JAY HAVISER and CHRISTOPHER DECORSE

AFRICAN- INTERACTION: A RESEARCH PLAN FOR CURAÇAO CREOLE CULTURE

The purpose of this paper is three-fold. The first objective is to discuss the dangers of oversimplification and generalization when referring to relationships between and Creoles of the Caribbean. A second aspect is to outline the historical context of interaction between the primary Dutch slave export center at , and the major Dutch slave depot and import center at Curaçao, , with a particular regard for the slave trade period. Thirdly, we will present some specific research directions for the multi-disciplinary study of Curaçao Creole Culture origins and development.

WHAT IS AFRICAN?

It is not uncommon to read about "African" traits in Caribbean cultures, and the prefixes "Afro-" or "African-" are applied to a wide range of socio-cultural phenomena. However, the application of these terms is frequently vague and can be misleading. Little concern is generally shown for the extensive ethnic variablity in African cultures. Few cultural traits can be used to characterize the entire African continent, the majority are only indicative of a particular ethnic group, region or geographical area. It is also important to recognize culture change in Africa, while in some respects there was a great deal of ethnic and linguistic continuity over the past 500 years, West African societies have not remained static. In some cases imported practices have been adopted by Africans, or partially borrowed and modified for local use. For example, cassava is a food crop found over a large portion of Africa and thus many consider it "African". Yet cassava was introduced to Africa only after the discovery of where it originated. It re-entered the Western Hemisphere with certain distinctive preparation techniques used in Africa, as seen in the making of cassava cakes in Haiti and Jamaica (Mintz 1974:4). After European contact, cassava and other imported crops such as plantains and tomatoes were adopted by African cultures and integrated into existing food preparation practices. When a person is described as "African", they are assumed to have been bom themselves or of parents born in Africa, yet there are stereotypical images of such physical traits as dark skin, broad noses, prognathism, and kinky hair texture. However, this image does not recognize the wide variation of physical types associated with different ethnic groups in Africa (Maquet 1972:30). It also fails to include the substantial populations of East Indians, Chinese, Lebanese, and Europeans who also have a long history in Africa. To use these types of generalizations under the term "African", is the same as if we were to refer to all Amerindians as one type, regardless of whether they were

Maya, Athabaskan or Arawak. Such simplifications overlook the significant

326 differences among these separate groups and even within each group. For example, there are hundreds of different linguistic groups in Africa and many of these are regarded as having distinct ethnic identities, as can be seen in the tremendous variation within the Bantu and Mande speaking groups. These differences are analagous to those between the Arawakan speakers of the Greater Antilles and the South American mainland. It is critical that researchers avoid generalizations and strive to identify, whenever possible, specific ethnic, regional or creolized influences by their specific name. It is reasonable that there are occasions for the use of the general terms "African" and "Amerindian" (e.g. Maquet 1972:11), but a concerted effort should be made to try and formulate more precise descriptions. This will require research efforts from both Africa and the Caribbean, as has been noted by Posnansky (1984). A significant aspect of such descriptions must acknowledge that "African- American" relates to a culture, a priori, and only indirectly to material culture. It must be clarified that physical type and culture are not biologically bound together. Thus when defining Caribbean Creole cultures, racial traits should be included as secondary to cultural traits. Williams (1972:34) has emphasized that negro was incorporated into a system of white servitude already developed in Europe, and that the origins of negro slavery by Europeans was economic and not racial. However, from the onset of the African slave trade, economic interests allowed for the identification of humans as "chattel property", unlike the system of white servitude which the Africans were supposed to replace. Rationalization in terms of racial concepts and prejudices were to evolve later, as the white colonists began to see increasing numbers of freed slaves and créoles as a social and economic threat (Hoetink 1973:8). Regardless of particular cases of correlation between social behavior, physical type, and culture, it is the cultural values which are more important to the individual in a system, not their social structure. Patterson (1976:52) has very effectively pointed out that when African slaves were brought to the Caribbean, it was their values which they carried with them, not their social structure. Likewise, it was the concept of an artifact that they would introduce in the Caribbean, not the actual artifact. We should, therefore, be very cautious when referring to an artifact or manufacture technique in the Caribbean as "African", because most often the raw material and manufacture were adapted to a West Indian setting. It would therefore be better to refer to an object as "Fanti-influenced" or a manufacture technique as "Congolese style", rather than simply "African". These more precise identifications are dependent on more research in Africa itself, and therefore studies of "African-American" and Creole cultures of the Western Hemisphere must incorporate African sources as a part of their research design. Studies should not be confined to present cultures but also those which existed prior to and during the African slave trade era. It is important to identify the processes of creolization and culture change within Africa, as well as to recognize the process of modification and interpretation that African traditions underwent after reaching the New World. We should attempt to identify influence on the process by which a cultural practice or trait changed, rather than looking for an identical example.

