US/NATO Relations After 9/11
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NATO's 60Th Anniversary Summit
NATO’s 60th Anniversary Summit Paul Belkin, Coordinator Analyst in European Affairs Carl Ek Specialist in International Relations Lisa Mages Information Research Specialist Derek E. Mix Analyst in European Affairs April 14, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40454 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress NATO’s 60th Anniversary Summit Summary On April 3 and 4, 2009, the heads of state and government of the 26 members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) met in Strasbourg, France, and Kehl, Germany for a summit marking the 60th anniversary of the alliance. The summit was one of three stops on President Obama’s first official visit to Europe as President. Alliance leaders used the anniversary summit to pay tribute to NATO’s past achievements and to reaffirm their commitment to the alliance as the preeminent transatlantic security framework. They also completed a new round of NATO enlargement, sought common positions on the range of challenges currently facing the alliance, and began to set the parameters for NATO’s future direction. The key issue facing the alliance is the ongoing mission in Afghanistan, where allied governments are struggling to reach a strategic consensus on how to stabilize the country. The deteriorating security situation in the country has caused many to question the ability of NATO’s International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) to achieve its objectives and has exposed rifts within the alliance as to ISAF’s mission and the appropriate means to accomplish it. NATO’s strained relations with Russia are a second key issue. -
Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance Ergodan Kurt Old Dominion University
Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Graduate Program in International Studies Theses & Graduate Program in International Studies Dissertations Spring 2010 Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance Ergodan Kurt Old Dominion University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/gpis_etds Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Kurt, Ergodan. "Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance" (2010). Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), dissertation, International Studies, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/4bgn-h798 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/gpis_etds/75 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Program in International Studies at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Program in International Studies Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DOUBLING NATO: FUNCTIONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL ENLARGEMENT OF THE ALLIANCE by Erdogan Kurt B.A. August 1996, Turkish Military Academy M.A. July 2001, Naval Postgraduate School A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY May 2010 Approved by: ©2010 Erdogan Kurt. All rights reserved. ABSTRACT DOUBLING NATO: FUNCTIONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL ENLARGEMENT OF THE ALLIANCE Erdogan Kurt Old Dominion University, 2010 Director: Dr. Regina Karp This dissertation studies NATO expansion as institutional adaptation. More specifically, it examines the interaction between NATO's functional and geographical enlargement. This study asserts that there is a close relationship between NATO's new functions and its enlargement. -
Cultural Intelligence in Covert Operatives
OVERT ACCEPTANCE: CULTURAL INTELLIGENCE IN COVERT OPERATIVES CHIP MICHAEL BUCKLEY A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Mercyhurst University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE IN APPLIED INTELLIGENCE RIDGE SCHOOL FOR INTELLIGENCE STUDIES AND INFORMATION SCIENCE MERCYHURST UNIVERSITY ERIE, PENNSYLVANIA JANUARY 2015 RIDGE SCHOOL FOR INTELLIGENCE STUDIES AND INFORMATION SCIENCE MERCYHURST UNIVERSITY ERIE, PENNSYLVANIA OVERT ACCEPTANCE: CULTURAL INTELLIGENCE IN COVERT OPERATIVES A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Mercyhurst University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE IN APPLIED INTELLIGENCE Submitted By: CHIP MICHAEL BUCKLEY Certificate of Approval: ___________________________________ Stephen Zidek, M.A. Assistant Professor The Ridge School of Intelligence Studies and Information Science ___________________________________ James G. Breckenridge, Ph.D. Associate Professor The Ridge School of Intelligence Studies and Information Science ___________________________________ Phillip J. Belfiore, Ph.D. Vice President Office of Academic Affairs January 2015 Copyright © 2015 by Chip Michael Buckley All rights reserved. iii DEDICATION To my father. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to acknowledge a number of important individuals who have provided an extraordinary amount of support throughout this process. The faculty at Mercyhurst University, particularly Professor Stephen Zidek, provided invaluable guidance when researching and developing this thesis. My friends and classmates also volunteered important ideas and guidance throughout this time. Lastly, my family’s support, patience, and persistent inquiries regarding my progress cannot be overlooked. v ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS Overt Acceptance: Cultural Intelligence in Covert Operatives A Critical Examination By Chip Michael Buckley Master of Science in Applied Intelligence Mercyhurst University, 2014 Professor S. -
