POSTCAPITALISM Where the Dominant Colour Is Rust

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

POSTCAPITALISM Where the Dominant Colour Is Rust 1 Introduction To find the river Dniestr we drive through cold Paul Mason woodlands, past decomposing flats and railyards POSTCAPITALISM where the dominant colour is rust. The freezing A Guide to Our Future water runs clear. It is so quiet that you can hear little pieces of concrete falling off the road bridge above, Contents as it slowly crumbles through neglect. Introduction The Dniestr is the geographic border between free- PART I market capitalism and whatever you want to call the 1 Neoliberalism is Broken system Vladimir Putin runs. It separates Moldova, a 2 Long Waves, Short Memories country in Eastern Europe, from a breakaway Russian 3 Was Marx Right? puppet state called Transnistria, controlled by the 4 The Long, Disrupted Wave mafia and secret police. PART II 5 The Prophets of Postcapitalism On the Moldovan side, elderly people squat on the 6 Towards the Free Machine pavements selling stuff they’ve grown or made: 7 Beautiful Troublemakers cheese, pastries, a few turnips. Young people are PART III scarce; one in four adults works abroad. Half the 8 On Transitions population earns less than $5 a day; one in ten lives in a poverty so extreme it can be measured on the 9 The Rational Case for Panic 1 10 Project Zero same scale as Africa’s. The country was born at the Notes start of the neoliberal era, with the breakup of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s and the entry of market forces – but many of the villagers I talk to would rather live in Putin’s police state than in the disgraceful penury of Moldova. This grey world of dirt roads and grim faces was produced by capitalism, not communism. And now capitalism is 2 already past its best. tension between nuclear superpowers, it has become a crisis of the global order. Moldova, of course, is not a typical European country. But it’s in these edge places of the world There are, on the face of it, only two ways it can end. that we can watch the economic tide receding – and In the first scenario, the global elite clings on, trace the causal links between stagnation, social imposing the cost of crisis on to workers, pensioners crisis, armed conflict and the erosion of democracy. and the poor over the next ten or twenty years. The The economic failure of the West is eroding belief in global order – as enforced by the IMF, World Bank values and institutions that we once thought were and World Trade Organisation – survives, but in a permanent. weakened form. The cost of saving globalization is borne by the ordinary people of the developed world. In the financial centres, behind plate glass, things But growth stagnates. can still look rosy. Since 2008, trillions of dollars of confected money have flowed through the banks, In the second scenario, the consensus breaks. Parties hedge funds, law firms and consultancies to keep the of the hard right and left come to power as ordinary global system functioning. people refuse to pay the price of austerity. Instead, states then try to impose the costs of the crisis on But the long-term prospects for capitalism are bleak. each other. Globalization falls apart, the global According to the OECD, growth in the developed institutions become powerless and in the process the world will be ‘weak’ for the next fifty years. conflicts that have burned these past twenty years – Inequality will rise by 40 per cent. Even in the drug wars, post-Soviet nationalism, jihadism, developing countries, the current dynamism will be uncontrolled migration and resistance to it – light a exhausted by 2060.2 The OECD’s economists were too fire at the centre of the system. In this scenario, lip- polite to say it, so let’s spell it out: for the developed service to international law evaporates; torture, world the best of capitalism is behind us, and for the censorship, arbitrary detention and mass rest it will be over in our lifetime. surveillance become the regular tools of statecraft. This is a variant of what happened in the 1930s and What started in 2008 as an economic crisis morphed there is no guarantee it cannot happen again. into a social crisis, leading to mass unrest; and now, as revolutions turn into civil wars, creating military In both scenarios, the serious impacts of climate 3 change, demographic ageing and population growth left to the right-wing German newspaper Stern to kick in around the year 2050. If we can’t create a explain: they had ‘smashed’ Greece.3 It was done, sustainable global order and restore economic symbolically, to reinforce the central message of dynamism, the decades after 2050 will be chaos. neoliberalism that there is no alternative; that all routes away from capitalism end in the kind of So I want to propose an alternative: first, we save disaster that befell the Soviet Union; and that a globalization by ditching neoliberalism; then we save revolt against capitalism is a revolt against a natural the planet – and rescue ourselves from turmoil and and timeless order. inequality – by moving beyond capitalism itself. The current crisis not only spells the end of the Ditching neoliberalism is the easy part. There’s a neoliberal model, it is a symptom of the longer-term growing consensus among protest movements, mismatch between market systems and an economy radical economists and radical political parties in based on information. The aim of this book is to Europe as to how you do it: suppress high finance, explain why replacing capitalism is no longer a reverse austerity, invest in green energy and utopian dream, how the basic forms of a