327 SLAVE TRADE IN AFRICA AND THE

In 1441, the first negro slaves were brought by the Portuguese to and sold to wealthy Spanish landowners. In 1502, the first negro slaves were brought to the New World from Spain, only later were they to be brought directly from Africa (Bums 1954:123, Dookham 1971:64). As early as 1597, some Africans were brought to Holland, to be sold as slaves. However, there was no motivation by the Dutch to allow such sales, due to an adequate supply of local labor. Those first African slaves in Holland were set free. This Dutch attitude towards African slavery continued up until the early part of the 17th century (Goslinga 1971:341). However, after the Dutch recognized the great economic potential, and after they had gained control of settlements and markets in and the Americas, they eventually dominated the African slave trade particulary during the middle/late 17th century. Even with British, French, Swedish, and continued Portuguese competition for the , the Dutch remained prominent legal and illegal slave traders. Their most profitable endeavor was primarily the export of Africans from Elmina, Ghana, and later , shipping them to and the Spanish colonies via the slave depot at Curacao. For the Dutch, there was an intimate connection between their West African and American colonies. The enormous requests for African slaves from Brazil, Dutch () and the Spanish territories, beginning in 1626, was the spark which ignited a Dutch conquest of the West African trade. Even the successful 1637 attack on the Portuguese stronghold at Elmina Ghana, was launched from the Dutch colonies in Brazil, not Holland (Goslinga 1971:344). Upon the initial capture of Curaçao from the Spanish in 1634, and with the loss of in 1664, the Dutch decided to establish Curacao as a major slave depot (Goslinga 1971:353). The Dutch of the African slave trade began to erode during the early 18th century, decreasing in economic importance after the Spanish Succession War of 1713. By 1749, the gave up slave trade activities, albeit private Dutch trade certainly continued. Eventually, the Dutch were one of the last European nations to emancipate their slaves in 1863.

WEST AFRICA DURING THE SLAVE TRADE ERA

The size and scope of the slave trade, and the ambiguities of the documentary record, make it difficult to determine the exact number of slaves brought from particular parts of Africa to the New World. The total number of slaves was probably around ten million and it is clear that a very large population is represented (Lovejoy 1982). Most slaves were obtained from West Africa, particularly the "Slave Coast" (Modern and ). However, many slaves were traded all the way from Mauritania to Angola. This coastline spans over 3500 miles and, along with the adjacent hinterland, includes hundreds of ethno-linguistic groups. Different parts of the coast were more important sources of slaves at certain times and different European nationalities frequently focused their attention on particular regions. When looking for African connections in the New World it is important to keep this historical context in mind.

