Ethnic Identity and Media Use Among Second-Generation Korean-American University Students

ETHNIC IDENTITY AND MEDIA USE AMONG SECOND-GENERATION KOREAN-AMERICAN UNIVERSITY STUDENTS

BRIDGET MCGRATH

A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN MASS COMMUNICATION

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2002

Bridget McGrath

To my family, mother Jeanne, brother Mike and sister Kerry My husband Kenneth Book And my baby boy in my womb With lots of love

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am very grateful to a number of people who encouraged me throughout the process of writing this thesis. I thank Dr. Kurt Kent for his guidance and encouragement since this thesis began as a research paper. I also would like to thank Dr. Michael Leslie for his advice on intercultural communication. Dr. Chang-Hoan Cho I thank for his support during the thesis process.

I also wish to express my gratitude to my husband for his patience, encouragement and contribution to my thesis. I thank my family in Canada for their cheering and concern. Finally, I would like to thank the participants for opening their hearts and minds to me during the interview process. It was an honor. Kamsahamnida.

TABLE OF CONTENTS page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... iv

ABSTRACT...... vii

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Definition of Key Terms...... 3 Research Question ...... 6

2 LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 9

The Korean-Americans...... 9 Confucianism and Korean-Americans...... 10 Cultural Studies...... 14 Ethnic Identity...... 16 Social Identity ...... 17 Ethnic Media and Identity...... 19

3 METHODS ...... 23

Research Design...... 27 Interviewees ...... 28 Interviews...... 29 Instrument ...... 30 Interview Questions ...... 31 Purpose of Questions ...... 32

4 FINDINGS...... 42

Portraits...... 43 Themes...... 66 Ethnic Media Use...... 67 American and Korean Hard News ...... 68 Koreans in the Media ...... 69 Identity: The Korean-Americans...... 71

5 DISCUSSION...... 74

6 CONCLUSIONS...... 82

Implications...... 83 Limitations ...... 84 Suggestions for Further Research ...... 85

APPENDIX

A CONSENT FORM...... 88

B TRANSCRIPTION ...... 89

REFERENCES ...... 102

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...... 107

Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Mass Communication

ETHNIC IDENTITY AND MEDIA USE AMONG SECOND-GENERATION KOREAN-AMERICAN UNIVERSITY STUDENTS

Bridget McGrath

August 2002

Chair: Dr. Kurt Kent Department: Mass Communication

This qualitative research study focuses on the relationship between ethnic identity and media use among second-generation Korean-Americans. The theoretical underpinnings of the research include cultural studies from communication research, as well as ethnic, cultural, and social identity from social psychology.

Census 2000 data indicate that the United States is increasingly more diverse. The diversity also accounts for an increase in ethnic media outlets available to immigrant and second-generation groups.

In an effort to better understand how ethnic identity and media use are related, the cultural studies approach of using culture as a starting point was taken. Ethnic, cultural, and social identity are all relevant to the study as well, in that the perception of self, in the many forms this can take, may shed light on media choices made. The media choices made by second-generation Korean-American university students provide useful information on the topic of identity and its link to media use.

vii

In-depth interviews were conducted with 10 second-generation Korean-American university students. The results of the study revealed that many students use media, mainstream American media, and ethnic media for entertainment purposes. Students use mainstream media for informational needs, but only one student sought news about

Korea from ethnic media.

With regard to identity, all of the students with the exception of one identified themselves explicitly as Korean-American, not one or the other. Of interest to the study is the reciprocal nature of ethnic identity and media use. It is possible that there is a circular relationship between ethnic identity and media use for the students. They may seek out ethnic media and notice Koreans in mainstream media because they are Korean-

American, while at the same time reinforcing their ethnic identity in the process.

viii

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

Understanding the relationship between ethnic identity and communication is critical to understanding the life experiences of second-generation Korean-Americans.

Media and communication shape cultural landscapes and mediate interpersonal relations

(Georgiou, 2001), thereby potentially reaffirming identity. To understand communication and ethnic identity among Korean-Americans, there has to be an understanding of how this group came to be. The roots of Korean immigration to the

United States tell a story relevant to this research.