promote high-waged work. postcapitalist economy can be found within the current system, and how they could be expanded But then what? rapidly. As the Greek experience demonstrates, any Neoliberalism is the doctrine of uncontrolled government that defies austerity will instantly clash markets: it says that the best route to prosperity is with the global institutions that protect the 1 per individuals pursuing their own self-interest, and the cent. After the radical left party Syriza won the market is the only way to express that self-interest. It election in January 2015, the European Central Bank, says the state should be small (except for its riot whose job was to promote the stability of Greek squad and secret police); that financial speculation is banks, pulled the plug on those banks, triggering a good; that inequality is good; that the natural state of €20 billion run on deposits. That forced the left-wing humankind is to be a bunch of ruthless individuals, government to choose between bankruptcy and competing with each other. submission. You will find no minutes, no voting records, no explanation for what the ECB did. It was Its prestige rests on tangible achievements: in the 4 past twenty-five years, neoliberalism has triggered became irrational: you borrow, you duck and dive the biggest surge in development the world has ever around the edges of the tax system, you stick to the seen, and it unleashed an exponential improvement pointless rules imposed at work. in core information technologies. But in the process, it has revived inequality to a state close to that of 100 And for decades the opponents of capitalism have years ago and has now triggered a survival-level revelled in their own incoherence. From the anti- event. globalization movement of the 1990s through to Occupy and beyond, the movement for social justice The civil war in Ukraine, which brought Russian has rejected the idea of a coherent programme in special forces to the banks of the Dniestr; the favour of ‘One No, Many Yes-es’. The incoherence is triumph of ISIS in Syria and Iraq; the rise of fascist logical, if you think the only alternative is what the parties in Europe; the paralysis of NATO as its twentieth century left called ‘socialism’. Why fight populations withhold consent for military for a big change if it’s only a regression – towards intervention – these are not problems separate from state control and economic nationalism, to the economic crisis. They are signs that the economies that work only if everyone behaves the neoliberal order has failed. same way or submits to a brutal hierarchy? In turn, the absence of a clear alternative explains why most Over the past two decades, millions of people have protest movements never win: in their hearts they resisted neoliberalism but in general the resistance don’t want to. There’s even a term for it in the failed. Beyond all the tactical mistakes, and the protest movement: ‘refusal to win’.4 repression, the reason is simple: free-market capitalism is a clear and powerful idea, while the To replace neoliberalism we need something just as forces opposing it looked like they were defending powerful and effective; not just a bright idea about something old, worse and incoherent. how the world could work but a new, holistic model that can run itself and tangibly deliver a better Among the 1 per cent, neoliberalism has the power of outcome. It has to be based on micro-mechanisms, a religion: the more you practise it, the better you not diktats or policies; it has to work spontaneously. feel – and the richer you become. Even among the In this book, I make the case that there is a clear poor, once the system was in full swing, to act in any alternative, that it can be global, and that it can other way but according to neoliberal strictures deliver a future substantially better than the one 5 capitalism will be offering by the mid-twenty-first barely recognizable to the generation that came century.
Recommended publications
  • Blueprint 2016
    6 6 Acknowledgments Online Components The digital version of this Blueprint has been This last year was unlike any other in that I spent one month of it on a writing optimized with links that enhance and deepen sabbatical courtesy of the Rockefeller Foundation’s Bellagio Residency the conversation around topics raised. To explore program. The work I did and the people I met there will forever expand my anything that is printed in bold purple, please visit thinking about all things digital and civil. Colleagues from Stanford and all our grantcraft.org/blueprint16 to access your free workshop participants at the Digital Civil Society Lab helped me investigate digital copy and to be connected with related many new ideas. Special thanks to Anne Focke, editor, and Foundation Center blogs and discussions. staff Jen Bokoff, Amanda Dillon, Christine Innamorato, Cheryl Loe, Erin Nylen- Wysocki, Lisa Philp, and Noli Vega. Big thanks to this year’s intrepid external lucybernholz.com readers: Jara Dean Coffey, John E. Kobara, Katie Marcus Reker, Anisha Singh pacscenter.stanford.edu White, Gurpreet Singh, Gene Takagi, and Kate Wing. Their breadth of knowledge pacscenter.stanford.edu/digital-civil-society pushed my thinking, and their editorial guidance clarified some of my text. I am philanthropy2173.com responsible for all remaining mistakes. © 2015 Lucy Bernholz. This work is made available under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 Unported License, creative commons.org/licenses/by0nc/4.0. ISBN 978-0-9847811-6-4 For more information, contact [email protected] and [email protected]. Copies available for free download at grantcraft.org.