328 The first European tradepost in sub-Saharan Africa was Castle Sâo Jorge da Mina (Elmina), founded by the Portuguese on the in 1482. With this and other forts at Shama, Axim, and Sao Tomé the Portuguese attempted to control the African trade. The Dutch were among the first to challenge this monopoly. There were short lived Dutch trading posts in the Senegambia by the 1590's, and , Mori, founded in 1612, was the first non-Portuguese European trade post in Africa (Thilmans 1968, Vogt 1979:164-65). After the capture of Elmina Castle in 1637, Elmina remained the Dutch headquarters in Guinea until the cession of all their possessions to the British in 1872. The Dutch occupied over 30 smaller trade posts and forts on the Gold Coast during the 17th and 18th centuries (Van Dantzig 1980). There were also a few additional outposts established, particularly in the Senegambia and on the Slave Coast (Posnansky and DeCorse 1986). In some cases Dutch free traders and other Europeans traded directly from ships. Slaves were not the major impetus for the European trade between the late 15th and early 17th centuries. Other commodities such as ivory, wax, pepper, wood and especially gold were of prime importance. However, with the the establishment of New World plantations, increased competition between European nations, and the declining quantity of West African gold, the slave trade increased steadily in importance during the 17th and 18th centuries (e.g. Van Dantzig 1978). European nations exerted comparatively little control over the African populations before the late 19th century and the beginning of colonial rule. Prior to that time, "ground rent" for permission to build and occupy a trade post was frequently paid to local African rulers and trade was generally conducted through African middle men. With the advent of the slave trade, forts were used as slave holding areas, or barracoons, until ships arrived. While European forts and castles were used as holding places for slaves, it is important to note that the slaves were most frequently brought from distant areas. There were more European outposts on the Gold Coast than any other part of the continent, yet it was regarded as a poor place to obtain slaves until the late 17th century (Van Dantzig 1978:8,38). The trade in slaves was seen as detrimental to the trade in gold and the Portuguese prohibited the capture or purchase of slaves within ten leagues of Elmina (Vogt 1979:147). In fact, during the 15th and 16th centuries the Portuguese brought slaves from Principe and Sao Tomé, several hundred miles to the east, for sale to African merchants (Vogt 1973). Traders from the hinterland also brought some slaves from northern Ghana with them to assist with the transport of goods purchased on the coast. While these cases represent comparatively small numbers, they underscore the limited size of the early slave trade at Elmina. Similarity, the Dutch obtained few slaves from the Elmina population. Elminans who fell into debt were sometimes "panyarred" (i.e. sold into slavery), but this probably accounted for a small percentage of the number exported. The of a free African could lead to serious trouble and was generally avoided (e.g. Van Dantzig 1978:283). Slaves redistributed via Elmina were an ethnically heterogeneous group, many having been brought from Aliada on the Slave Coast (Van Dantzig 1978:8). As the Dutch headquarters, Elmina Castle could accomodate more slaves than any other Dutch outpost in Africa, perhaps several hundred being held at one time. These individuals might be kept there for several months prior to a ship arrival.

329 CURAÇAO DURING THE SLAVE TRADE ERA

Beginning in 1499, and for the first 135 years of Spanish colonization on Curaçao, Amerindians were used as slaves (Haviser 1987:150). From this initial contact, numerous mestizoes were born. This represents the first aspects of creolization on Curaçao (Haviser and Maduro 1989). There is no evidence that negroes were brought to Curaçao during the Spanish period. When the Dutch captured Curaçao in 1634, the majority of Amerindians were deported with the Spanish. It was immediately advised that negroes be brought in for labor (Goslinga 1971:342). Hartog relates an unconfirmed report that the first negro on Curaçao was a young drummer boy traveling with the Dutch (1968:91). By 1639, the governor of Curaçao stressed the need to import negroes, and the first requests to use Curaçao as a shipping point for slaves to St. Kitts were sent to Holland. During the 1640's, Curaçao was proposed as the primary exchange market for African slaves in the entire Caribbean. An early Portuguese Jewish colony, lead by Isaac da Costa in 1659, brought African slaves to Curaçao for residence on the island. Initial attempts at agriculture were quickly reoriented towards commerce (Romer 1981:10). This attempt to establish plantations is significant, as Curaçao was primarily to serve only as a depot or exchange market. By the late 17th century, Curaçao and Jamaica were the largest slave exchanges in the Caribbean. With the majority of the Curaçao slaves being sold to the Spanish territories, either legally via the García Asiento of 1675, or illegally by . Due to the economic value of the slaves as marketable "chattel", and not for humanitarian reasons, extensive measures were taken by the Dutch on Curaçao to keep the slaves in good health. Romer has noted that in 1642 there were requests for a barber and two assistants, as well as a smallpox hospital and a sweathouse for the slaves. No such facilities were available for Dutch citizens or military personnel at that time. It is also notable that in 1688 the first appointed doctor for the island was to "look after the slaves" (Romer 1981:19). In 1688, there were two slave holding camps constructed on Curaçao, the largest at Zuurzak and another at St. Joris. These camps were for the newly arrived slaves to be cleaned, examined and held, until agents came to remove them. This proceedure took from a few days to several weeks. It is important to note that on Curaçao the Dutch almost never used indentured white servants for labor, although there are some rare cases of white slaves (Portuguese prisoners) known from Barbados (Goslinga 1971:353). The semi-desert conditions on Curaçao, insured that agriculture and plantations were never a major aspect of the island economy, rather commerce and trade were the island's economic strengths. This fact accentuated the value of slaves as profitable objects, rather than their value as workers. As a result fewer slaves were actually kept on the island by local slaveholders. A 1735 census showed that of 376 slaveholders, 276 had less than 5 slaves, 38 had more than 10 slaves, and only one had more than 100 slaves (Romer 1981:20). Hoetink (1973:7) has suggested that this resulted in milder relations between the masters and slaves on Curaçao. Romer (1981:16) has noted that another unique aspect of the master/slave relationship on Curaçao was the practice of allowing slaves to enlist as seamen on