The population of the United States is made up of individuals who have a multitude of ethnicities from the world over. This country has been a country of immigrants from the earliest days of European contact with Native Americans. For most of the first two hundred years of America’s existence, immigration was predominantly from Europe.

The Hart-Cellar Act of 1965 ended the dominance of European immigration to the

United States and Asian immigration overtook the leading position. The original lifting of the previous restrictions on Asian immigration in part resulted from less domestic racism as well as economic growth in the postwar (World War II) period (Ong & Liu, 2001). As a result of the change in policy, the number of Asians immigrating and then having their own children here in the United States increased dramatically starting in 1965, with a particular boom in the 1980s, when labor was needed most and a policy of family reunification was promoted. Contemporary immigration to the United States paints quite a different portrait than that of even a few decades before. Unlike turn-of-the-20th-

1 2

century immigrants, today’s newcomers come predominantly from non-European

countries. The share of immigrants from Asia has grown from a mere 5 % in the 1950s

to 35 %, where it has remained since the 1980s (Zhou & Gatewood, 2000).

The second generation is of course not considered immigrant. They are American-

born citizens who come from a multitude of ethnic and cultural backgrounds. It is the

second-generation Korean-American experience with which this researcher is concerned.

Hurh (1998) noted that members of the second generation often feel that they are “caught

between two cultures” (p. 81), causing them problems with regard to identity. Another

aspect of second-generation existence is described by Zhou and Gatewood (2000):

Unlike members of the first generation, who tend to avoid arousing antagonism by subscribing to the dominant society’s mode of behavior— hard work, education, delayed gratification, non-confrontational attitudes in the face of injustice—their offspring, American citizens by birth, are likely to fully embrace the principles of freedom, equality and civil liberties on which citizenship is based. (p. 23)

According to The New York Times, the most recent United States census (2001,

April 1) data indicate unprecedented diversity in the country. Results from Census 2000 in the most populous state in the nation, California, revealed for the first time that non-

Hispanic whites are now the minority. Not only has there been an increase in the

Hispanic population to reach one third of the total Californian population, but also the

Asian population rose during the 1990s by around 40 % to 12 % of the total Californian population (2001, March 30). Asian American population growth was the fastest in the state, surpassing even that of Hispanics. “Today Asian Americans belong to the fastest- growing ethnic minority group in the United States. In percentage, they are increasing more rapidly than Hispanics” (Takaki, 2000, p. 118). Korean-Americans make up a large part of the Asian American community in the United States, with a total of 0.4 % of the

3 total U.S. population or 1,076,876 people identifying themselves as Korean-American, according to Census 2000 data (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2001).

The state specific results for Census 2000 reveal that New York, with 119,846 people identifying themselves as Korean, and California, with 345,882, have 43 % of the

Korean-American population. Other states with significant Korean-American populations or states relevant to this research are Georgia with 28,745; Texas with

45,572; Illinois with 51,453; and Florida with 19,139 people identifying themselves as ethnically Korean.

With the ever-changing portrait of the face of Americans, the issue of identity is pushed to the forefront. The research conducted here addresses the issue of ethnic identity and media use through the eyes of an increasingly more populous ethnic group, the Korean-Americans. Kyopo is the Korean language term for second-generation (or more) Korean-Americans.

Language and ethnicity are intimately linked. In Gudykunst’s (2001) work Asian

American Ethnicity and Communication, he discusses the importance of language in relation to ethnicity. He cites four major reasons for the importance of language to the discussion of ethnicity: for ethnic group membership, for outgroup members to categorize ethnic groups, to facilitate ingroup cohesion, and to mark ethnic boundaries. With regard to Korean-Americans specifically, in a study by Hong and Min (1999) only 10 % of second-generation Korean-Americans considered themselves fluent in Korean. Most considered themselves to have good or fair Korean language skills (Hong & Min, 1999).

