operating effi­

ciency, Employees are not enthusiastic about working

nights and six days a week, and enthusiasm is an important

ingredient in effective performance. An employee may be

very enthusiastic about his job, though, even if it does

involve some night work and a longer work week than some

other jobs. His attitude depends upon the combined effect

of all of the job conditions in the particular case. If the employee is given some extra time off in the morning

and some supper money, for example, working one night per week may not affect significantly his general feeling about the company or the kind of work he does.

Retail executives who have adopted more favorable employee hours have generally felt that such action re­ sulted in better morale and operating performance. For 230

example, when G. Fox & Company of Hartford, Connecticut,

adopted a five-day work week with a five-day business week, the treasurer and controller reported that the new hours resulted in a reduction in absenteeism. Days absent, ex­ pressed as a percentage of total employee days, dropped from 5.7 per cent to 2.2 per cent after the change.22 with respect to morale, it was stated:

Our statistical evidence is incomplete in so far as we cannot offer a positive measure of improve­ ment in morale or physical well-being of employ­ ees. We are confident, however, that blood pressures are more normal and that tempers are in greater check.23

Any decision with respect to employee hours must always be considered along with the needs and desires of customers. It is in serving customers that stores accom­ plish their objectives and are able to employ retail work­ ers. Therefore, it is not possible for employee hours to be scheduled ideally from the employee*s point of view.

Union Stand on Store-Hours Developments

Labor unions have made relatively little progress in the retail field. One estimate indicates that about

5 per cent of department and specialty store employees are unionized and that about 10 per cent of individual store

^Kearns Company Case (Boston: Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration, 1954), p. 10.

23Ibld., p. 10. 231 units have some kind of union contract. 24 of course, unions are quite important in the larger stores, particu­ larly in the East and cm the Pacific Coast. A Princeton

University study indicates that as of 1949, 63 per cent of the large department stores in large cities had some em­ ployees under union contract and in 40 per cent, all em­ ployees were u n i o n i z e d . 25

With respect to the five-day store week develop­ ment, union leaders have generally appeared enthusiastic.

At the adoption of the five-day week at Hartford, Connecti­ cut, Samuel Wolchok, President of United Wholesale and Re­ tail Employees (CIO) gave his "public blessing" to the plan.26 There is reason to believe, however, that union leaders may have some reservations. A few retail execu­ tives have expressed the opinion that if stores voluntarily give employees a five-day week, workers will feel less need for a union.

It appears that unions have no set policy against night openings, except where the individual workers in the

2^Merle Kitchen, "Retail Unions and Their Activi­ ties," Stores, Vol. 36 (April, 1954), p. 17.

2^paul L. Brown and William R. Davidson, Retail­ ing- -Princ.iples and Practices (New York: Ronald Press Com­ pany, TS 5 3 ) , p.' 'Z4 T . ------

26"Retailers Pander 5-Day Week," Business Week, January 19, 1946, p. 78. 232

locals are against them. In a statement made in Septem­

ber, 1952, Hr. James Suffridge, International Secretary-

Treasurer of the Retail Clerks International Association,

AF of L , in speaking of night openings, said:

The RCIA does not oppose any progressive trend in the industry with alarm. If any move by employ­ ers will improve business, we will go along with it provided that management realistically bar­ gains in good faith to protect the rights of its employees.27

Mr. Suffridge stated further that "protecting rights of em­

ployees" would include premium pay for night work.

Some locals do oppose night openings as evidenced by the fact that the two bills filed in the Massachusetts

State Legislature, referred to in Chapter IV of this study, were supported by the Massachusetts State Federation of

Labor, AF of L, and by the AF of L, Retail Clerks Local

711. It will be remembered that one of these bills was de­ signed to prohibit the employment of women in retail stores after 6 P.M. and the other would have prevented stores from staying open after 6 P.M. According to Mr. Suf fridge, con­ tracts are written around individual situations as the local needs dictate. If a local is against night openings, the national backs them up. 28

^7The Thompson Case (Boston: Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration, 1953), p. 6. 2®Ibid. 233

Unions, at times, have been active in opposing Sun­

day openings or in bargaining for premium pay for Sunday work. For example, a labor group in Pennsylvania asked the

State Legislature for a bill to outlaw Sunday openings of

superm arkets,29 and a Retail Clerks International Associ­

ation local on the West Coast won an arbitration award

granting double-time pay for Sunday work in supermarkets. 3G

Summary and Conclusions

Employee hours in retailing have undergone a gradual reduction until some employees of department and

specialty stores work less than 40 hours a week and most

of them work no more than 40. The six-day work week is

still most common, but the trend is away from it. Some night work is required of most employees, but usually not more than one night per week.

Working hours represent a negative factor in the over-all job situation from the employee's viewpoint.

Night hours generally do not create as much dissatisfaction as does the six-day week.

One of the most important personnel problems per­ taining to store hours is the effect of such hours on

29HAd Campaign Protests Sunday Openings," Super Market Merchandising, Vol. 21 (January, 1956), p. 63.

3Qrhe Thompson Case, op. cit., p. 7. 234

retailing's ability to attract and retain good people, par­

ticularly at the junior executive level. Working hours do

detract from this ability. Unless retailing offers other

job conditions which are sufficiently favorable to compen­

sate for night and Saturday work, such work schedules will

cause many to leave retailing or keep them from entering

the field. Of course, the decision to leave or remain in

the field, or to enter it in the first place, depends upon

the combination of all job conditions,

A number of other problems pertaining to personnel management arise under present store hours and consequent

employee schedules. There is the question of premium pay

for night work, scheduling regular and extra employee hours when store open hours exceed the employee work week, the problem of maintaining employee morale and operating effi­ ciency in spite of night and Saturday work, and the prob­ lem of dealing with union demands. These problems are worthy of the very best efforts which management can bring to bear in the matter. Through it all, the importance of serving the real needs and desires of customers must be borne in mind. CHAPTER X

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Nature of Store-Hours Problem

A decision concerning store hours involves many

individual considerations, but they can be grouped into

four major categories: (1) customers, (2) employees,

(3) competition, and (4) internal operating procedures and

problems. Since none of these variables can be ignored

and their relative importance and effect in a given situ­

ation cannot be measured easily, the problem is a complex

one. This complexity contributes to its controversial na­

ture, although the night opening phase is not so controver­

sial as it was several years ago. The important question

now for the retailer is not so much whether night openings

should be practiced but how can they be made most profit­

able. Of course, the questions of how many nights and

which nights continue to be issues.

A store-hours decision should be based upon local

conditions--not upon what has apparently worked well else­ where. Because of the shopping habits of consumers and the nature of retail institutions, store hours represent a more

235 236

crucial issue for shopping goods retailers than for the

convenience or specialty goods merchants.

Store-hours developments are associated with and

represent an adjustment to changes in social and economic

conditions. Some of these important changes include an in­

crease in the share of the labor force made up of women,

the increasing number of families with children, increased

leisure time, the trend toward family shopping with the

husband taking a more active part, the increase in the per­

centage of families in the middle-inccane group, continued

growth of suburban life, and the increased importance of

the automobile.