11 NATO and the Partnership for Peace
11 NATO and the Partnership for Peace Frank Boland1 uring 1989 and 1990, as the hold of the Soviet Union and the authority of com- munist regimes evaporated across the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Allies attempted to make sense of Dthis new situation. There was unease that the old certainties of the Cold War era were being swept away without any guarantees that their replacements would be more comfortable to live with. There was disquiet that the security linkage with the United States, through NATO, might no longer be sustainable or, at least, might be substantially more difficult to sustain than it had been. The complete dissolution of the Soviet Union was barely conceiv- able at that time. Allies were also wrestling with the complexities of extremely challenging arms control agreements, while also trying to define the wider role of the Atlantic Alliance in a Europe where the Conference on Security Cooperation in Europe and, subsequently, the European Union would also be significant political players.2 As they contemplated these uncertainties, the idea began to take hold that the Alliance had to provide practical assis- tance and institutional structures to support emerging democratic institutions and states in resisting the almost inevitable pressures that could emerge and drag them back toward the authoritarian practices to which they had been accustomed for a generation, or more. In July 1990, in their London Summit Declaration, NATO Heads of State and Government extended the “hand of friendship” to the countries of the East that had been their adversaries in the Cold War.3 They also noted that NATO would adapt and could “help build the structures of a more united continent, supporting security and stability with the strength of our shared faith in democracy, the rights of the individual, and the peaceful resolution of disputes.”4 They also proposed that the countries of the former Warsaw Pact establish regular diplomatic liaison with the Atlantic Alliance. -
NATO Summit Guide Brussels, 11-12 July 2018
NATO Summit Guide Brussels, 11-12 July 2018 A stronger and more agile Alliance The Brussels Summit comes at a crucial moment for the security of the North Atlantic Alliance. It will be an important opportunity to chart NATO’s path for the years ahead. In a changing world, NATO is adapting to be a more agile, responsive and innovative Alliance, while defending all of its members against any threat. NATO remains committed to fulfilling its three core tasks: collective defence, crisis management and cooperative security. At the Brussels Summit, the Alliance will make important decisions to further boost security in and around Europe, including through strengthened deterrence and defence, projecting stability and fighting terrorism, enhancing its partnership with the European Union, modernising the Alliance and achieving fairer burden-sharing. This Summit will be held in the new NATO Headquarters, a modern and sustainable home for a forward-looking Alliance. It will be the third meeting of Allied Heads of State and Government chaired by NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg. + Summit meetings + Member countries + Partners + NATO Secretary General Archived material – Information valid up to 10 July 2018 1 NATO Summit Guide, Brussels 2018 I. Strengthening deterrence and defence NATO’s primary purpose is to protect its almost one billion citizens and to preserve peace and freedom. NATO must also be vigilant against a wide range of new threats, be they in the form of computer code, disinformation or foreign fighters. The Alliance has taken important steps to strengthen its collective defence and deterrence, so that it can respond to threats from any direction. -
SECURITY COOPERATION with the Mediterranean Region and the Broader Middle East © JFC Naples
© JFC Naples SECURITY COOPERATION with the Mediterranean region and the broader Middle East © JFC Naples A Jordanian Navy patrol boat passes ships from NATO’s mine countermeasure force, during an exercise organised under the Mediterranean Dialogue in the Gulf of Aqaba in March 2005 NATO is developing closer security partnerships with countries in the Mediterranean region and the broader Middle East. This marks a shift in Alliance priorities towards greater involvement in these strategically important regions of the world, whose security and stability is closely linked to Euro-Atlantic security. The current drive towards increasing dialogue and cooperation with countries in these regions builds on two key decisions taken at NATO’s summit meeting in Istanbul in June 2004. Allied leaders decided – ten years after the achieve better mutual understanding between launch of NATO’s Mediterranean Dialogue – NATO and its Mediterranean partners and to to invite countries participating in the dispel misperceptions about the Alliance. Dialogue to establish a more ambitious and expanded partnership. The Dialogue fosters In parallel, a new, distinct but complemen- links with seven countries stretching from tary initiative was launched at the Istanbul western North Africa around the south- Summit to reach out to interested countries in ern Mediterranean rim to the Middle East: the broader Middle East region. The Istanbul Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Mauritania, Cooperation Initiative aims to enhance Morocco and Tunisia. Through political dia- security and stability by fostering mutually logue and practical cooperation, the Dialogue beneficial bilateral relationships, particularly aims to contribute to regional security and in the context of the fight against terrorism stability, and to promote good and friendly and countering the proliferation of weapons of relations across the region. -