Definition of Key Terms

Assimilation is often associated with the “melting pot” vision of America that prevailed until the late 1960s. “For the members of a group to have been assimilated,

they must have become absorbed or incorporated in some other (normally larger or more

powerful) group” (Barry, 2001, p. 72). To be absorbed or incorporated means to give up

one’s own cultural values and behaviors and adopt those of the mainstream culture.

Acculturation is described as becoming more similar culturally as opposed to complete assimilation, which suggests a disappearance of former identity (Barry, 2001).

This type of change is common to international immigrants, who for a variety of reasons find themselves in another culture. Acculturation may be viewed as “in response to extended and intensive firsthand contact between two or more previously autonomous cultures or co-cultures” (Samovar & Porter, 2001, p. 44).

Culture is not easily defined in a few sentences. Culture is dynamic, not static.

The role of the individual must be considered within the realm of culture. “ . . . Culture is ubiquitous, multidimensional, complex, and all-pervasive” (Samovar & Porter, 2001, p.

33). An all-encompassing definition is one put forth by A.J. Marsella (1994):

Culture is a shared learned behavior which is transmitted from one generation to another for purposes of promoting individual and social survival, adaptation, and growth and development. Culture has both external (e.g. artifacts, roles, institutions) and internal representations (e.g., values, attitudes, beliefs, cognitive/affective/sensory styles, consciousness patterns, and epistemologies). (p. 181)

The definition of identity is manifold, but for the purposes of this research it is defined through the lenses of culture and ethnicity.

Cultural identity is viewed by Kim (2001) as individuals incorporating cultural patterns into their psyches. Cultural identity is “defined as concepts that emerge through interaction with others, and they take the form of patterns of meanings, interpretations, and rules for behavior” (Wiseman, 2002, p. 207). Specifically, cultural identity can be based on a shared history though “nationality, ethnicity, gender, profession, geography,

organization, community, physical ability or disability, or type of relationship among

others” (Collier, 2000, p. 21). It is thus possible to have more than one cultural identity at

the same time. Identity can be salient according to the social context in which one finds

oneself.

Ethnic identity is described as ideas about one’s own ethnic group including knowledge about that group’s cultural traditions, language, values, and behaviors.

(Abrams, O’Connor & Giles, 2002) Ethnic identity, according to Phinney (1990),

“encompasses self identification, a sense of belonging, positive and negative attitudes toward one’s ethnic group, and ethnic involvement or social participation and cultural practices” (Phinney, 1990, as cited in McNeill, 2001, p. 284).

Ethnic media refers to newspapers, radio stations, television programs, films and

Internet web sites dedicated to a certain ethnic group. Ethnic media can be produced in the homecountry or adopted country’s language. More often it is the former.

Mainstream media is the media of the adopted country in that country’s language.

Second generation is the generation born of immigrant parents in a new country, or those who came to the new country at a very young age. There is some debate about the cut-off age for second-generation status. Some scholars argue three years of age ought to be the limit, while others argue five years of age as the cut off point. For the this study, five years is the cut-off age for second-generation status.

Hybridization involves “cultural responses that range from assimilation, through forms of separation, to hybrids that destabilize and blur cultural boundaries” (Barker &

Galasinski, 2001, p. 158). Hyphenated ethnic groups may be considered having undergone hybridization.

Hybrid means a hyphenated identity such as Korean and American at the same

time.

Co-cultures, according to Samovar and Porter (2001), are “those groups within a

society that share many common cultural attributes—world views, beliefs, values,

commonality of language nonverbal behaviors, and identity—yet do not share power with

the dominant culture” (p. 14). Asian Americans including Korean-Americans are

considered a co-culture in the dominant American culture. The term minority can be a

synonym for co-culture. Among some scholars, the term minority is viewed as somewhat

pejorative and thus they have tried to steer the language in a new direction.

One-point-five generation refers to the generation of Korean-Americans who immigrated with their parents at “mostly in their early and middle adolescence” (Hurh,

1998, p. 81). Also referred to as one-fivers.