330 commercial ships. Romer goes further, to suggest that on Curaçao the possession of slaves was more a status symbol than a means of producing wealth (1981:17). Paula (1987:25), however, has suggested that the treatment of the Curaçao slaves was not mild at all. He argues that the failure of the Dutch to recognize the slaves as human, with no efforts to convert them to Christianity, or to teach them the , allowed for condoned harsh treatment of those privately owned slaves not on the exchange market. Yet, this seems to be a rather ambiguous statement, in that throughout the slaves were rarely recognized as human. There are historical accounts from around the Caribbean indicating that some of the harshest slave masters were Dutch. However, Harris (1972) has correctly pointed out that you cannot distinguish treatment of slaves by the nationality of the slaveholder. Most historians agree that economic conditions were much more important in determining master/slave relationships than any other aspect. Thus, the economic sensitivity of the small local slaveholder, rather than the large slave traders, was the more important determining of Curaçao Creole development. One interesting irony of this situation, was that although economic position was the primary determinant for master/slave relations, it was physical characteristics which identified social status and prestige. What we had on Curaçao was a small, stable, slave population; a small white colonial population with relatively few women; and a rapidly growing mixed racial population due to the miscegenation of the two former groups. Most important in terms of the development of Creole Culture was the consistant intra-breeding pattern within the mixed population. The eventual result was a small number of slaves of both African and mixed racial stock, a large free mixed population, and a small number of whites. Within the limited labor market on Curaçao the middle-class whites viewed the mixed population with contempt as they were potential competitors. This relationship was so imbedded, that the appointment of non-whites to high-ranking positions only started in the early to middle 20th century, with some groups still maintaining a certain social exclusiveness (Hoetink 1973:7). However, the social of the mixed population created a foundation for the development and passing on of creóle cultural patterns. One interesting historical example of the unique self-esteem of the mixed population on Curaçao is that of Jacob Lauffer. In 1854, he distinguished himself from the white ruling class when he publicly declared that he, and many other prominent members of Curaçao passing for white, had African ancestors (Paula 1987:21). However, he also separated himself from the slave population by favoring emancipation only on the condition of payment to the slave owners. Due to declining profits and the cession of the Dutch West India Company's participation in the slave trade, there were no more legal imports of Africans to Curaçao after 1816 (Hartog 1968:276). Clearly, the year 1848, was critical for social and economic change relating to the Caribbean slavery system, as the French initiated emancipation (Romer 1986:27). On July 1, 1863, emancipation was declared for the Dutch colonies, and those slaves on Curaçao (about 30% of the population) were given their freedom. Yet, it is the consolidation of the free mixed population, and their development of a social heritage, which should be the focus of future Creole studies on Curaçao.

331 SOME RESEARCH DIRECTIONS FOR CURAÇAO CREOLE STUDIES

The proceeding discussion emphasizes the complexity of the historical context in which Africans were brought to the New World. Africans of diverse ethnic backgrounds, removed from their social systems, were transported to New Worid settings which varied due to historical, ethnic, economic and social factors. Undoubtedly, this led to a great deal of variation in the type of African culture traits that survived, and in the directions of Creole culture development. Studies of these cultures requires an interdisciplinary study of data from Africa and the New World. The following are some general research directions for the study of Curaçao Creole culture.

Linguistics

Martinus (1988) has recently suggested the Curacao Creole languages of Guene and Papiamentu, were derived from West African/Portuguese Creoles. This would imply that the Creole languages of Curaçao are not pure African language derivitives, and suggests that future research on other aspects of Curaçao Creole culture should perhaps look to Creole cultures in Africa and not pure ethnic or regional characteristics. Areas in Africa Martinus (1988:10) suggests as probable origins for Curaçao Creole languages include: the Cape Verde islands; islands in the Gulf of Guinea (Sao Tomé, Principe, Annobon); Guinea-Bissau; and Angola. It is important that investigations be made into the creolization processes which occurred in these areas, with a specific regard to the islands, as parallels and possible origins of Creole cultural patterns on Curaçao.