Present Status of Store Hours

Store hours today are far different from those

practiced through the last half of the nineteenth century.

Examples of hours then show that the day began at 6:00 or

6:30 A.M. and frequently lasted until 9:00 or 10:00 P.M.

Today the majority of stores open at 9:00 or 9:30 and close

at 5:00 or 5:30. The six-day store week is still most com­ mon, but the trend is toward the five and particularly the

five and one-half day week. Total store hours per week generally range from a low of forty-one to a high of fifty- nine, and Sunday openings are practiced to a considerable degree not only by drug and grocery stores but to some ex­ tent by such stores as appliance and home furnishings. 237 The practice of night openings, initiated largely

during World War II, has become very widespread. Over

four-fifths of department and specialty stores open at

least one night per week; and many, particularly those in

suburban centers, practice multiple night openings. The

night opening picture has stabilized to a considerable ex­

tent as indicated by the fact that over the last several

years, retailers report very little change in night open­

ings. Of course, multiple night openings are the rule in

supermarkets with many staying open every night except Sun­

day and some even then.

Legal Phases of the Problem

Legal restrictions pertaining to store hours or em­ ployee work schedules relate primarily to working hours for women and minors and to Sunday openings. Nearly all states have laws limiting hours of work by women in retail estab­ lishments. Most states have such laws pertaining to mi­ nors. A number of states have restrictions on night work by women, but usually such laws do not prevent employment of women before 9:00 P.M. and therefore do not represent a barrier to the practice of night openings. Since the spe­ cific provisions and coverages of these laws pertaining to store hours vary from state to state, the retailer should become thoroughly familiar with the laws of his particular state and city. 238

Probably the most crucial question pertaining to

legal phases of the store-hours problem is whether the cov­

erage of the Fair Labor Standards Act will be broadened to

include retail establishments. Retailers, spearheaded by

the NRDGA, are doing what they can to prevent this. It is probable, though, that retailing will eventually be in­ cluded.

Store Hours and the Consumer

The opinions, preferences, and attitudes of con­ sumers in the trading area represent a very important con­ sideration in store-hours decisions. Some of the major findings of the house-to-house consumer survey conducted in

Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah, are as follows:

1. Approximately 32 per cent of consumer responses in Salt Lake City and 24 per cent in Provo indicate evening as either the most or one of the most convenient nongrocery shopping times.

2. The two most important reasons for choosing evenings as most convenient are ’’free from job or school" and "transportation available." Some choose to shop during the day because they feel they get better service and se­ lection and stores and town are less crowded.

3. About 15 per cent of Salt Lake City households and 10 per cent of Provo households do over half of their nongrocery shopping in the evening. 239

4. Slightly over half of those households who find

it most convenient to shop some time other than evening

still desire stores to remain open at least one night per

week.

3. In Salt Lake City, Friday is the most conven­

ient evening for nongrocery shopping followed by Saturday

and Monday. In Provo, Friday and Saturday are of equal convenience followed by Monday.

6. Approximately 66 per cent of Salt Lake City households and 64 per cent of Provo households desire drug stores to remain open on Sundays. About 36 per cent of the households in Salt lake City and 26 per cent of those in

Provo desire grocery stores to remain open on Sunday.

7. About 68 per cent of Salt Lake City households and 78 per cent of Provo households would be inconvenienced if stores closed on Saturday.

These findings are primarily of local significance

In providing a better basis for store-hours decisions but also illustrate the types of information which similar re­ search in other areas would make available.

One of the most important findings of the house-to- house consumer survey is that the nighttime shopper is sig­ nificantly different from the daytime shopper in a number of important respects. These differences pertain to income groups, age groups, marital status, occupation of bread­ winner, number of children in the household, ages of such 240 children, employment circumstances, extent to which husband and wife shop together, use of instalment credit, location within the trading area, residential circumstances, and use of delivery service and returned goods privilege. Some of these differences are corroborated by information from other sources, which indicates that they would likely exist in other areas as well. Four of them--namely, employment circumstances, age distribution, occupation of breadwinner, and marital status— are supported by the findings of the in-store survey of nighttime shoppers.

Profitability of Night Openings

With these differences in mind, the major charac­ teristics of nighttime-shopper households can be determined and this information used advantageously in ma-g-fra-i g-fng profits from night opening business. Specifically, such information would be helpful in determining the most effec­ tive appeal or appeals to use in advertising for night openings, in selecting specific merchandise and price lines to feature in such advertising, in choosing media for such advertising, in setting up window and interior displays, in selecting effective types of special-purpose publicity, in buying and pricing merchandise to be featured on night openings, in preparing a check list of possible appeals to be used by salespeople on night openings, in preparing a list of merchandise for suggestion selling, and in 241

determining what services to offer or emphasize on night

openings.

No way has been found to measure accurately the

proportion of nighttime volume which is additional business

rather than business shifted from daytime. There is prob­

ably some net volume gain for all stores, but individual

stores undoubtedly do not share equally in the extra busi­

ness. On balance, executive opinion indicates that for one

night opening per week sufficient additional volume is se­

cured to offset increased operating expenses. Store rec­

ords and executive opinion indicate that per hour nighttime volume compares favorably with per hour daytime business,

and there is some indication that the ratio of transactions

to customers is a little higher at night than during the

day.

The extent to which operating expenses increase as

a result of adopting night openings depends upon the cir­ cumstances such as whether total store hours per week are

increased, whether premium pay is given for night work, the effectiveness with which extra help is scheduled and uti­ lized, etc. If the gross margin on night opening business covers variable costs and makes any contribution to fixed costs, total profits will be increased.

The profitability of night openings obviously de­ pends upon the circumstances, but in the majority of cases, 242

they can be made profitable if not pushed beyond the needs

and desires of customers. The widespread practice of night

openings of at least once-a-week frequency supports this conclusion.

Store Hours and Personnel Management

In any store-hours decision, employee considera­ tions are very important. Even though the great majority

of department and specialty store employees work forty hours a week or less, working hours generally constitute a negative factor in their over-all job situation. Night work causes less dissatisfaction than number of days per week.

Currently, merchants are much concerned over re­ tailing's ability to attract and retain good people, par­ ticularly at the junior executive level. Therefore, the effect of store hours and consequent employee work sched­ ules on this capacity is of direct interest. Employee at­ titude surveys indicate that working hours contribute significantly to the difficulty of retaining qualified workers. Such hours also contribute to the difficulty of attracting good.people to the field. It must be remem­ bered, however, that working hours represent only one of many job conditions which influence the decision to leave or to remain in the field, or to enter It in the first place. The dissatisfaction with respect to night work is 243 not of sufficient importance to warrant withdrawing this service from the customer.

A number of other personnel problems such as the question of premium pay for night work, personnel standards and efficiency, effective scheduling of employees' hours, and dealing with retail unions arise as a result of current employee schedules. These deserve very careful attention by retail management .

Other Conclusions

Several other general conclusions with respect to the problem of store hours have been reached. First, there is a need among retailers to recognize the value of market- ing research in making store-hours decisions. Research is not a substitute for judgment but should improve the quality of such judgment. Personal interviews with many retail executives and literature in the field both attest to this need.