    [Show full text]
  • Department of Economics
    DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS Working Paper State Debate Post Chris O’Kane Working Paper 2019-01 State Debate Post Introduction We live in turbulent times. The long decade following the 2007 crisis has been marked by a series of movements. They can be roughly summarized as follows: The Arab Spring, Occupy, and the UK student movement arose in the immediate aftermath of 2007 in opposition to the government bailouts, austerity and persistent economic misery. So did the Tea Party, the Five Star Movement, UKIP, Austria etc. Whilst the former tried to address their grievances outside of representative government, the latter experienced increasing electoral success culminating in the election of figures such as Trump Austria etc. These successes have been met by the ascent of social democratic theory, policy pronouncements, and strategizing in an array of disciplines in tandem with an increased membership in social democratic organizations and some notable electoral victories. The Social Democratic turn Social democracy is certainly better than Trump, Orban, Macron, and May. I would also welcome some of the proposals. However, I contend that these social democratic theories, policies and strategies, much like the other radical theories and practices of the first wave of reaction to the crisis, have not fully considered the question of the state. Whilst the former did not consider the obstacle of the state, today it seems that the state is not considered to be an obstacle. The format of this intervention certainly prevents me from demonstrating this at length. So let me indicate how a few notable theories, public policies proposals, and strategies share a ‘traditional theoretical’ and ‘constructive criticism’ of capitalist political economy that assumes the state is a neutral instrument.
    [Show full text]
  • Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and The
    Historical Materialism 19.4 (2011) 129–168 brill.nl/hima Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and the Origins of the US Civil War: Towards a New Social Interpretation* Charles Post City University of New York [email protected] Abstract The origins of the US Civil War have long been a central topic of debate among historians, both Marxist and non-Marxist. John Ashworth’s Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic is a major Marxian contribution to a social interpretation of the US Civil War. However, Ashworth’s claim that the War was the result of sharpening political and ideological – but not social and economic – contradictions and conflicts between slavery and capitalism rests on problematic claims about the rôle of slave-resistance in the dynamics of plantation-slavery, the attitude of Northern manufacturers, artisans, professionals and farmers toward wage-labour, and economic restructuring in the 1840s and 1850s. An alternative social explanation of the US Civil War, rooted in an analysis of the specific path to capitalist social-property relations in the US, locates the War in the growing contradiction between the social requirements of the expanded reproduction of slavery and capitalism in the two decades before the War. Keywords origins of capitalism, US Civil War, bourgeois revolutions, plantation-slavery, agrarian petty- commodity production, independent-household production, merchant-capital, industrial capital The Civil War in the United States has been a major topic of historical debate for almost over 150 years. Three factors have fuelled scholarly fascination with the causes and consequences of the War. First, the Civil War ‘cuts a bloody gash across the whole record’ of ‘the American .
    [Show full text]
  • Privatisation Education and Commodity Forms
    CHAPTER 25 Privatisation Education and Commodity Forms Glenn Rikowski Introduction Privatisation in education is not essentially about education. It is about the development of capitalism and the deepening of the rule of capital in par- ticular institutions (schools, colleges, universities etc.) in contemporary soci- ety. Of course, this is not how the situation appears in the relevant academic literature. Privatisation in and of education is typically framed within a dis- course regarding whether it ‘works,’ or not; or whether aspects of education— standards, equity and efficiency in particular—are enhanced or threatened by privatisation in educational institutions. Focus on the marketisation of edu- cation is particularly to the fore in writing and research on educational priva- tisation. Finally, and politically significant, is that privatisation is posited as a threat to public, state-financed education. The very ‘publicness’ of education is at issue (Miron, 2008). What remains largely uncovered in these standard academic approaches is the nature of the commodity forms that are worked on, developed and expanded in processes of educational privatisation. This article starts out from these commodity forms in order to set a path for a critique of the privatisation of education that delves deeper than mainstream academic accounts. Starting from commodity forms opens a shaft on the insidious and grubby underworld of capital’s mingling with education: capitalisation, the ‘becoming of capital’ in educational institutions, is uncovered. Current theoretical work on the privatisation of education is inadequate as a starting point for understanding what is at stake in the critique of educational privatisation as capitalist development. As Francine Menashy (2013) indicates, three of the most ‘commonly adopted approaches’ for analysing educational privatisation are the neoclassical-neoliberal, social primary goods, and rights- based approaches (p.