Ethnology and Ethnohistory

Ethnographic data and socio-cultural Anthropology are essential for the cross- cultural comparisons required for African-Caribbean studies. Research initiated by Patterson (1976) to identify social organization systems among Caribbean creóles and slaves, should be an example for future investigations. However, Pattersons study relates to a plantation system, and the Curaçao system was more commercially oriented. Thus, we should look to African social structures in regions where major commercial economies were existant prior to and after Europeam contact. Comparative studies should be made between Curaçao creolization and specific ethnic, regional and creolized groups in Africa. Recent studies by Allen (1988) and Ansano (1988) are beginning in this direction, although these studies are still more inclined to refer to African generalizations. Cultural comparisons should give substantial attention to economic structures, with a specific regard for the position of members of the society within their particular economic system. Again, for a comparison with Curaçao Creole development the commercial oriented economies of Africa will be more important than the agrarian systems. We could also look for pre-European contact African examples of hierarchical slave status, as a parallel to what has been noted in the Caribbean with domestic slaves, artisan slaves, and hard labor slaves. Similarities

332 between the feudal systems of Europe and Africa at the time of initial contact allowed Davidson (1972:171) to suggest that Africans did not actually have slaves, but rather "feudal vassals", dependent on their rulers, yet they did have "vassal peasants", "vassal artisans", "vassal craftsmen", etc., of which further study could be very important for Caribbean Creole research.

Physical Anthropology

Physical Anthropological research on Creoles of the Western Hemisphere and relevant African populations are seriously lacking, although this is an area which merits additional research. Genetic blood group identifications has even greater potential. These are geneticly controlled and provide gene frequency counts to identify genetic origins of a population, as well as breeding behavior within a population. A study of Curacao blood groups (Nijenhuis 1961:68) has shown: the degree of racial mixing between Europeans and Africans; West African origins of some aspects of the population; and evidence that the negroid population on Curaçao is split into many small reproductive communities. These data can lead to further studies of the degree of creolization occurring in the specific genetic communities, allowing for observations of the relationships and interdependences effecting the populations.

Archaeology

Africans brought very little of their material culture to the New World, yet concepts were carried over. On Curaçao, we should conduct archaeological excavations at the two slave depot camps of Zuurzak and St. Joris, to look for some of the very few artifacts brought from Africa. More importantly, we should excavate historically documented Creole homesites, representing both rural and urban habitations. The comparative analysis of such studies would provide insight into the variation in the process of creolization. One aspect of these differences may be the proportional ratios of imported items versus those of local manufacture, representing varying aspects of item use priority. The process of modification of locally made items and structures should be identifiable expressions of creolization. It is very important to integrate data from West African sites with studies in the New World. Unfortunately, few relevant sites in Africa have been excavated and the data have generally not been quantified to allow for comparison. A further difficulty is identifying specific slave populations within a West African setting. Excavations at the slave barracoons at , Ghana, only served to illustrate the meagre possessions of the slaves (Simmonds 1973). Archaeological research at Elmina has thus far focused on the houses of African and mullato merchants (DeCorse 1987a, 1987b). Many of these individuals undoubtedly traded and owned slaves, and thousands of slaves passed through the settlement, yet the only direct evidence of slavery recovered was two possible slave burden weights and a single shackle. Far more important in evaluating artifact patterns and traits in the New World, are data from the areas throughout West Africa where the slaves originated. Plans are now being made to investigate some of the sites in the hinterland of Elmina. Archaeological excavations at those specific areas of Africa where parallel

333 creolizations were occurring should also be carried out to strengthen the data base from Africa. The association of distinctive artifact patterns with specific ethnic groups is also an area where more research is needed (Agorsah 1983, Atherton 1983, DeCorse 1989).

CONCLUSION

We have tried to outline some potential research directions for the study of the process of creolization, specifically on Curaçao. However, the successful completion of such a design is clearly dependent on the development of stronger co-operation between Africa and the Caribbean. This cooperation will, in fact, eventually prove essential for any project conducted in the Caribbean where some form of creolization is evident.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Agorsah, Emmanuel K. 1983 Social Behavior and Social Context. African Studies Monographs 4:119-128.

Allen, Rose Mary 1988 The Dialetics of Folk Culture: The Influence of the Roman Catholic Church on the Folk Culture of Curaçao, paper presented at the 46th International Congress of Americanists, .

Ansano, Richenel 1988 Social Transformations and Symbolic Representations in Afro-Curaçaoan Religions, paper presented at the 46th International Congress of Americanists, Amsterdam.