Kyopo is the Korean language term for second-generation (or more) Korean-

American. Chemi Kyopo refers to the 1.5 generation.

Home country or homeland refers to the country of origin of the immigrant

parents. For all of the participants in this study, the homeland is that of South Korea

exclusively. None has North Korean roots.

Host country refers to the country that the immigrant parents chose to start a new life. Adopted country is a synonym for host country. It is the new country for the immigrant parents, but may be considered “home” for the second-generation children.

Research Question

Many means of cultural or ethnic reinforcement exist for ethnic groups residing in a non-homogeneous society such as the United States. The family takes on the primary role as reinforcer of culture through language, belief systems, culture, and traditions, or

7 religious practices (Samovar & Porter, 2001). Within the broader context of reinforcements lie media.

Mainstream American media and ethnic media are both considered during the course of this study. There is a focus on ethnic media because ethnic media are purported to reinforce cultural traditions (Jeffres, 2000). Ethnic media often focuses on events in the home country and cultural events in the adopted country. With the many ethnic media sources now available, there is ample opportunity for Korean-Americans to maintain contact with their homecountry or at least Korean culture if they so choose. There are a number of web directories of Asian American ethnic media including New California

Media and the Google search engine itself. Korean ethnic media include such websites for Korean-Americans as Korea Web Weekly, SoKorean.com, Igoo.com, Hangook

Meegook, and KoreanNet, to name just a few.

Some Korean-Americans may not be inclined to seek out media related to their culture or home country, if they perhaps feel more American than hyphenated or Korean.

Some may choose to use media as a significant resource for maintenance of culture and traditions. Thus the research question is, what is the relationship between ethnic and homecountry media use and ethnic identity among second generation Kyopo (Korean-

American) students?

Some sub-questions of relevance to the central research question are numbered here for future reference.

1. To what extent do hyphenated Americans, or members of co-cultures, choose which identity they feel aligned with in certain situations?

2. Is social identity salient at will or by social pressure?

3. To what extent have Korean-American students felt inclined to maintain Korean culture as part of their identity through media use?

4. If Koreans do in fact feel a strong sense of identity, how might this affect the way they use media resources?

5. How is their identity affected by media use and how does this in turn affect the kind/quantity of media sources they seek and how the media are used?

6. What exactly happens when people become, through immigration, part of a completely new social environment, including locale, language, and culture?

7. How does identity affect media use by the children of immigrants, who may or may not be more assimilated or acculturated?

The questions posed here address a number of critical concerns for the study of ethnic identity and media use. Through in-depth interviews, patterns and themes were pinpointed that help answer these key questions.

As with much qualitative research, the focus of this study is on the emotional responses to media use and ethnic identity of this particular group of individuals. In- depth interviews were conducted, then coded and analyzed for prevalent themes and subthemes. The researcher is interested in what is in the hearts and minds of second- generation Korean-American students in relation to ethnic identity and the media they use in their daily lives. The theoretical domains that may help shed light that relationship include social identity theory in general, and ethnic identity theory specifically. Although not one of the main theoretical underpinnings of this study, uses and gratifications theory is referenced. Using the cultural studies approach to communication research, the relationship between the ethnic identity and media uses of second-generation Korean-

Americans have been further illuminated.

CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW

A review of the literature relating to ethnic identity and media use among second- generation Korean-American must include a number of areas of study. The Korean-

Americans, Confucianism, Ethnic Identity, Cultural Studies, Ethnic Media and Identity make up the literature reviewed for the purpose of this study. The review of literature concerning these topics lends theoretical backing to this qualitative cultural studies approach to media use and ethnic identity.

The Korean-Americans

Asian Americans now account for 3.6 % of the total U.S. population. Among the major Asian American groups represented in Census 2000 are Asian Indian, Chinese,

Filipino, Japanese, Vietnamese, Korean, and Other Asian. Chinese Americans are the most populous group with 2,432,585 people identifying themselves as Chinese.