Second, there should be reasonably close uniformity among downtown merchants with respect to store open hours.

Therefore, it is not enough for one store to survey just its own customers. This frequently leads to executives of one store insisting that one particular night is best for night openings, for example, and those of another insisting just as strongly that another night is best. A collective study of all consumers in the trading area is needed to 2 4 4

determine which night would be best for the greatest num­

ber. The importance of such a collective study cannot be

emphasized too strongly.*-

Third, even though all four categories of consid­

erations mentioned at the beginning of this chapter are im­

portant in a store-hours decision, none is more important,

nor probably as often neglected, as customer considera­

tions. In everything the retailer does, he should bear in

mind that, in the long run, profits cannot be maximized

without serving the real needs and desires of customers.

His ability to do this is the justification for his ex­

istence .

For some good suggestions as to how a group of merchants in a community might approach the store-hours problem and reach a sound decision through collective study, see the fourteen points covered by David J. Luck, Store Hours for Shopping Goods Retailers (Urbana, Illinois: Bureau of Economic and Business Research, University of Illinois, 1947), p. 21. APPENDIX A

HOUSE-TO-HOUSE SURVEY METHODS

Specific Method Used

The house-to-house personal interview method was

used in gathering the data. Since the questionnaire was

quite long and contained some rather difficult questions,

it was felt that many would not make the effort to answer

unless they were being personally interviewed.

Area and Time Period Covered

Two areas were covered in this survey— Salt Lake

City, Utah, and Provo, Utah, The Salt Lake City area is

the same as that covered by the Salt Lake City Directory,

published by R. L. Polk and Company. Specifically, this

area includes Salt Lake City, South Salt Lake, Holladay,

and Murray. The Provo area includes the city proper and

two rural delivery routes outside the city limits. The

people living in the rural route areas do the bulk of their

shopping in Provo.

The interviewing was done between November 1 and

November 24, 1954. It was felt important to complete the

interviewing before Thanksgiving in order that Christmas

245 246

shopping, which begins shortly thereafter, would not influ­

ence answers given by respondents.

The Que st ionnair e

The final questionnaire was the result of many changes and alterations from the first draft. Many of

these changes resulted from interviews with retail execu­ tives who examined the questionnaire and, in the light of their practical experience and knowledge of the kinds of information which might be of value, made suggestions for improvement. Other changes were made after the question­ naire was tested. The surveying of a small group of con­ sumers in this test run revealed areas where different wording, a different sequence, or a complete elimination of a question was desirable.

The Sample

The samples in the Salt Lake City area and within the city limits of Provo were obtained by taking a system­ atic sample of the Salt Lake City and Provo City Directo­ ries. This was accomplished by taking single addresses at equal intervals throughout the address sections of the above-mentioned directories, excluding business addresses.

This gives a very good geographic cross section of the areas with addresses taken from nearly every street. Only a few very short streets were omitted, and then addresses 247

from other streets in the same area were included. The

sampling method used is considered to be sufficiently ran­

dom that the reliability of the sample can be assessed. It

should be noted also that the individuals included in the

sample were the ones living at the various addresses at the

time of the interviewer’s call. No names were given the

interviewer.

The 1953 City Directories were the most recent ones

available at the time the samples were obtained. Since

there had been considerable construction of new dwelling

units after the 1953 Directories were compiled, it was

considered desirable to supplement the address lists in

the Directories with lists compiled from building permits

issued since that time. Therefore, addresses of new dwell­

ing units were included in the sample in roughly the same

proportion as they existed in the total areas to be sam­

pled .

The sample from the two rural delivery routes out­

side the city limits of Provo was obtained by taking box numbers at equal intervals throughout a list of rural box numbers provided by the Provo Post Office. This, of course, is the same method as described above only a dif­ ferent list was used. The rural addresses were included in the Provo sample in roughly the same proportion as they ex­

isted in the total Provo area. 248

No attempt was made in this survey to secure the

same number of interviews with men as women. Actually, the

sample consists of 19.1 per cent men and 80.9 per cent

women for Provo and 17.2 per cent men and 82.8 per cent

women for Salt Lake City. Having a larger percentage of

women than men is not considered serious for two reasons.

First, the family or household was the sampling unit for

the survey. Either the man or woman could answer for the

family or household as to the family's preferences, atti­

tudes, and present shopping habits as they relate to store hours. Only heads of households (which would include one

of several unrelated adults living together as a household unit) were interviewed. Second, since women do most of the

shopping and usually devote more of their time to it, they are probably in a better position to know the family's hab­

its and preferences.

The total number of interviews resulting in usable questionnaires obtained in the survey was 1,552. This num­ ber is broken down by area as follows:

Provo rural delivery routes 45 Provo city 360 Total Provo area 405

Salt Lake City area 1,147 Grand total 1,552 249 The Field Work

The interviewing was done by upper-division market­

ing students at Brigham Young University. This was made a

part of their course work, and the quality of performance

entered into final grades. Considerable class time was

spent in attempting to develop a good understanding of the

over-all problem of store hours, of principles of good in­

terviewing, and of the specific instructions pertaining to

this survey. Each interviewer was provided with a written

instruction sheet to study and to which he might refer dur­

ing the field work.

As a further attempt to secure quality work, each

interviewer was required to sign each completed question­

naire. Since the address of the respondent also appeared

on the questionnaire, it was possible to check the work of

any interviewer. This was made known to all students be­

fore the interviewing began.

In order to adhere just as closely to the original

sample as practical limitations of time and money would

permit, interviewers were instructed to make two call-backs

in addition to the original visit before going next door

for an interview. In cases where two call-backs were made

or where the party refused to co-operate, the interviewer was instructed to go to the next higher address. Editing and Tabulation

The editing was very carefully done under predeter­ mined policies in order to insure a high degree of consist­ ency. The information from each questionnaire was punched in an I.B.M. card, and all tabulation was done by I.B.M. equipment. All percentage calculations were double-checked for accuracy.

SAMPLE VALIDITY

Comparisons are made here on the basis of percent­ age of home owners versus renters, percentage of households with children and number of children in households, age distribution and income distribution.

Percentage of Home Owners

The 1950 Census of Housing provided the data with which to compare this sample characteristic. The compari­ son follows:

______Percentage of Dwelling Units Owner Occupied______Shown by 1950 Census of Housing Obtained in Sample (1954)

Utah urban area 61.6 Salt Lake and Provo 66.2 Utah rural farm area 87.4 Provo rural routes 91.1

Judging from the trend from 1940 to 1950 and opin­ ions of real estate people, one would expect a little higher percentage in 1954 than in 1950. The percentage in­ creased from 54.5 in 1940 to 61.6 in 1950. Another bit of 251

evidence that the 66.2 per cent is close to the true per­

centage for Salt Lake City is that the 1954 Consumer Analy­

sis of the Greater Salt Lake Market, a carefully controlled mail survey, places the percentage at 70.98. This seems to be in line with the 66.2 per cent obtained in this sample because the Consumer Analysis Survey covered more rural farm area where the percentage of home owners is higher.

Households with Children and Number of Children in Households

A comparison of the results of this survey with those obtained from the 1955 Consumer Analysis Survey shows fairly close agreement between the two studies.