Atherton, John H. 1983 Ethnoarchaeology in Africa. African Archaeological Review 1:75-104.

Burns, Sir Alan 1954 History of the British West Indies. George Allen and Unwin Ltd., London.

Davidson, Basil 1972 , in Slavery: A Comparative Perspective, edited by R. Winks, New University Press, .

DeCorse, Christopher R. 1987a Excavations at Elmina, Ghana. Nyame Akuma 28:15-18.

334 1987b Historical Archaeological Research in Ghana 1986-1987. Nyame Akuma 29:27-31.

1989 Material Aspects of Limba, Yalunka and Kurahko ethnicity: Archaeological Research in Northeastern . In Archaeological Approaches to Cultural Identity, edited by Stephen Shennán, Unwyn Hyman, London.

Dookham, Isaac 1974 History of the Virgin Islands of the , Caribbean Universities Press/Bowker Publishing Company, Essex.

Goslinga Cornells Ch. 1971 The Dutch in the Caribbean and on the Wild Coast, 1580-1680, University of Florida Press, Gainesville.

Greenberg, Joseph H. 1966 The Languages of Africa. Mouton and Company, The Hague.

Harris, Marvin 1972 The Myth of the Friendly Master, in Slavery: A Comparative Perspective, edited by R. Winks, New York University Press, New York.

Hartog, Johannes 1968 Curaçao, From Colonial Dependence to Autonomy, De Wit Publishers, .

Haviser, Jay B. 1987 Amerindian Cultural Geography on Curaçao, Natuurwetenschappelijk Studiekring voor Suriname en de Nederlandse Antillen No. 120, Amsterdam.

Haviser, J.B. and Ercala Maduro 1989 Locating the 16th Century Spanish Village of "Pueblo de la Madre de Dios de la Ascención", Journal of Caribbean History, Vol. 23, No. 1, Trinidad.

Hoetink, H. 1973 Slavery and Race Relations in the Americas, Harper and Row Publishers, New York.

Lovejoy, Paul E. 1982 The Volume of the : A synthesis. Journal of African History 23:473-501.

Martinus, Frank 1988 Guene: The Connection Between Papiamentu and Africa, paper presented at the Round Table on Africanisms in Afro- American Language Varieties, University of Georgia, Athens.

335 Mintz, Sidney 1974 Caribbean Transformations, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore.

Maquet, Jacques 1972 Civilizations of Black Africa, Oxford University Press, New York.

Nijenhuis, LE. 1961 Blood Group Frequencies in the Netherlands, Curaçao, Suriname and : A Study in Population Genetics. Doctoral dissertation at the University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam.

Patterson, Orlando 1976 From Endo-deme to Matri-deme: An Interpretation of the Development of Kinship and Social Organization among the Slaves of Jamaica, in 18th Century Florida and the Caribbean, edited by S. Proctor, University of Florida Press, Gainesville.

Paula, Alejandro F. 1987 Slavery in a Nutshell. Lantèrnu No.7, Central Historical Archives, Curaçao.

Posnansky, Merrick 1984 Toward an Archaeology of the Black Diaspora, Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2.

Posnansky, M. and Christopher DeCorse 1986 Historical Archaeology in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Review. Historical Archaeology 20(1 ): 1 -14.

Romer, Rene 1979 Een Volk op Weg, De Walburg Pers, Curaçao.

1981 Curaçao, (UNICA) Association of Caribbean Universities and Research Institutions Publication, Curaçao.

Simmonds, Doig 1973 A Note on Excavations in Cape Coast Castle. Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, 14(2):267-269.

Thilmans, Guy 1968 Sur l'existence, fin XVIe, de Comptoirs Néerlandais a Joal et Portudal (Senegal). Notes Africaines 117:17-18.

Van Dantzig, Albert 1978 The Dutch and the Guinea Coast, 1674-1742. Ghana Academy of Arts and Sciences, .

336 1980 Forts and Castles of Ghana. Sedeo Publishing, Accra.

Vogt, John 1973 The Early Sao Tomé-Principe Slave Trade with Mina, 1500-1540. International Journal of African Historical Studies 6(3):453-467.

1979 Portuguese Rule on the Gold Coast, 1469-1682. University of Georgia Press, Athens.

Williams, Eric 1972 Slavery in the West Indies, in Slavery: A Comparative Perspective, edited by R. Winks, New York University Press, New York.

337