According to Census 2000 data, Koreans make up 0.4 % of the total U.S. population, with 1,076,872 people identifying themselves as Korean. Korean-Americans make up just over 10 % of the total Asian American population of 10,242,988. This number is up

0.1 % since Census 1990, when 798,849 people listed themselves as Korean. Korean

Americans now outnumber Japanese Americans (796,700). The Korean diaspora is distributed among many states, though in 1990 California and New York had 44.5 % of the total Korean population, with California at 32.5 % and New York at 12.0 % (U.S.

Bureau of the Census, 1993).

9 10

The year 2000 Korean-American populations of New York, with 119,846, and

California, with 345,882, now make up 42 % of the total Korean-American population

(U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2001). This suggests Koreans are moving to states other than

California and New York because the total number of Koreans in the United States rose by almost 300,000 between 1990 and 2000. Of note as well is that almost one third of

Korean-Americans were born in the United States (Hurh, 1998).

The socioeconomic situation of Koreans in America has been advancing, though it still lags behind that of the U.S. population as a whole. According to Hurh (1998), the median family income for Korean-Americans is $2,000 lower than the national average.

There are a number of possible reasons for this situation. One-third of Korean immigrants are involved in small businesses and thus Koreans are experiencing increased economic mobility (Hurh, 1998).

One reason of substantial importance is that many highly educated Koreans give up their careers in their homeland to seek the “American Dream” and provide their children with an American education. The Asian American population seems inclined to move to areas with good education systems (LA Times, 2001, March 30). Post-1965 Korean immigrants pushed their children toward prestigious universities because they looked to their children to regain the social status the parent had lost in the host society (Kim,

1999). It is not uncommon to find a small grocery store owner with a bachelor’s degree from a Korean university. The Korean passion for upward mobility through education is indeed deeply ingrained (Hurh, 1998).

Confucianism and Korean-Americans

Any work intending to discuss Korean culture and identity cannot do so without considering the influence of Confucianism, particularly Korean Neo-Confucianism. This

11 worldview/philosophy profoundly influences every facet of life in Korean culture.

Korean Neo-Confucianism emphasizes social ethics and the family (Duncan, 1998). One of the central tenets of Confucianism is the maintenance of social harmony through strict relationship hierarchy and deference to authority. Scholars have suggested that

Confucianism is responsible for high achievement and focus on education among

Koreans (Lee, 1998).

One of the interesting characteristics of the modern Korean family, urban as well as rural, is the great emphasis placed on education. There are no differences in this respect between the poor and the rich. Education is considered a ready means of social mobility and serves as the ladder for promotion in the workplace. (Lee, 1998, p. 258)

As an extension to Hofstede’s “Cultural Dimensions” (1980), Bond (1987) added another dimension: that of Confucian dynamism. Six primary values were pinpointed.

These values include “dynamic long-term orientation, perseverance, ordering relationships by status, being thrift centered, having a sense of shame, and emphasizing face-saving” (Ting-Toomey, 1999, as cited in Samovar & Porter, 2001, p. 73). High

Confucian dynamism as a dimension points out individuals who place more importance on Confucian values such as persistence, status-ordered relationships, thrift, and a sense of shame (Hofstede & Bond, 1988). Low Confucian dynamism focuses on the Confucian teachings associated with steadiness, protection of face, respect for tradition, reciprocation of greeting, favors, and gifts (Hofstede & Bond, 1988).

Confucianism is considered to be the basic social and philosophical worldview prevalent in most of East Asia, particularly North-East Asia, including China, Korea,

Japan, Taiwan, Vietnam, and Singapore (Tu, 2000). Confucianism has shifted from a true religion that fought for supremacy with Buddhism to a secular religion or moral

12 philosophy (Neo-Confucianism), influencing every facet of daily life with a focus on interpersonal relationships (Huang, 2000).

Without treating Chinese and Korean families as by any means identical, it can be said that Korea has held on tightly to Neo-Confucian social constructs. For this reason, the following remarks can apply to Korean American families.