Percentage of Salt Lake Households with Children and _____ Percentage with Specified Number of Children Households with: Consumer Analysis St ore-Hours Survey Survey 1955 1954______Children in home 68.4 65.6 One child 26.8 26.2 Two children 29.7 32.5 Three children 23,5 22.1 Four children 11.8 11.2 Five children 5.0 4.3 Six children 2.1 1.8 Seven children . 8 .5 Eight children .3

JL Includes all households with eight or more chil­ dren.

■Age niwMfc— Distribution i - - -| In order to compare the data obtained in this sur­ vey with the 1950 Census of Population, it was necessary to 252

determine from both sources what percentage of all those

20 years of age or older fall into each age group above 19.

This comparison is shown below,

Percentage Distribution______Salt Lake City Provo______Age Group Sample 1950 Census Sample 1950 Census 20-29 20.0 27.4 27.7 35.6 30-39 26.8 23.0 25.8 21.2 40-49 20.4 18.3 17.7 16.6 50-59 15.1 14.2 13.8 12.4 60 and over 17.7 17.1 15.0 14.2 All 20 and over 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

The greatest difference between the sample and Cen­ sus figures occurs in the ,,20-29n age group. This is due in large part at least to the fact that only heads of households were interviewed. Hence, one would not expect to find as large a percentage in this age group as shown by the Census because many in their twenties are not heads of households and therefore have no chance of being included las the sample. The fact that the sample has a smaller per­ centage in this age groups than the Census would cause the other age groups above 29 in the sample to be larger than that shown by the Census. An examination of the above table reveals this to be the case.

Income Distribution

The 1955 issue of Sales Management Survey of Buying

Fewer presents an income breakdown of consumer spending 253 units for 1954. The concept of "consumer spending unit" is almost identical to the concept of "household" used in this survey. A comparison of the percentage of households with incomes below $4,000 and the percentage with incomes $4,000 and above is shown below for the sample used in this survey and as shown by Sales Management Survey of Buying Power.

Percentage of Salt Lake City Provo Households Sample Survey of Sample Survey of with Incomes ______Buying Power Buying Power Below $4,000 44.1 45.2 57.3 59.6 $4,000 and above 55.9 54.8 42.7 40.4 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

In interpreting this information, one factor should be considered. This survey deals with income before taxes and Sales Management deals with income after taxes. This would mean that, compared with Sales Management, the sample figure for "below $4,000" is understated somewhat, and the sample figure for "$4,000 and above" is overstated some­ what.

The four comparisons made above are evidences that the sample has a fairly high degree of validity. It should be noted, however, that this does not guarantee that it is valid in all characteristics. 254

THE STANDARD ERROR

In order that the reader might gain some idea as to the degree of accuracy which might be placed on the results of this survey, the standard error was calculated for some of the percentage estimates. The standard error of an es­ timate based upon the sample indicates how closely that estimate approaches the true value for the population sam­ pled. The smaller the standard error, the more accurate or reliable is the estimate. All this assumes, however, that the sample was drawn at random and that no bias exists.

The information in the table below is designed to serve as a general guide in evaluating the reliability of the various percentage estimates given in Chapters V and

VI. By using this information, it is possible to determine the approximate sampling error at two standard deviations for the various percentage figures.

Sampling Error (at 2 Standard Deviations) for Following ______Percentages______Selected No. 5 10 15 20 30 40 of Respondents 95 90 85 80 70 60 50

100 4.4 6.0 7.2 8.0 9.2 9.8 10.0 170 3.4 4.6 5.4 6.2 7.0 7.6 7.6 300 2.6 3.4 4.2 4.6 5.2 5.6 5.8 405 2.2 3.0 3.6 4.0 4.6 4.8 5.0 485 2.0 2.8 3.2 3.6 4.2 4.4 4.6 600 1.8 2.4 3.0 3.2 3.8 4.0 4.0 800 1.6 2.2 2.6 2.8 3.2 3.4 3.6 1147 1.2 1.8 2.2 2.4 2.8 2.8 2.8 255

For example, about 22.8 per cent of Salt Lake City

households had shopped in the evening for nongrocery items

within the previous week (Table 10). Since the total num­

ber of respondents was 1,147 for this question, the approxi­

mate sampling error for this percentage is found at the

junction of the column headed 20 per cent and the row la­

beled 1147. This means that there are approximately 19

chances out of 20 that the true percentage lies within plus

or minus 2.4 of 22.8 per cent, or in other words, between

20.4 per cent and 25.2 per cent.

COMPARISON OF RESULTS WITH RETAILERS1 RECORDS

The questions dealing with most popular shopping

days were included on the questionnaire primarily in order

to permit the responses to be compared with actual behavior

as a check on the validity of the results. This compari­

son, made in Provo, indicates a high degree of validity.

According to the survey, nongrocery shopping days

listed in order of popularity are Saturday, Friday, Monday,

Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, and Sunday. Saturday stands

out as being much more popular than any other single day.

Some of the larger nongrocery retailers in Provo were con­

tacted and asked to determine from their sales records for the period when the survey was taken the order of popu­

larity of the six days they were open for business. All 256 retailers contacted agreed that the three most popular days in order of popularity were Saturday, Friday, and Monday just as indicated in the survey. As for the other three days, some agreed with the order shown by the survey and some did not. There seemed to be relatively little differ­ ence in the percentage of total week’s business done on each of these three days.

The same situation was found with respect to gro­ cery shopping. The survey showed the three most popular days to be Saturday, Friday, and Monday in that order. The sales records of the grocers contacted showed the very same results. There was not complete agreement on the order of popularity of the other three days, however. APPENDIX B

QUESTIONNAIRES

HOUSE-TO-HOUSE CONSUMER SURVEY

1. Address:______

2. Sex: 1 Male 2 Female

3. Age: 1___ Under 20 3 30-39 5 50-59 2 20-29 4 40-49 6 60 and over

4. On the average, do you think downtown stores open early enough in the morning? 1 Yes 2___ No 3__ No opinion

5. On the average, do you think the regular weekday clos­ ing time observed by downtown stores is late enough? 1 Yes 2 No 3 No opinion

6. Would you be inconvenienced if downtown stores remained closed one morning or one afternoon during the week? 1 Yes 2___ No 3__ No opinion

7. Would you be inconvenienced if downtown stores remained closed all day one day during the week but open Satur- day? 1__ Yes 2___ No 3__ No opinion

8. Would you be inconvenienced if downtown stores were closed Saturday but open the other five days? 1 Yes 2 No 3__ No opinion

9. If stores adopted a five-day week, which day would you prefer that they close? 1 Monday 4 Thursday 7 No preference 2 Tuesday 5 ' F riday 3 Wednesday 6 Saturday

257 258

10. On what day of the week do you usually buy most of your grocery items? (Check one) Monday 4__Thursday 7___ Sunday “Tuesday 5 ' Friday 8 No one particular “Wednesday 6 Saturday day is of outstand­ ing importance

11. About what proportion of your grocery items do you usu­ ally purchase on this day? 1___ 15-25% 2__ 26-50% 3___51-75% 4___ 76-100%