    [Show full text]
  • — — the Way We Will Work
    No. 03 ASPEN.REVIEW 2017 CENTRAL EUROPE COVER STORIES Edwin Bendyk, Paul Mason, Drahomíra Zajíčková, Jiří Kůs, Pavel Kysilka, Martin Ehl POLITICS Krzysztof Nawratek ECONOMY Jacques Sapir CULTURE Olena Jennings INTERVIEW Alain Délétroz Macron— Is Not 9 771805 679005 No. 03/2017 No. 03/2017 Going to Leave Eastern Europe Behind — e-Estonia:— The Way We Will Work We Way The Between Russia and the Cloud The Way We Will Work About Aspen Aspen Review Central Europe quarterly presents current issues to the general public in the Aspenian way by adopting unusual approaches and unique viewpoints, by publishing analyses, interviews, and commentaries by world-renowned professionals as well as Central European journalists and scholars. The Aspen Review is published by the Aspen Institute Central Europe. Aspen Institute Central Europe is a partner of the global Aspen network and serves as an independent platform where political, business, and non-prof-it leaders, as well as personalities from art, media, sports and science, can interact. The Institute facilitates interdisciplinary, regional cooperation, and supports young leaders in their development. The core of the Institute’s activities focuses on leadership seminars, expert meetings, and public conferences, all of which are held in a neutral manner to encourage open debate. The Institute’s Programs are divided into three areas: — Leadership Program offers educational and networking projects for outstanding young Central European professionals. Aspen Young Leaders Program brings together emerging and experienced leaders for four days of workshops, debates, and networking activities. — Policy Program enables expert discussions that support strategic think- ing and interdisciplinary approach in topics as digital agenda, cities’ de- velopment and creative placemaking, art & business, education, as well as transatlantic and Visegrad cooperation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Way to the Socialist Planned Economy
    The Way to the Socialist Planned Economy Marek Breit and Oskar Lange Translated by Jan Toporowski* Abstract: This is the first English translation of a 1934 article by Marek Breit and Oskar Lange on the economics of socialism. Breit and Lange advocate a form of market socialism based on self-managed workers’ cooperatives, with membership open to all who wish to join. 1 The Breakdown of the Capitalist Economy Otto Bauer said not very long ago that ‘the fall of the second workers’ government in England, the events of recent years, and especially in the current year in Germany, mark the end of an epoch and the start of a new one in the history of the international workers’ movement. We find ourselves at the start of a period of severe, protracted economic crises, broken only by short moments of respite; a period in which the proletariat will rather be convinced of how narrow are the boundaries with which the world capitalist economy limits the possibilities for liberation of the working class, and how these binding constraints may only be removed together with the whole capitalist system.’1 Essentially the world-wide economic crisis, the likes of which the capitalist economy has not experienced since its beginnings, shows the complete bankruptcy of the capitalist economic system. Nothing so demonstrates that complete bankruptcy, the total breakdown of the capitalist economy, as the co-existence of poverty with excess that is met at every step. When the masses of the people in the capitalist economies are oppressed by unprecedented poverty, stores are packed with goods for which there are no buyers; when millions are starving, grain and coffee are sunk at sea or burnt; when millions cannot clothe themselves, spinning and weaving plants stand idle.