Confucianism emphasizes traditional values, such as ancestor worship, a respect for authority (e.g. the ruler, the elder, the parent, and the teacher), a belief in consensus, a willingness to put society’s or the family’s interests before the individual’s interest, an emphasis on education as a means of mobility, clear rules of conduct, constant self-examination, and the importance of face saving. These values have been carried over to America with few modifications and have been essential for the Chinese American family to socialize the younger generation. (Zhou, 2000, p. 324)

As well, Korea historically has been patriarchal and patrilineal in nature. Filial piety is strongly emphasized in Korean families and is often practiced through the above- mentioned ancestor worship ceremonies. There is a very strong push for prosperity through education even if the parents have to make sacrifices. Confucianism may in fact help explain the willingness of Koreans to relocate to a new country and take on lesser employment for the benefit of their children’s education. Second generation Korean-

Americans may have adopted some, though not all, of the Neo-Confucian practices despite living primarily in the American environment. Tensions between traditional parents and their Americanized second-generation children are apparent.

The parents usually adhere to the traditional norms of Confucian patriarchy and interdependence, such as respect for elders and clearly divided gender roles, which often conflict with their children’s value orientation that has been strongly influenced by American culture, such as individualism, interdependence, and movement toward gender equality. (Moon & Song, 1998, p. 140)

Within the framework of this research, it is imperative be aware of Korean Neo-

Confucianism as a relevant social factor when attempting to understand the ethnic identity of second generation Korean-Americans.

Traditional Korean culture includes symbols such as clothing, food, and language as prime examples. The traditional costume of Korea, the hanbok,originated from early

Chinese clothing, but developed its own style over time (Hurh, 1998). Most Korean people now wear Western-style clothing such as suits and jeans, although the hanbok maintains its status through special occasions (children’s birthdays, the Chusok and

Solnal holidays, ancestor worship ceremonies and other special events). As a personal observation, it was not uncommon to see marriage ceremonies taking place in Western dress and the wedding hanbok on the same day.

Korean food is distinctively spicy. Red chili pepper (gochu) and garlic dominate the palate. The most recognized Korean food is likely kimchi (salted, fermented cabbage with gochu and garlic as major ingredients), which developed as method to preserve vegetables in the winter (Hurh, 1998).

Korean language is believed to belong to the “Ural-Altaic family of languages because of its agglutinative structure of grammar (formation of words through the addition of prefixes and suffixes to the root)” (Hurh, 1998, p. 12). Upper-class Koreans used to use hanmoon, [Chinese characters] to write until King Sejong and his team of scholars designed hangul [the Korean alphabet] in 1446 (Hurh, 1998). Hangul is a syllabic and phonetic language with 10 vowels and 12 consonants that combine to form words.

Contrasting American culture with Korean culture reveals the major cultural differences that prevail. Being American can be viewed as being part of a national identity as opposed to an ethnic identity. Barstow, Taylor, and Lambert (2000) discuss what it means to be American for dominant culture members and co-culture members.

These scholars use economic status and social status as criteria for opportunity “because these two indicators of success . . . have been suggested to be central to what it is to be

American” (Barstow, Taylor & Lambert, 2000, ¶ 10). It has been suggested by these scholars that members of ethnic groups who participate in the economic and social status realms of American society do indeed feel more “American,” while those who rely only on their ethnic communities for social and economic survival feel less American. I would add that the second generation, through American education and good language skills, may logically feel more “American” than their immigrant parents.

Cultural Studies

The cultural studies critical approach to media perceives culture as the starting point for analyzing communication (Lull, 1995). Cultural studies scholars argue that the historically ethnocentric view of media ought to shift toward a more accurate, culturally specific view of media (Lull, 1995). For example, the response to TV programming with minority characters will be different for members of the dominant culture versus members of the co-culture represented in the programming. Not all American media are the same. There are vast differences that must be considered when discussing the

American media landscape. “Ethnography—where first-hand observations and depth interviewing are utilized to describe communication activity—is emerging now as a very effective methodological approach for contemporary work in cultural and communication studies” (Lull, 1995, p. 112).