12.13.14. About what proportion of your grocery items do you usually buy in the: 12. Morning 13. Afternoon 14. Even (until 12) (12-6) (after 1: None 2:1-25% 3:26-50% 4:51-75% 5:76-100%

15. On what day of the week do you usually buy most of your nongrocery items such as clothing, furniture, appli­ ances, hardware, etc.? (Check one) 1 M onday 4 Thursday 7 Sunday 2 Tuesday 5 Friday 8___ No one particular 3 Wednesday 6 Saturday day is of outstand­ ing importance

16.17.18. About what proportion of your nongrocery items (clothing, furniture, appliances, hardware, etc.) do you usually buy in the: 16 .Morning 17 .Afternoon 18.Evenin| (until 12) (12-6) (after 6j 1: None 2:1-25% 3:26-50% 4:51-75% 5:76-100%

19. Which type of nongrocery items do you most commonly shop for in the evening? (Check one) (Does not apply if none are purchased in the evening) 1__ Clothing 4 Furniture and/or 7 Cannot 2 Home Fur- Appliances “say defi­ nishings 5 Drugs and Notions nitely 3 Hardware 6 Other: List 259

20.21.22. If stores were open any time, what time (or times) would be most convenient for you to shop for groceries? (If all times are about equally convenient, leave blank)

20: Morning 21: Afternoon 22:Evening 1. Monday 1 ' ’ 1 2. Tuesday 2 2 2 3. Wednesday 3 3 3 4. Thursday 4 4 4 5. Friday 5 5 5 6. Saturday 6 e> b 7. Sunday 7 7 1 8. All days equally con- venient 8 ' 8 8

Why are the times indicated in question 20.21.22. most convenient?

1. Want family member or friend to shop with you 2 Free from job or school 3 Free from housekeeping 4 __ Not restricted by children 5 Get better service and/or selection 6__ Transportation available 7 Stores and/or town less crowded and congested 8 Have other obligations at night (meetings, foot- "Taall games, etc.) 9 Other: List

(Ask the next question only of those who indicated other than evening as most convenient in question 20.21. T2T. above)

24. Even though you do not find it most conveneitn to shop for groceries at night, do you desire grocery stores to remain open one or more nights per week?

1 Yes 2 No 3 No opinion 260

25.26.27. If stores were open any time, what time (or times) would be most convenient for you to shop for nongrocery items (clothing, furniture, appliances, hardware, etc.)? (If all times are about equally con­ venient, leave blank) 25. Morning 26.Afternoon 2 7 .Evening 1. Monday 1 1 1 2. Tuesday 2 2 2 3. Wednesday 3 3 3 4. Thursday 4 4 4 5. Friday 5 5 5 6. Saturday 6 6 6 ^ 7. Sunday 7 7 7 8. All days equally con­ venient 8 8 8

Why are the times indicated in question 25.26.27. most convenient? 1 Want family member or friend to shop with you 2 Free from job or school 3 Free from housekeeping 4__ Not restricted by children 5 Get better service and/or selection 6 Transportation available 7 Stores and/or town less crowded and congested 8 ' Have other obligations at night (meetings, foot- ball games, etc.) 9 Other: List

(Ask the next question only of those who indicated other than evening as most convenient in question 2 5 . 2 b . T T . above)

29. Even though you do not find it most convenient to shop at night for nongrocery items, do you desire department stores, furniture stores, hardware stores, clothing stores, etc., to remain open one or more nights per week? 1 Yes 2 No 3___No opinion

30. About what percentage of your grocery items do you buy on Sunday? 1 None 2 1-25% 3 26-50% 4 51-75% 5 76-100% ---

31. About what percentage of your drug items do you buy on Sunday? 1 None 2 1-25% 3 26-50% 4 51-75% 5 76-100% * 261

32.33. What other types of goods, If any, do you buy on Sunday? 1 Gasoline 7 Jewelry Hardware 8 "Prepared meals "Clothing "Bakery goods "Dairy products 10 ‘Other: List "Furniture or appliances 11 None "Flowers, corsages, etc.

34.35. What types of stores, if any, would you desire to see remain open on Sunday? 1 Dairy Queens 6 Hardware 11 Service stations 2 Bakeries 7 Ihirniture 12 Department 3 Jewelry 8 Clothing stores 4 Grocery 9 Appliance 13 Cafes and Cafe­ 5 Florists 10 Drug terias 14 Other: List 15 None

36. Would you object to a plan whereby drug stores would take turns remaining open on Sundays if the schedule of when each store would be open were made known to you in advance? 1 Yes 2 No 3__No opinion

37. Do you now have a charge account in one or more stores? 1 Yes 2 No

38. Are you now buying anything on the installment plan (except home or auto)? 1 Y es 2_____No

39. If a store offers free delivery on merchandise which can be carried or taken home in the family car, do you usually have such merchandise delivered? 1 Yes 2 No 3___Cannot say definitely

40. Have you returned anything to a store for exchange or refund within the last month? 1 Yes 2 No

41. What is your marital status? 1 Single 2 Married 3 Widowed Divorced

(If married, ask the next three questions)

42. About what percentage of the time do you and your hus­ band (or wife) shop together for grocery items? 1 None 2 1-25% 3 26-50% 4 51-75% 5--- 76-100% ------262

43. About what percentage of the time do you and your hus­ band (or wife) shop together for nongrocery items (clothing, furniture, appliances, hardware, etc.)? 1 None 2 1-25% 3 26-50% 4 51-75% 5 76-100% ~~~ —“

44, Do both you and your husband (or wife) work? 1 Yes 2 No

45. How many children do you have in your household? 1 One 3__Three 5__ Five 7___Seven 9 None 2 Two 4__Four 6___Six 8___Eight or more

46.47.48.49. If you have children in your household, what are their ages? (Indicate how many in each age group) l:0ne 2 :Two 3 -.Three 4: Four 5: Five 46.Pre-school 47.Grade School 48.High School 49.College ______

50. Are you renting the home you are now in or are you a home owner? (Home owner would include one who is cur­ rently buying a home) 1 R ent 2 Home owner

51. When was the last time, if any, that you shopped in the evening (after 6) for grocery items? 1 Within last week______3__Within last month 2 Within last two weeks 4 Not within last month or never

52. When was the last time, if any, that you shopped in the evening (after 6) for nongrocery items (clothing, fur­ niture, appliances, hardware, etc.)? 1__ Within last week______3__Within last month 2 Within last two weeks 4 Not within last month or never 263

53.54, What is the breadwinner’s occupation? (In case both husband and wife work, this will be the husband) 1 Professional--lawyer, 9 Retail store doctor, etc. employee 2 Teacher 10 Government 3 Factory employee employee 4 Office employee (clerical) 11 Minister 5 Proprietor or partner in 12" Student business 13 — Railroad emp! 6 Farmer 14 Pharmacist 7 Skilled worker 15 Retired 8 Salesman 16- Other: List

55. What is your approximate yearly income before taxes? (Include income of all family members living in your household) 1 Under $2,000 4 $6,000-$7,999 1 $2,000-$3,999 5 S8,000-$9,999 3__ $4,000-$5,999 6__$10,000 and over 7 Don’t know