    [Show full text]
  • Mason Why Its Kicking Off
    FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Contact: Sarah Shin Publication: 23 JANUARY 2011 [email protected] ISBN: 978 1 84467 851 8 (020) 7437 3546 Tel: +44 (0)20 7437 3546 Fax: +44 (0)20 7734 0059 www.versobooks.com PRESS RELEASE *** EMBARGOED UNTIL 14 JANUARY *** Incisive grassroots account of the new global revolutions by acclaimed BBC journalist, published to coincide with the first anniversary of the start of the Arab revolts in Tunisia PAPERBACK ORIGINAL WHY IT’S KICKING OFF EVERYWHERE THE NEW GLOBAL REVOLUTIONS By Paul Mason Paul Mason is available for interview and comment. Why It’s Kicking Off Everywhere is available for extraction. • Major launch event at Southbank Centre on Thursday 2 February, 2012 • Our world is changing dramatically. Social upheaval has followed worldwide economic crisis and the gulf between the haves and the have-nots is widening. In 2011, this profound disconnect found expression in events that we were told had been consigned to history: revolt and revolution. • In this compelling new book, Paul Mason sets out to explore the causes and consequences of this current wave of struggle, illuminating the links between the economic and social crisis. Mingling with protestors in locations from Westminster to Wisconsin, Mason is a weatherman in a hurricane. In Why It’s Kicking Off Everywhere he reports from the frontlines of protest, through teargas in Athens and clashes in Cairo. • Blending eyewitness reportage with historical insight, Mason draws parallels with the revolutions of 1848 and uprisings of the early twentieth century, as well as more recent expressions of discontent including the anti-globalization protests of 1999 and Climate Camp.
    [Show full text]
  • Agrarian Anarchism and Authoritarian Populism: Towards a More (State-)Critical ‘Critical Agrarian Studies’
    The Journal of Peasant Studies ISSN: 0306-6150 (Print) 1743-9361 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fjps20 Agrarian anarchism and authoritarian populism: towards a more (state-)critical ‘critical agrarian studies’ Antonio Roman-Alcalá To cite this article: Antonio Roman-Alcalá (2020): Agrarian anarchism and authoritarian populism: towards a more (state-)critical ‘critical agrarian studies’, The Journal of Peasant Studies, DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2020.1755840 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2020.1755840 © 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 20 May 2020. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 3209 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 4 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjps20 THE JOURNAL OF PEASANT STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2020.1755840 FORUM ON AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM AND THE RURAL WORLD Agrarian anarchism and authoritarian populism: towards a more (state-)critical ‘critical agrarian studies’* Antonio Roman-Alcalá International Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, Netherlands ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This paper applies an anarchist lens to agrarian politics, seeking to Anarchism; authoritarian expand and enhance inquiry in critical agrarian studies. populism; critical agrarian Anarchism’s relevance to agrarian processes is found in three studies; state theory; social general areas: (1) explicitly anarchist movements, both historical movements; populism; United States of America; and contemporary; (2) theories that emerge from and shape these moral economy movements; and (3) implicit anarchism found in values, ethics, everyday practices, and in forms of social organization – or ‘anarchistic’ elements of human social life.
    [Show full text]
  • Corbynism and Blue Labour: Post- Liberalism and National Populism in the British Labour Party
    Bolton, M. , & Pitts, F. H. (2020). Corbynism and Blue Labour: post- liberalism and national populism in the British Labour Party. British Politics, 15(1), 88-109. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41293-018-00099-9 Peer reviewed version Link to published version (if available): 10.1057/s41293-018-00099-9 Link to publication record in Explore Bristol Research PDF-document This is the author accepted manuscript (AAM). The final published version (version of record) is available online via Springer at This is the author accepted manuscript (AAM). The final published version (version of record) is available online via [insert publisher name] at [insert hyperlink] . Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. University of Bristol - Explore Bristol Research General rights This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. Full terms of use are available: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/red/research-policy/pure/user-guides/ebr-terms/ **This is a pre-publication draft of a paper accepted for publication in British Politics following peer review. The definitive version will be available from https://link.springer.com/journal/41293** Corbynism, Blue Labour and post-liberal national populism: A Marxist critique Matt Bolton Department of Humanities, University of Roehampton Frederick Harry Pitts Department of Management, University of Bristol Abstract Responding to recent debates, this article challenges the presentation of Corbynism and Blue Labour as competing philosophical tendencies in the contemporary British Labour Party. It does so with reference to their shared mobilisation around post-liberal and national-populist notions of the relationship between nations, states, society, citizens and the outside world, and critiques of capitalism and liberal democracy that they hold in common.