Morley (2000) references James Carey’s perspective on culture and media by reiterating Carey’s argument that “modern technologies, from the telegraph to satellite television, give rise to ‘communities . . . not in place, but in space, mobile, connected across vast distances by appropriate symbols, forms and interests’” (Carey 1989, as cited in Morley, 2000, p. 149). This view quite accurately describes the unique relationship between communication and culture, as well as the tools used to accomplish communication. Second-generation Korean-Americans may in fact fall into this category of communities in space, not place.

Cultural studies scholars Cunningham and Sinclair (2000) discuss the importance of media within diasporic contexts in Australia. Cunningham and Sinclair suggest that media use contributes significantly to the positioning between dominant and diasporic cultures. The diasporic cultures produce and consume media in an effort to maintain culture.

The changes in American demographics in the past several decades have brought new terminology to the fore. The culture of a nation is shared by the dominant culture and other co-cultures. In the United States, as in Canada, the United Kingdom, or France, there no longer exists a single homogeneous group (Samovar & Porter, 2001). We are indeed cultures of immigrants, some having been here longer than others. “Recognition that the U.S. population comes in different colors and forms diverse cultural backgrounds has had a profound effect on national identity” (Samovar & Porter, 2001, p. 13).

Co-cultures are groups within a society that share all or some cultural characteristics such as “world views, beliefs, values, commonality of language, nonverbal behaviours, and identity” (Samovar & Porter, 2001, p. 14). Korean-Americans

16 undoubtedly have to deal with issues of assimilation, acculturation, or isolation when attempting to communicate with the dominant culture (Orbe, Seymour & Kang, 1998). It is in such situations that identity salience can become a critical issue.

Ethnic Identity

Ethnic identity refers to one’s awareness of membership in a group and all that comes with this membership, such as traditions, language, beliefs, and values. “Ethnic identities for Asian Americans, therefore, refers to their knowledge of memberships in particular Asian American ethnic groups (e.g. Chinese American, Japanese American) and the significance attached to those memberships” (Gudykunst, 2001, p.96). A major factor in ethnic identity experiences includes home life because it is here that much of the reinforcement of ethnic identity takes place.

Generation also has an effect on ethnic identity. Korean-Americans experience generational differences with regard to ethnic identity. According to research, second- generation Korean Americans do not feel caught in the middle. Hong and Min (1999), for example, report that the vast majority of second-generation respondents see themselves as Korean American. (72.2 %) rather than Korean (21.3 %)” (Gudykunst,

2001, p. 121).

It has been argued that media use has a potentially important role to play in the reinforcement of identity (Gudykunst, 2001). “Two of the most important identities influencing Asian Americans’ communication are their ethnic and cultural identity”

(Gudykunst, 2001, p. 11). However, the reciprocal nature of media use and identity is underscored in this research. Mainstream and ethnic media use can perhaps reinforce ethnic identity, and ethnic identity can influence media choices. For example, recognizing a Korean-American on mainstream television can evoke feelings of pride

17 thereby reinforcing identity. The same feelings may arise when using ethnic media. It is also possible that the purposeful use of ethnic media is a choice made as a result of that ethnic identity to which one feels close.

Social Identity

The idea of self is crucial when attempting to discuss identity. Identity can be viewed as a mode of thinking about self (Barker, 1999). Language and acculturation also are integral to our notions of self. Social means such as language and social expectations enable people to conceptualize themselves. Social identity theory argues that through characterization of “oneself” as a group member, uncertainty is reduced and a positive self-image may result (Gallois & Callan, 1997). If distinct social identity could be measured, Koreans would undoubtedly rate highly. Among Asian Americans, Koreans appear to quite clearly distinguish themselves from other Asian groups. They are less likely to be members of Asian American Student Associations and often branch out to create their own associations (Hurh, 1998).

Identity salience may depend upon the social situation in which the person is placed. This phenomenon may be particularly true when one is a member of more than one group, such as the hyphenated Korean-American (Gallois & Callan, 1997). Social identity also can offer information with respect to group interaction. For example, extensive media and scholarly attention has been given to the racial tensions between

Korean-Americans and African-Americans (Hurh, 1998; Kim, 1999; Ferguson, 1998;

Shim, 1998). As social identity can involve issues such as ingroup vs. outgroup and self vs. other, there is unfortunately room for stereotypes to breed from either perspective.