56. If you have shopped at the new Sugar House Shopping Center, was the last time in the: 1 M orning 3 Evening 2 Afternoon 4 Have not shopped

57.58.59. About what proportion of your nongrocery shopping do you do at Sugar House rather than downtown? (indi­ cate whether you think that proportion is increasing, decreasing, or staying about the same) 57:Increasing 58:Decreasing 59:Staying about same l.None 1 1 1 2.1-25% 2 2 2 3.26-50% 3 3 3 4.51-75% 4 4 4" 5.76-100% 5 5 5

60.61.62.63. Questionnaire Number ______

IN-STORE SURVEY OF NIGHTTIME SHOPPERS

1. Would you desire stores, other than grocery and drug, to remain open more than one night per week? 1 Yes 2___No 3___No opinion 264

2. If the stores were to be open any night, which night or nights would be most convenient for you to shop for nongrocery items? 1 Sunday 45 Wednesday 7------Saturday 2 Monday Thursday 8 All nights equally 3 Tuesday "Friday "convenient

Of the nights indicated in question 2, why is that night most convenient? 1 Free from job Stores and/or town less

2" "Free from housework "crowded 3“ “Not restricted by Want family members or 'children "friend to shop with me Transportation is Have obligations other "available “nights

4. If you had a choice between Monday and Friday, which night would you prefer to shop? 1 M onday 2__ Friday

5. How many nights (after 6 P.M.) have you shopped like this within the past four weeks? (Not counting to­ night) 1 One 2 Two 3__ Three 4___ Four 5___ None

6. Of your total nongrocery purchases, about what percent­ age do you usually buy in the evening? 1 1-25% 2 26-50% 3 51-75% 4 76-100%

What is your marital status? 1 Single 2 Married 3 Widowed Divorced

8. What is your occupation (breadwinners) 1 Factory employee Retail store 2 Farmer "employee 3 Government employee 10 Retired

4 M inister 11” “Salesman 5 ~ Office employee (clerical) 12 Skilled worker 6 Pharmacist 13 Student 7 Professional (lawyer, 14 Railroad employee doctor, etc.) 15 Teacher 8 Proprietor or partner in 16 Other: List “business

9. Age: 1 Under 20 30-39 5 50-59 2~ "20-29 40-49 6 60 and over

10. Sex: 1 Male 265

11. What Is your address? ______Out of t o w n ______

12. We would like to get your opinion about the present "Sunday Closing Law" in Provo. Do you agree with it? 1 Yes 2___ No 3 No opinion

13. Do both you and your husband (wife) work? 1 Yes 2 No

Interviewer's Name APPENDIX C

PROPOSED BILLS AFFECTING STORE HOURS

Senate Bill 275, Massachusetts Legislature, Filed by the Massachusetts State Federation of Labor, AF of L. Referred to the Committee on Labor and Industries

AN ACT TO SAFEGUARD THE STANDARDS OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN MERCANTILE ESTABLISHMENTS

Whereas, the deferred operation of this act would tend to defeat its purpose, which is to protect immediately the health, safety, morals of women and children and to reduce juvenile delinquency and the incidence and dangers of physical injury at night to women and children, therefore, it is hereby declared to be an emergency law, necessary for the immediate preservation of the public convenience and safety.

Section 1* ^ ie following new sentence is hereby added to “ Section 59 of Chapter 149 of the General Laws:

"No person, and no agent or officer of a person, shall employ a woman twenty-one or over or a girl under twenty-one in any capacity except cleaning in a mer­ cantile establishment, except restaurants and hotels, before six o'clock in the morning or after six o'clock in the evening."

Section 2. Section 66 of Chapter 149 is amended by insert- xng the word "mercantile" in the seventh line of said section in the second proviso clause so that the said second proviso clause in Section 66 shall read as follows:

"and provided, further, that nothing herein shall au­ thorize the employment of girls under twenty-one in any capacity in manufacturing, mercantile or mechani­ cal establishments in violation of Section fifty- nine .:t

266 267

House Bill 1984, Massachusetts Legislature, Filed by the AF of L. Retail Clerks Local 711, Referred to the Commit­ tee on Mercantile Affairs

A BILL FOR THE ELIMINATION OF TRAFFIC CONGESTION AND HAZARD IN SHOPPING AREAS OF CITIES AND TOWNS, THE MITIGATION OF DELINQUENCY AMONG YOUTH, AND THE FURTHER ASSURANCE OF THE SANCTITY AND UNITY OF FAMILY LIFE.

Section _1. Mercantile establishments engaged in retail trade in municipalities with 5,000 or more persons resident therein, by reason of their location in and creation of shopping areas marked by the traffic of large numbers of people and motor and otner facilities for movement of goods and persons, make difficult and costly, as a matter of municipal administration, the management of the attendant traffic congestion and also increase the frequency of inci­ dence of injury to both persons and property. Control of such traffic and the elimination of hazard are particularly difficult during the hours running from 5:00 o'clock to 7:30 o'clock in the evening, during which period persons engaged in industrial or other organized activities and af­ fairs, governmental or otherwise, make departure for home or other destination. Operation of such mercantile estab­ lishments when open to the public for business during the course of such hours in the evening accentuates the diffi­ culties of orderly clearance of both traffic and shopping area cohgestlon and thereby causes intensification of hazard to both persons and property and increases the mu­ nicipal costs of street and highway maintenance and other administration.

Operation of mercantile establishments engaged in retail trade when open for the custom of the public during the period from 5:30 to 9:30 o'clock in the evening tends, by reason of the employment of large numbers of young people therein, particularly girls, twenty years of age and under, to contribute to the exposure of such youth to the invita­ tions and hazards making for social and moral delinquency attendant upon the late hours for their return to home, all to the damage of the sanctity of family life and the integ­ rity of the health and welfare of the community.

Section 2> In municipalities with 5,000 or more persons resident therein, mercantile establishments engaged in re­ tail trade and employing at least ten individuals shall not be cpen earlier than 9 o'clock in the morning, nor remain open for business with the public later than 6 o'clock in the evening. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books

Anonymous. Alabama Code of 1940. Title 14, Paragraph 420.

______. Mart indale-Hubbel1 Law Directory (Vol. Ill). Few Jersey: Martindale-Hubbe11, Inc., 1953. Law digests for all 48 states are found in this book.

______. State Law Index. Washington, D. C .: U. S. Gov­ ernment Printing Office, 1941, 1943, 1945, 1947, 1949. This publication covers laws enacted in the various states during the previous two-year period.

. Twenty-five Years of Retailing, 1911-1936. New York! TEe Bulletin, National Retail Dry Goods As­ sociation, 1936.

Axelroad, Victor S. Labor Law— The Law in All 48 States. New York: Oceana Publications, 1948. Chapters' VII and VIII.

Baker, Henry Givens. Rich's of Atlanta. Atlanta, Georgia: School of Business Administration, University of Georgia, 1953.

Ballentine, James A. Law Directory. Rochester, New York: The Lawyers' Go-operative Publishing Company, 1948, p . 159.

Brown, Paul L., and Davidson, William R. Retailing--Prin­ ciples and Practices. New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1953.