    [Show full text]
  • Centre on Regulation and Competition WORKING PAPER
    Centre on Regulation and Competition WORKING PAPER SERIES Paper No. 29 CAPITAL ACCUMULATION, STATE INTERVENTION AND PRIVATISATION Tan Wooi Syn University of Malaya (Malaysia) October 2002 ISBN: 1-904056-28-8 Further details: Fiona Wilson, Centre Secretary Published by: Centre on Regulation and Competition, Institute for Development Policy and Management, University of Manchester, Crawford House, Precinct Centre, Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9GH, UK Tel: +44-161 275 2798 Fax: +44-161 275 0808 Email: [email protected] Web: http://idpm.man.ac.uk/crc/ CAPITAL ACCUMULATION, STATE INTERVENTION AND PRIVATISATION The debate over privatisation is essentially the debate over the relative efficiency of the state versus markets and private property in the allocation of resources. Where state intervention was previously justified on the grounds of market failure and other problems faced by developing countries in particular, privatisation theory has viewed the state as the cause of inefficient allocation due to the vested interests of bureaucrats (or the possibility of states or public policies becoming ‘captive’ to the special interests of influential or powerful groups) and the lack of incentives in the absence of clearly designated property rights. The state can play a part in privatisation by ensuring that resources are allocated efficiently, not just to the best candidates but also to the most productive sectors. That is to say, privatisation can be undertaken as part of a state’s development strategy and can be an important part of a development process. In these circumstances, privatisation needs to be examined against state theory. The sources of state capacity and capabilities as well as factors which constrain state policy then become important in determining the success of privatisation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Neo-Liberal State in a Post-Global World
    ISSN 2029–2236 (print) ISSN 2029–2244 (online) Socialinių mokslų studijos SOCIAL SCIENCES STUDIES 2010, 3(7), p. 7–17. THE NEO-LIBERAL STATE IN A POST-GLOBAL WORLD David Schultz Hamline University School of Business 1536 Hewitt Avenue, Saint Paul, MN 55104-1284 Minnesota, United States of America Phone (+1651) 5232 858 Email [email protected] Received 3 August, 2010; accepted 20 September, 2010 Abstract. Neo-liberalism has been the dominant political–economic ideology defining the state and the world economy since the late 1970s. Neo-liberalism is a political–economic theory committed to laissez-faire market fundamentalism, a minimalist role for state inter- vention into the economy, and free trade and open borders. The global financial crisis that began in 2008 challenges the neo-liberal views of the state in numerous ways. This article describes the rise of the neo-liberal state, the ways the global crisis created a crisis for it, and then how the response to it questions its legitimacy and viability. The article concludes with detailing the various problems with neo-liberalism, calling for a rethinking of state theory within a new post-global economic order. Keywords: neo-liberalism, state, globalization, globalism, global financial crisis, poli- tics, economics. Introduction The western banking crisis that began in 2008 and the global recession produced as a result is an historic event on two counts. First, state intervention to save the banks, including the 2008 Troubled Assets Relief Fund and the 2010 Wall Street and Consumer Protection Act in the U.S., represented the most significant bailout and reregulation of Socialinių mokslų studijos/Social Sciences Studies ISSN 2029–2236 (print), ISSN 2029–2244 (online) Mykolo Romerio universitetas, 2010 http://www.mruni.eu/lt/mokslo_darbai/SMS/ Mykolas Romeris University, 2010 http://www.mruni.eu/en/mokslo_darbai/SMS/ David Schultz.
    [Show full text]
  • Digital Object, Digital Subjects
    DIGITAL OBJECTS DIGITAL SUBJECTS Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Capitalism, Labour and Politics in the Age of Big Data Edited by DAVID CHANDLER and CHRISTIAN FUCHS Digital Objects, Digital Subjects: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Capitalism, Labour and Politics in the Age of Big Data Edited by David Chandler and Christian Fuchs University of Westminster Press www.uwestminsterpress.co.uk Published by University of Westminster Press 101 Cavendish Street London W1W 6UW www.uwestminsterpress.co.uk Text ©the editors and several contributors 2019 First published 2019 Cover: Diana Jarvis Printed in the UK by Lightning Source Ltd. Print and digital versions typeset by Siliconchips Services Ltd. ISBN (Hardback): 978-1-912656-08-0 ISBN (PDF): 978-1-912656-09-7 ISBN (EPUB): 978-1-912656-10-3 ISBN (Kindle): 978-1-912656-11-0 ISBN (Paperback): 978-1-912656-20-2 DOI: https://doi.org/10.16997/book29 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, 444 Castro Street, Suite 900, Mountain View, California, 94041, USA. This license allows for copying and distributing the work, providing author attribution is clearly stated, that you are not using the material for commercial purposes, and that modified versions are not distributed. The full text of this book has been peer-reviewed to ensure high academic standards. For full review policies, see: http://www.uwestminsterpress.co.uk/ site/publish. Competing Interests: the editors and contributors declare that they have no competing interests in publishing this book Suggested citation: Chandler, D.
    [Show full text]