NUCLEAR ARMED HYPERSONIC WEAPONS and NUCLEAR DETERRENCE
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Report: the New Nuclear Arms Race
The New Nuclear Arms Race The Outlook for Avoiding Catastrophe August 2020 By Akshai Vikram Akshai Vikram is the Roger L. Hale Fellow at Ploughshares Fund, where he focuses on U.S. nuclear policy. A native of Louisville, Kentucky, Akshai previously worked as an opposition researcher for the Democratic National Committee and a campaign staffer for the Kentucky Democratic Party. He has written on U.S. nuclear policy and U.S.-Iran relations for outlets such as Inkstick Media, The National Interest, Defense One, and the Quincy Institute’s Responsible Statecraft. Akshai holds an M.A. in International Economics and American Foreign Policy from the Johns Hopkins University SAIS as well as a B.A. in International Studies and Political Science from Johns Hopkins Baltimore. On a good day, he speaks Spanish, French, and Persian proficiently. Acknowledgements This report was made possible by the strong support I received from the entire Ploughshares Fund network throughout my fellowship. Ploughshares Fund alumni Will Saetren, Geoff Wilson, and Catherine Killough were extremely kind in offering early advice on the report. From the Washington, D.C. office, Mary Kaszynski and Zack Brown offered many helpful edits and suggestions, while Joe Cirincione, Michelle Dover, and John Carl Baker provided much- needed encouragement and support throughout the process. From the San Francisco office, Will Lowry, Derek Zender, and Delfin Vigil were The New Nuclear Arms Race instrumental in finalizing this report. I would like to thank each and every one of them for their help. I would especially like to thank Tom Collina. Tom reviewed numerous drafts of this report, never The Outlook for Avoiding running out of patience or constructive advice. -
SIPRI Yearbook 2018: Armaments, Disarmament and International
world nuclear forces 267 VI. Indian nuclear forces shannon n. kile and hans m. kristensen India is estimated to have a growing arsenal of 130–40 nuclear weapons (see table 6.7). This figure is based on calculations of India’s inventory of weapon-grade plutonium and the number of operational nuclear-capable delivery systems. India is widely believed to be gradually expanding the size of its nuclear weapon stockpile as well as its infrastructure for producing nuclear warheads. Military fissile material production India’s nuclear weapons are believed to be plutonium-based. The plutonium was produced at the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) in Trombay, Mumbai, by the 40-megawatt-thermal (MW(t)) heavy water CIRUS reactor, which was shut down at the end of 2010, and the 100-MW(t) Dhruva heavy water reactor. India operates a plutonium reprocessing plant for military purposes at the BARC.1 India plans to build six fast breeder reactors by the 2030s, which will significantly increase its capacity to produce plutonium that could be used for building weapons.2 An unsafeguarded 500-megawatt-electric (MW(e)) prototype fast breeder reactor (PFBR) is being built at the Indira Gandhi Centre for Atomic Research (IGCAR) complex at Kalpakkam, Tamil Nadu. The PFBR is expected to be commissioned in mid-2018 following a series of technical delays.3 The IGCAR has announced that a fast reactor fuel cycle facility will be built at Kalpakkam to reprocess spent fuel from the PFBR and future fast breeder reactors. The plant is scheduled to be commissioned by 2022.4 India is currently expanding its uranium enrichment capabilities. -
India's Prospects in the Area of Ballistic Missile Defense
РАБОЧИЕ МАТЕРИАЛЫ WORKING PAPERS МОСКОВСКИЙ ЦЕНТР КАРНЕГИ CARNEGIE MOSCOW CENTER Petr toPychkanov IndIa’s ProsPects In the area of BallIstIc MIssIle defense: a regIonal securIty PersPectIve 32012 WORKING PAPERS № 3 • 2012 PETR TOPYCHKANOV INDIA’S PROSPECTS IN THE AREA OF BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE: A REGIONAL SECURITY PERSPECTIVE МОСКОВСКИЙ ЦЕНТР КАРНЕГИ CARNEGIE MOSCOW CENTER The Working Papers series was founded in 1999. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Carnegie Endowment or the Carnegie Moscow Center. Carnegie Moscow Center Russia, 125009 Moscow, Tverskaya ul., 16/2. Tel: +7 (495) 935-8904 Fax: +7 (495) 935-8906 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.carnegie.ru Electronic versions of all Carnegie Moscow Center publications may be found at: http://www.carnegie.ru The Carnegie Moscow Center is an independent public policy research institution that promotes intellectual collaboration among Russian and international scholars and policy experts and provides analysis on a wide range of political, economic, and social issues. The main vehicles for its work are its publications and seminars. Working Papers provide readers with access to the main current research on Russian and Eurasian domestic and foreign policy. The series includes intermediate results of research and articles for immediate release. You may send your comments to the email address above. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace or the Carnegie Moscow Center. The publication is distributed freeofcharge. -
Pakistan's Nuclear Weapons
Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons Paul K. Kerr Analyst in Nonproliferation Mary Beth Nikitin Specialist in Nonproliferation August 1, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34248 Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons Summary Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal probably consists of approximately 110-130 nuclear warheads, although it could have more. Islamabad is producing fissile material, adding to related production facilities, and deploying additional nuclear weapons and new types of delivery vehicles. Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal is widely regarded as designed to dissuade India from taking military action against Pakistan, but Islamabad’s expansion of its nuclear arsenal, development of new types of nuclear weapons, and adoption of a doctrine called “full spectrum deterrence” have led some observers to express concern about an increased risk of nuclear conflict between Pakistan and India, which also continues to expand its nuclear arsenal. Pakistan has in recent years taken a number of steps to increase international confidence in the security of its nuclear arsenal. Moreover, Pakistani and U.S. officials argue that, since the 2004 revelations about a procurement network run by former Pakistani nuclear official A.Q. Khan, Islamabad has taken a number of steps to improve its nuclear security and to prevent further proliferation of nuclear-related technologies and materials. A number of important initiatives, such as strengthened export control laws, improved personnel security, and international nuclear security cooperation programs, have improved Pakistan’s nuclear security. However, instability in Pakistan has called the extent and durability of these reforms into question. Some observers fear radical takeover of the Pakistani government or diversion of material or technology by personnel within Pakistan’s nuclear complex. -
Russia and Strategic Non-Nuclear Deterrence Capabilities, Limitations and Challenges
Russia and strategic Briefing Paper non-nuclear deterrence Russia and Eurasia Programme Capabilities, limitations July 2021 and challenges Summary — An analysis of Russian military theory and practice suggests that Russia’s views have undergone an evolution, moving from reliance on nuclear deterrence towards a greater emphasis on non-nuclear deterrence. The development of Russia’s new long-range precision-guided weapons strongly supports the notion of such a shift. — At the same time, Russia is pressing ahead with the development of both non-nuclear and nuclear capabilities. It ceaselessly emphasizes its nuclear weapons, and its nuclear projects continue to proliferate. — In Russian theory and practice, nuclear and non-nuclear (conventional) deterrence are inextricably linked. A picture emerges of a flexible package of capabilities, with non-nuclear strategic systems complementing non-strategic and strategic nuclear weapons. — In anything less than large-scale high-intensity warfare, Russia’s non-nuclear strategic deterrent is valid conceptually and has clear practical utility. — This paper examines Russian non-nuclear deterrence in its primary, military manifestations. It outlines the capabilities involved in the exercise of non-nuclear deterrence and explores its potential limitations as well as its ambiguities. Studying these nuances offers a way to gain a fuller understanding of the challenges that they present, including for NATO. Valeriy Akimenko Russia and strategic non-nuclear deterrence Capabilities, limitations and challenges Introduction An analysis of Russian military theory and practice suggests that Russia’s views have undergone an evolution, moving from reliance on nuclear deterrence towards a greater emphasis on non-nuclear deterrence. Uncertainty surrounds this emphasis, both conceptually and practically. -
Indian Army Successfully Carries out Trials of Third Generation NAG Missiles
Sat, 20 July 2019 Indian Army successfully carries out trials of third generation NAG missiles The trials of the missiles, developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), were conducted between July 7 to July 18, 2019 By Manjeet Singh Negi The Indian Army has successfully carried out its summer user trials of third Generation Anti-Tank Guided Missile NAG at Pokhran Field Firing Ranges. The trials of the missiles, developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), were conducted between July 7 to July 18, 2019. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh congratulated the user-evaluation teams and the DRDO for the successful completion of the user trials. The NAG missile has been developed to engage highly fortified enemy tanks in all weather conditions with day and night capabilities and with a minimum range of 500m and maximum range of 4 km. It is a third-generation fire-and-forget-class missile and uses an imaging infrared seeker in lock-on- before-launch mode. The missile is launched from the NAG missile carrier (NAMICA) which is capable of carrying up to six combat missiles. The robust imaging algorithm has made the missile hit the target at a distance of 4 km even in severe summer desert conditions which is unique in its class. As part of the NAG summer user trials, six missions were conducted under extreme temperature conditions of the Pokhran Ranges. All the missiles have met the mission objectives including minimum range, maximum range, indirect attack as well as top attack modes and achieved a direct hit on the target. -
Russian Nuclear Triad – a Threat Or Propaganda?