Cahill, Marion Cotter. Shorter Hours— A Study of the Move­ ment since the Civil War. New York! Columbia Uni­ versity Press, 1932.

Day, Clive. A History of Commerce. New York: Longmans, Green and C'd&pariyT TJZT. ---

268 269

Dewhurst, Frederick J., and Associates. America*s Needs and Resources. New York: The Twentieth Century T t m d T T W . p. 695.

Dolva, Wenzil K., and Beckley, Donald K. The Retailer. New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950. Chapter 4.

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Gould, R. E. Yankee Storekeeper. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1946.

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Hotchkiss, George Burton. Milestones of Marketing. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1938.

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Kirkland, Edward Chase. Brunswick* s Golden Age. Lewiston, Maine: C. Parker Loring, Printer, 1941.

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Mayfield, Frank M. The Department Store Story. New York: Fairchild Publications, Inc., 1949.

Maynard, Harold H., and Beckman, Theodore N. Principles of Marketing. (5th ed.) New York: Ranald Press Com­ pany, 1952. 270

Myers, Gustavus. History of Great American Fortunes. New York: Random House, Inc., 1937.

Nystrom, Paul H. Economics of Retailing. New York: Ron­ ald Press Company, 1930.

Phillips, Charles F., and Duncan, Delbert J. Marketing-- Principles and Methods, (rev. ed.) Chicago: Richard D. Irwin, Inc., 1953.

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Thompson, James Westfall. An Economic and Social History of the Middle Ages. T e w York: Century Company, T?2HT

Wingate, John W., and Corbin, Arnold. Changing Patterns in Retailing. Homewood, Illinois: Richard D. Irwin, Inc., 1936. pp. 19-40, 309-317, 360.

Booklets, Pamphlets, and Leaflets

Anonymous. Daylight Saying Time and Store Closing Hours in Indiana ComnrunitiesV Indiana State Chamber of Com- weTce^~X955~.------~

. Grey Matter . (Department Store Edition, Vol. 13, No. 5) New York: Grey Advertising Agency, Inc., September-October, 1952.

______. Kearns Company Case. Boston: Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration, 1954.

______. Results of Survey on Store Hours. Chicago: Illinois Federation oflletail Associations, 1954.

______. Shopping Habits and Preferences of Department latore Customers. New~Yorkl Batten,Tar ton, Dur­ st ine & 0sborn7 Inc., 1954.

_ . State Hours Laws for Women. (Women1 s Bureau ‘ Bulletin"*2.50) WashingtonTTT-C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1953. 271

______. Store and Legal Holidays in New England and Evening Hours. Boston: Greater Boston Chamber of Commerce, 1954-1955.

______. Store Hours in Major Pennsylvania Cities. Lan­ caster, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania Retailers' As­ sociation, 1955.

______. Survey of Store Hours. Albany, New York: New York State Council of Retail Merchants, Inc., 1955.

______. The Super Market Industry Speaks. (2nd, 3rd, 5th, 6th Annual Reports.) Chicago: Super Market Institute, 1950-1954.

______. The Thompson Case. Boston: Harvard Graduate " School of Business Administration, 1953.

______. 1954 Consumer Analysis of the Greater Salt Lake Market. Salt Lake City, Utah: Newspaper Agency Corporation, 1954.

Dolva, Wenzil K. (ed.). The Customer Tells. St, Louis: Department of Ret airing, Washington University, 1947.

Kelley, Eugene J. "Retail Structure of Urban Economy," reprint from Traffic Quarterly, July, 1955, p. 415.

Kennedy, Vincent D. Trend in Night Openings in California. Los Angeles, California: Califomiaketailers1 As- sociation, 1952.

Lewis, Harrie F ., and Fox, Gladys H. Shopping Hours Sur­ vey. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: Research Bureau for Retail Training, University of Pittsburgh, 1949.

Plant, George. Current Trends in Store and Employee Hours. New York: Store Management Group, National Retail Dry Goods Association, 1950.

______. Store Hours and Employee Schedules. New York: Store Management Group, National Retail Dry Goods Association, 1952.

Towle, Joseph Walter. Department Store Personnel Relations. (A summary of a doctoral dissertation.) Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University, 1948. Ill

Periodicals

Anonymous, "Ad Campaign Protests Sunday Openings," Super Market Merchandising, Vol. 21 (January, 1956). P* 63.

______. "Branch Store Hours," Store Managers' News Bul- Tetin (Published by National Retail Dry Goods Asso­ ciation) , Third Quarter, 1955.

______. "Business Men in Middle Ages," Fortune, Vol. 45 (January, 1952), pp. 76-81.

______. "Butchers Balk— Union Refuses Swing Shift to Enable Monday Closings," Business Week, June 8, 1946, pp. 28+.

.______. "Current Labor Statistics," Monthly Labor Re­ view, Vol. 64 (January, 1947), p. v.

"Current Labor Statistics," Monthly Labor Re- view, Vol. 80 (May, 1957), p. 627. ""

"Current Labor Statistics," Monthly Labor Re­ view, Vol. 78 (December, 1955), p. 1544.

______. "Current Labor Statistics," Monthly Labor Re­ view, Vol. 65 (July, 1947), pp. Ill, 120.

. "Current Labor Statistics," Monthly Labor Re­ view, Vol. 76 (January, 1953), pp. 87, 100.

"Employee Relations," Stores, Vol. 38 (February, T956), p. 82.

. "Employment, Hours and Earnings at the Close of 1955," Survey of Current Business, Vol. 36 (January, 1956) , pp. 3-77------

. "Establishment of Minimum 48-Hour Week," Monthly Labor Review, Vol. 56 (March, 1943), pp. 471-473.

. "How Long Is a Retailer’s Day?" Business Week, March 5, 1949, pp. 74-75.

______"Legal Restrictions on Night Work by Women," H m t ^ ^ L a b o r Review, Vol. 72 (April, 1951), pp. "Mixed Shopping Trends Show Up in Latest Study," Printers1 Ink, Vol. 255 (April 13, 1956), p, 91.

"Mondays Now Best Day for San Francisco Stores," Editor and Publisher, Vol. 84 (December 1, 1951), pp. 84+.

"New Study Shows Canadian Stores Open Longer Sours." Printers1 Ink, Vol. 241 (December 12, 1952), p. 112.

"Oft in the Stilly Night," Business Week, Janu­ ary 5, 1952, p. 76.

"Open Store in Evening May Run into Labor Trou- ^leJH Business Week, December 27, 1952, p. 78.

"Premium Pay," Business Week, March 28, 1953, pp. 177-178.

"Profit Planning for Smaller Stores," Stores, Vol. 36 (October, 1954), p. 39.

. "Provo Okeys Sunday Closing Law," Daily Herald, December 15, 1954..

"Retailers Forecast for 1955," Stores, Vol. 37 (January, 1955), pp. 17-20.

"Retailers Ponder 5-Day Week," Business Week, January 19, 1946, pp. 77-78.

. "Retailing in Ferment," Printers1 Ink, Vol. 241 (December 12, 1952), pp. 41-106'.

_. "Shopping Hours in Philadelphia," Business Week, December 13, 1952, pp. 78-79.