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Regional Security in the South Caucasus: The Role of NATO Svante E. Cornell Roger N. McDermott William O’Malley Vladimir Socor S. Frederick Starr Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies The Johns Hopkins University Regional Security in the South Caucasus: The Role of NATO Svante E. Cornell Roger N. McDermott William D. O’Malley Vladimir Socor S. Frederick Starr © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies The Johns Hopkins University Tel.: 1 202 663 7723 “Regional Security in the South Caucasus: The Role of NATO” is a Policy Paper produced by the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute, Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University. It is co-authored by Svante E. Cornell, Roger McDermott, William O’Malley, Vladimir Socor, and S. Frederick Starr. © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute 2004 ISBN: Printed in the United States of America Distributed in North America by: The Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies 1619 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C. 20036 Tel. +1-202-663-7723; Fax. +1-202-663-7785 E-mail: [email protected] Distributed in Europe by: The Silk Road Studies Program Uppsala University Box 514, SE-75120 Uppsala Sweden Tel. +46-18-471-2217; Fax. +46-18-106397 E-mail: [email protected] 2 Table of Contents Executive Summary .........................................................................................v I. Why Should We be Concerned Over Multilateral -
The Rise and Stall of the Islamic State in Afghanistan
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 2301 Constitution Ave., NW • Washington, DC 20037 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Casey Garret Johnson This report details the structure, composition, and growth of the Islamic State’s so-called Khorasan province, particularly in the eastern Afghan province of Nangarhar, and outlines considerations for international policymakers. More than sixty interviews with residents of Nangarhar and provincial and The Rise and Stall of national Afghan security officials carried out by The Liaison Office, an Afghan research and peacebuilding organization, in Nangarhar and Kabul in the spring and summer of 2016 informed this report. the Islamic State in ABOUT THE AUTHOR Afghanistan Casey Garret Johnson is an independent researcher focusing on violent extremism and local politics in Afghanistan. Summary • The Islamic State’s Khorasan province (IS-K) is led by a core of former Tehrik-e-Taliban Paki- stan commanders from Orakzai and Khyber Agencies of Pakistan; the majority of mid-level commanders are former Taliban from Nangarhar, with the rank and file a mixture of local Afghans, Pakistanis, and foreign jihadists mostly from Central Asia. • IS-K receives funding from the Islamic State’s Central Command and is in contact with lead- ership in Iraq and Syria, but the setup and day-to-day operations of the Khorasan province have been less closely controlled than other Islamic State branches such as that in Libya. • IS-K emerged in two separate locations in Afghanistan in 2014—the far eastern reaches of Nangarhar province along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, and Kajaki district of southern Helmand province. -
NATO Summit Guide Warsaw, 8-9 July 2016
NATO Summit Guide Warsaw, 8-9 July 2016 An essential Alliance in a more dangerous world The Warsaw Summit comes at a defining moment for the security of the North Atlantic Alliance. In recent years, the world has become more volatile and dangerous with Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea and destabilisation of eastern Ukraine, as well as its military build-up from the Barents Sea to the Baltic, and from the Black Sea to the eastern Mediterranean; turmoil across the Middle East and North Africa, fuelling the biggest migrant and refugee crisis in Europe since World War Two; brutal attacks by ISIL and other terrorist groups, as well as cyber attacks, nuclear proliferation and ballistic missile threats. NATO is adapting to this changed security environment. It also remains committed to fulfilling its three core tasks: collective defence, crisis management and cooperative security. And, in the Polish capital, the Alliance will make important decisions to boost security in and around Europe, based on two key pillars: protecting its citizens through modern deterrence and defence, and projecting stability beyond its borders. NATO member states form a unique community of values, committed to the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law. In today’s dangerous world, transatlantic cooperation is needed more than ever. NATO embodies that cooperation, bringing to bear the strength and unity of North America and Europe. This Summit is the first to be hosted in Poland and the first to be chaired by NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, who took up his post in October 2014. -