Pulaski Policy Papers Komentarz Międzynarodowy Pułaskiego ISSN 2080-8852 Warsaw, 21.03.2017 Author: Rafał Lipka Russian nuclear triad – a threat or propaganda? Despite the financial crisis, economic sanctions and technological difficulties, the Russian Federation is modernizing the Armed Forces within the framework of the State Armaments Program 2011-2020 (Rus. GPW 2020). The modernization of the strategic nuclear forces is considered in Russia as one of the priorities, since the nuclear forces determine Kremlin’s prestige and the position as a superpower. Currently, the nuclear war seems to be a strictly theoretical problem, particularly as far as strategic nuclear strikes are concerned. However, Russia perceives nuclear weapons as a political tool, which may be used against other countries. On December 26, 2014, President Putin approved the new The modernization of the strategic nuclear forces is one of the priorities for Russia’s defence ‘Military Doctrine of the Russian industry. Despite economic difficulties, Russians Federation’, which states that “the are modernizing all branches of the Armed Forces Russian Federation shall reserve the and increasing their capabilities in terms of right to use nuclear weapons in response nuclear weapons. The risk of nuclear conflict to the use of nuclear and other types of remains hypothetical, however, it cannot be weapons of mass destruction against it entirely excluded. Modern strategic and tactical and/or its allies, as well as in the event of nuclear weapons are also intended to strengthen aggression against the Russian Russia’s position in global politics. Federation with the use of conventional weapons when the very existence of the state is in jeopardy”. -
Shaurya Missile
Shaurya Missile drishtiias.com/printpdf/shaurya-missile Why in News Recently, a successful trial of the nuclear-capable Shaurya missile was conducted by India. Also, Brahmos land attack cruise missile was tested a few days before this testing. Key Points Shaurya Missile: Shaurya is a land variant of short-range Submarine Launched Ballistic Missile (SLBM) K-15 Sagarika, which has a range of at least 750 kilometers. It is capable of carrying payloads of 200 kg to 1000 kg. It is a surface-to-surface tactical missile. These ballistic missiles belong to the K missile family - codenamed after late Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam - which are launched from Arihant class of nuclear submarines. Shaurya, like many of the modern missiles, is a canister-based system, which means that it is stored and operated from specially designed compartments. The missile is less vulnerable to anti-ballistic missile defence systems due to its high maneuverability. 1/3 The K Family of Missiles: The K family of missiles are primarily Submarine Launched Ballistic Missiles (SLBMs). These have been indigenously developed by Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). The development of these missiles began in the late 1990s as a step towards completing India’s nuclear triad. Nuclear triad is the capability of launching nuclear weapons from land, sea and air-based assets. Because these missiles are to be launched from submarines, they are lighter, smaller and stealthier than their land-based counterparts - the Agni series of missiles which are medium and intercontinental range nuclear capable ballistic missiles. India has also developed and successfully tested multiple times the K-4 missiles from the family which has a range of 3500 km. -
Nuclear Status Report Additional Nonproliferation Resources
NUCLEAR NUCLEAR WEAPONS, FISSILE MATERIAL, AND STATUS EXPORT CONTROLS IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION REPORT NUMBER 6 JUNE 2001 RUSSIA BELARUS RUSSIA UKRAINE KAZAKHSTAN JON BROOK WOLFSTHAL, CRISTINA-ASTRID CHUEN, EMILY EWELL DAUGHTRY EDITORS NUCLEAR STATUS REPORT ADDITIONAL NONPROLIFERATION RESOURCES From the Non-Proliferation Project Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Russia’s Nuclear and Missile Complex: The Human Factor in Proliferation Valentin Tikhonov Repairing the Regime: Preventing the Spread of Weapons of Mass Destruction with Routledge Joseph Cirincione, editor The Next Wave: Urgently Needed Steps to Control Warheads and Fissile Materials with Harvard University’s Project on Managing the Atom Matthew Bunn The Rise and Fall of START II: The Russian View Alexander A. Pikayev From the Center for Nonproliferation Studies Monterey Institute of International Studies The Chemical Weapons Convention: Implementation Challenges and Solutions Jonathan Tucker, editor International Perspectives on Ballistic Missile Proliferation and Defenses Scott Parish, editor Tactical Nuclear Weapons: Options for Control UN Institute for Disarmament Research William Potter, Nikolai Sokov, Harald Müller, and Annette Schaper Inventory of International Nonproliferation Organizations and Regimes Updated by Tariq Rauf, Mary Beth Nikitin, and Jenni Rissanen Russian Strategic Modernization: Past and Future Rowman & Littlefield Nikolai Sokov NUCLEAR NUCLEAR WEAPONS, FISSILE MATERIAL, AND STATUS EXPORT CONTROLS IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION REPORT NUMBER 6 JUNE -