"Shortening the Work Week," Business Week, June 7, 1952, p. 148.

"Shorter Hours--Retail Revolution," Business Week, June 6, 1953, p. 41.

"Store Management," Stores, Vol. 36 (February, 1954), p. 44. ------

"Sunday Closing Law Is Repealed by City Dads," Daily Herald, February 24, 1955. Ilk

______. "The Family Shopper," Newsweek, Vol. 40 (Octo- Fer 13, 1952), p. 76.

"The Financial Position of Consumers," Federal Reserve Bulletin, Vol. 41 (June, 1955), pp. 609-622.

______. "The Human Side," Sales Management, Vol. 68 (February 15, 1952), p. 8.

______. "The Leisured Masses," Business Week, Septem- Fer 12, 1953), pp. 142-143+.

"The Month in Retailing," Stores, Vol. 36 (May, T954), p. 12.

. "The Month in Retailing," Stores, Vol. 37 (May, 1955), p. 5.

______. "The Month in Retailing," Stores, Vol. 37 (November, 1955), p. 9.

______. "The Night Owls," Time, Vol. 59 (January 28, T952), pp. 88+.

______. "The Store Manager," Stores, Vol. 38 (Febru­ ary, 1956), pp. 54-56.

______. "The Story of N.R.D.G.A. 's 45th Annual Conven- tion," Stores, Vol. 38 (February, 1956), p. 9.

______. "Voice of the Trade," Stores, Vol. 38 (Febru­ ary, 1956), p. 9.

"What Store Hours?" Business Week, December 6, 1947, pp. 69+.

______"1955 Reached New Peaks," Super Market Merchan- Hi sing, Vol. 21 (January, 1956), pp. 31-38.

______. "1954 Survey Shows Industry's Vigor," Super Market Merchandising, Vol. 20 (February, 1955), pp. 43-46+.

Bijur, George. "The Market That Lives Upside Down," Adver­ tising and Selling, Vol. 35 (April, 1942), pp. 12-

Dakins, J. Gordon. "Management Perspective," Stores, Vol. 38 (November, 1956), pp. 3-5+. 275

_ . "Some Conclusions on Night Openings,” Stores, Vol. 35 (June, 1953), p. 13.

_ . "The Self-critical Retailer," Stores, Vol. 38 (May, 1956), p. 14.

Edwards, Charles M., Jr., "How to Obtain and Retain Supe­ rior Personnel," Journal of Retailing, Vol. 29 (Summer, 1953), pp. 53-56+.

Ellsworth, T. Dart, Lehr, Gelda, and Bara, Philip M. "Do You Know or Are You Guessing?" Journal of Retailing, Vol. 28 (Fall, 1952), pp. 1024-.

Ellsworth, T. Dart. "How Will Evening Openings Affect Re­ tail Workers?" Journal of Retailing, Vol. 29 (Spring, 1953).

Ellsworth, T. Dart, and Hulquist, Jeanne S. "Why Do Col­ lege Graduates Leave Retailing?" Journal of Retail­ ing, Vol. 31 (Winter, 1955-1956), pp. 157^T63Ti

Furstenberg, Leon. "Department Store Hours of Doing Busi­ ness," Journal of Retailing, Vol. 15 (April, 1939).

Hazen, John. "Report from Washington," Stores, Vol. 38 (July, 1956), p. 43.

"Report from Washington," Stores, Vol. 36 (Octo- Her, 1954) , p . 40.

"Report from Washington," Stores, Vol. 38 (Feb­ ruary, 1956), p. 5.

"Report from Washington," Stores, Vol. 38 (May, ------”1956), p. 15.

Huhndorff, Carl. "Shorter Workweek and More Leisure," Sales Management, Vol. 75 (November 10, 1955), pp. 70-73.

Judelle, Beatrice. "Record in the Making," Stores, Vol. 37 (July, 1955), pp. 7-10.

______. "Retail Plans for 1953," Stores, Vol. 35 (Janu­ ary, 1953), pp. 8-9.

"Retail Plans for 1954," Stores, Vol. 36 (Janu­ ary, 1954), p. 18. 276

Kitchen, Merle. "Retail Unions and Their Activities," Stores, Vol. 36 (April, 1954), p. 17.

Krogh, Egil E. "The Future of the Independent Store," Stores, Vol. 38 (January, 1956), p. 21.

Malcolm, R. Keith. "Test Your Executive Pulling Power," Journal of Retailing, Vol. 29 (Winter, 1953-1954), pp. 159-T?>6+.

Meyers, Perry. "The Shopping Center," Stores, Vol. 36 (February, 1954), p. 21.

Plant, George. "Federal Minimum Wages and Retail Exemp­ tion," Stores, Vol. 37 (March, 1955), pp. 11-13.

"Management Perspective," Stores, Vol. 38 (July, T956), p. 9.

______. "The Thinning Reserves of Retail Executives," Stores, Vol. 37 (November, 1955), pp. 15-16.

Powers, Marsh K. "Retailing and the Night Shift," Adver­ tising and Selling, Vol. 36 (March, 1943), pp. 35-

Rich, Richard H. "People Are More Important than Things," Stores, Vol. 36 (March, 1954), p. 7.

Robb, Inez. "Man Spends Freelyi Women More Careful," Columbus Citizen, November 11, 1954.

Saunders, Dero A. "Shopping After Dark," Fortune, Vol. 46 (November, 1952), pp. 120-123+.

Shea, Daniel E. "New Shopping Habits Are Related to Timing and Technique of Retailing," Printers1 Ink, Vol. 241 (December 12, 1952), pp. 241-254

Stedman, Gordon H. "Determining Attitudes and Habits of Retail Shoppers," Journal of Retailing, Vol. 27 (Fall, 1951), pp. 133=142.------

Wagner, L. C. "Retail Trends in Seattle," Journal of Mar­ keting, Vol. 18 (July, 1953), pp. 50-56. 277 Surveys

House-to-House Consumer Survey. Conducted in Salt Lake City and Provo, Utah.

In-Store Survey of Nighttime Shoppers. Conducted in Provo, Utah.

Employee Attitude Surveys of Four Leading Salt Lake City Stores. Conducted by Industry Services Unit, De­ partment of Employment Security, Salt Lake City, Utah. AUTOBIOGRAPHY

I, Leonard W. Prestwich, was born in Huntington,

Utah, October 14, 1923- I received my secondary school

education at Lincoln High School in Orem, Utah, and my

undergraduate training at Brigham Young University, which

granted me the Bachelor of Science degree in 1948. I then

received the Master of Science degree from New York Uni­

versity School of Retailing in 1949. After teaching two

years at Alabama Polytechnic Institute, I began my work

toward the Doctor of Philosophy degree at Ohio State Uni­ versity in June, 1951- While in residence there, I held

the position of teaching assistant in the Department of

Business Organization. Upon completion of my course work

in September, 1953, I joined the faculty at Brigham Young

University, where I taught for three years in the Depart­ ment of Marketing. In September, 1956, I returned to Ala­ bama Polytechnic Institute, where I accepted an associate professorship in the Department of Economics and Business

Administration. I have held this position for one year while completing the requirements for the Doctor of Phi­ losophy degree.

278