NATO's 2004 Istanbul Summit: Charting the Alliance's Ongoing
AFGHANISTAN AT THE CROSSROADS OF HISTORY Had the international community not intervened, Afghanistan would probably have further deteriorated as a breeding ground for terrorists and drug-traffickers, and it could well have become a powerhouse generating constant instability not only to its neighbours, but also the world at large. Although military victory was secured in a swift fashion from an operational perspective, our multi-faceted involvement in Afghanistan still continues. A successful completion of engagement in Afghanistan will be closely linked to the success attained in the certain milestones upcoming for Afghanistan in the coming months. Hikmet Çetin* * NATO Senior Civilian Representative in Afghanistan. Hikmet Çetin is a former Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs (1991-1994), and a Speaker of the Turkish Parliament (1997-1999). 19 t is a well-known postulate that democracies do not wage war against each other. Today, this proposition applies to NATO’s engagement in Afghanistan: Our commitment to assist the Afghan Nation to transform their country I into a self-sustaining, stable and prosperous democracy while reintegrating Afghanistan into the democratic order. Our collective efforts with the Afghan Nation started in the aftermath of an unexpected tremor across the Atlantic, with Afghanistan at its epicenter. Suffice to remember the terrorist atrocities of September 11, the shockingly graphic images every television station around the world captured and broadcast round the clock. These very images signaled the nascent beginnings of a new era, laden with a new threat at our doorstep: Terrorism at its full speed, prepared and willing to strike at anywhere, at anytime. The intransigence of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan in complying with demands of the international community to hand over Osama Bin Ladin, master mind of the September 11 atrocities, paved the way for a military intervention in Afghanistan. -
Counterinsurgency, Local Militias, and Statebuilding in Afghanistan
[PEACEW RKS [ COUNTERINSURGENCY, LOCAL MILITIAS, AND STATEBUILDING IN AFGHANISTAN Jonathan Goodhand and Aziz Hakimi ABOUT THE REPORT Much international effort and funding have focused on building and bureaucratizing the means of violence in Afghanistan. At the same time, parallel government and NATO experiments have armed local defense forces, including local militias, under the Afghan Local Police (ALP) program to fight the insurgency and provide security at the local level. This report—which is based on a year’s research in Kabul and the provinces of Wardak, Baghlan, and Kunduz—seeks to understand the role and impact of the ALP on security and political dynamics in the context of ongoing counterinsurgency and stabilization operations and the projected drawdown of international troops in 2014 . ABOUT THE AUTHORS Jonathan Goodhand is a professor of conflict and development studies in the Development Studies department at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) at the University of London. His research interests include the political economy of aid, conflict, and postwar reconstruction, with a particular focus on Afghanistan and Sri Lanka. Aziz Hakimi is a PhD candidate at SOAS. His dissertation focuses on the ALP in relation to Afghan statebuilding. Cover photo: Afghan Local Police candidates, Daykundi Province, by Petty Officer 2nd Class David Brandenburg, supplied by DVIDS The views expressed in this report are those of the authors alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Ave., NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No. -
Operation Enduring Freedom
Operation Enduring Freedom The War in Afghanistan (Operation Enduring Freedom) began in October, 2001 in response to the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States. Following the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1989 and the fall of the Afghan Communist government in 1992, a protracted civil war raged on between the various factions of anti-Communist Afghan fighters, who called themselves the Mujahadeen. Mullah Mohammed Omar, a Mullah (Islamic religious leader) and a member of the Pashtun ethnic group led a new armed group called the Taliban. The word Taliban means "student", and they attracted the support of Osama bin Laden and his al-Qaida organization. In 1994, the Taliban attacked and defeated local warlords and acquired a reputation for order and military success. From that point onward, until they seized Kabul in September, 1996, the Taliban fought against several militias and warlords, eventually defeating them all. Moscow feared the Taliban as a source of aid and support for the rebels it has fought in Chechnya and Tajikistan. Iran, dominated by Shiite Islamic fundamentalists, was at odds with the Sunni Muslim Taliban, largely over the treatment of the Afghan Shiite minority called the Hazaris. Pakistan's role in the Taliban success is controversial, as it is generally believed that several Taliban military victories are directly attributable to armed Pakistani intervention. After seizing Mazar-i Sharif, the Taliban provoked the hostility of the area's Shiite Hazari minority, and the warlord, General Malik, ended his relationship with the Taliban. The result was the execution of at least 3,000 captured Taliban soldiers by Malik and the Hazaris.