Toward Trilateral Arms Control: Options for Bringing China Into the Fold
ISSUE BRIEF Toward Trilateral Arms Control: Options for Bringing China into the Fold FEBRUARY 2021 MATTHEW KROENIG AND MARK J. MASSA The Scowcroft Center for Strategy Executive Summary and Security works to develop sustainable, nonpartisan strategies to During the Cold War and in its aftermath, the United States and the Soviet address the most important security Union (later the Russian Federation) engaged in successive nuclear arms challenges facing the United States and the world. The Center honors control treaties, which placed negotiated limits on strategic weapons and in- General Brent Scowcroft’s legacy of creased transparency. In the past few years, US relations with the People’s service and embodies his ethos of Republic of China have deteriorated, and the US National Security Strategy nonpartisan commitment to the cause has identified China as the priority of US national security efforts.1 The US of security, support for US leadership government publicly estimates that China’s nuclear arsenal will double in size in cooperation with allies and partners, 2 and dedication to the mentorship of the within the decade. These developments, combined with uncertainty about next generation of leaders. the future of US-Russia arms control, underscore the urgency of bringing China into the nuclear arms control fold. Yet China has refused to consider Forward Defense helps the United such a notion, and some Western analysts have dismissed trilateral arms con- States and its allies and partners trol as a fool’s errand.3 contend with great-power -
The End of Nuclear Warfighting: Moving to a Deterrence-Only Posture
THE END OF NUCLEAR WARFIGHTING MOVING TO A W E I DETERRENCE-ONLY V E R POSTURE E R U T S O P R A E L C U N . S . U E V I T A N September 2018 R E T L A Dr. Bruce G. Blair N Jessica Sleight A Emma Claire Foley In Collaboration with the Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University The End of Nuclear Warfighting: Moving to a Deterrence-Only Posture an alternative u.s. nuclear posture review Bruce G. Blair with Jessica Sleight and Emma Claire Foley Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University Global Zero, Washington, DC September 2018 Copyright © 2018 Bruce G. Blair published by the program on science and global security, princeton university This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial License; to view a copy of this license, visit www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0 typesetting in LATEX with tufte document class First printing, September 2018 Contents Abstract 5 Executive Summary 6 I. Introduction 15 II. The Value of U.S. Nuclear Capabilities and Enduring National Objectives 21 III. Maximizing Strategic Stability 23 IV. U.S. Objectives if Deterrence Fails 32 V. Modernization of Nuclear C3 40 VI. Near-Term Guidance for Reducing the Risks of Prompt Launch 49 VII. Moving the U.S. Strategic Force Toward a Deterrence-Only Strategy 53 VIII.Nuclear Modernization Program 70 IX. Nuclear-Weapon Infrastructure: The “Complex” 86 X. Countering Nuclear Terrorism 89 XI. Nonproliferation and Strategic-Arms Control 91 XII. Conclusion 106 Authors 109 Abstract The United States should adopt a deterrence-only policy based on no first use of nuclear weapons, no counterforce against opposing nuclear forces in second use, and no hair-trigger response. -
US Nuclear Weapons
U.S. NUCLEAR DETERRENCE POLICY Today's Strategic Environment: Increasingly Complex and Dangerous For decades, the United States led the world in efforts to reduce the role and number of nuclear weapons. Successive treaties enabled reductions in accountable strategic U.S. nuclear warheads, first to 6,000, and ultimately to 1,550. Thousands of shorter-range nuclear weapons not covered by any treaty were almost entirely eliminated from the U.S. nuclear arsenal. Overall, the U.S. nuclear weapons stockpile has drawn down by more than 85 percent from its Cold War high. Many hoped conditions had been set for even deeper reductions in global nuclear arsenals. Unfortunately, the United States and our allies now face a security environment with increased complexity and worsening strategic threats. Today’s central challenge to our security is the reemergence of long-term strategic competition with Russia and China. While the United States has focused on maintaining its existing nuclear systems, Russia and China have increased the role of nuclear weapons in their strategies and have been actively increasing the size and sophistication of their nuclear forces. Further, North Korea’s nuclear capabilities threaten our allies and homeland and add to an already complex strategic picture. Russia has been developing, testing, and fielding new systems for its nuclear triad over the past decade. This includes new road-mobile and silo-based ICBMs, ballistic missile submarines and missiles, bomber aircraft, and cruise missiles. Russia is also actively testing never-before-seen nuclear weapon capabilities, such as hypersonic glide vehicles, nuclear-powered cruise missiles, and nuclear-powered unmanned underwater vehicles.