It is identity in general and ethnic identity specifically with which this project is concerned. Although this research takes a cultural studies approach to identity and media

use, it is important to note another branch of communication theory, uses and

gratifications. The fundamental assumption in uses and gratification theory is the active

audience, in which the “audience member makes conscious decisions about the

consumption of media content” (Rayburn, 1996, p. 190). In this respect the cultural

studies approach and the uses and gratifications approach are not entirely dissimilar (Lull,

1995). Both theories “ . . . focus on audience members’ willing and imaginative

engagements with mass media form and content” (Lull, 1995, p. 111).

If in uses and gratifications theory, audiences actively seek media experiences, and

social identity has been thought to have a strong relationship with behavior, then there is

a potential link between identity and media uses and gratifications. Seeking media

sources is indeed a distinct type of behavior that may be influenced by social identity, and

social identity may help formulate these same media choices (Harwood, 1999). The

process seems somewhat circular in nature.

It is proposed that social identity gratifications are one determinant of media choices. That is, individuals seek out particular messages that support their social identities (i.e., provide positive social comparisons with outgroups). One way in which positive social comparisons are possible is through viewing media messages featuring positive portrayals of individuals we identify as “ingroup” members. (Harwood, 1999, p. 125)

Identifying with ingroup members includes identifying with symbols associated with culture. Shared symbols of culture are assigned their meanings by that particular culture (Samovar & Porter, 2001). Symbols for Korean-Americans may be as basic as recognizing ethnicity (as in physical traits), language, familiarity with hangul (the Korean alphabet) or a Korean family name, to the quite obvious symbols such as the Korean flag or the distinctive traditional costume called the hanbok.

Symbols include mass mediated resources such as books, films, videos, computer games, the Internet, and newspapers, to name the most common (Samovar & Porter,

2001). The contents of these media are symbols of culture as well. Another strong symbol of culture is music. Perhaps, the presence of identifiable symbols in media or the medium itself may help to reinforce identity or at least reassure Korean-American media users of their identity in some manner.

Life experiences include media experiences. One potential media experience that received much attention and discussion among Korean-Americans was the prime-time sitcom All-American Girl, starring Korean-American comedienne Margaret Cho and broadcast over U.S. network television in 1995. The show was riddled with inaccuracies such as lack of authenticity, treating Asian Americans as a monolithic group, stereotyping, and generalizing (Orbe, Seymour & Kang, 1998). A Korean-American focus group in a study of reactions to the show had much criticism for the show’s lack of authenticity, and thus felt part of the out-group when watching All-American Girl. “The authentic ‘Koreanness’ of the show became even more enigmatic given that several of the show’s actors were non-Koreans performing humor written by non-Koreans” (Orbe,

Seymour & Kang, 1998, p. 134).

Ethnic Media and Identity

Ethnic media play an important role in the communities that they serve.

Viswanath and Arora (2000) comment that the ethnic press has a dual function. The first is as a means of social control and the second is as a means of strengthening ethnic identity. As the focus of the research here is on ethnic identity, more attention is given to this function of the ethnic press. Unfortunately, despite the importance, the ethnic press is at a disadvantage because it tends to serve small and scattered markets. Often ethnic

20 media fail financially, according to Zhang and Hao (1999). These same scholars view the

Internet as the most likely place for viable ethnic media in the future. Similarly,

Viswanath and Arora (2000) note the importance of increasing ethnic media available online.

Often, ethnic media are produced in the homeland language of the group. Ethnic media are particularly important for the more recent immigrants. “Minority language media help minority people to keep their ethnic identity because they function to pass on knowledge, values, and norms from one generation to another or from the members of a society to newcomers” (Zhang & Hao, 1999, p. 15). Ethnic media have a long history of fulfilling the media needs of immigrant groups (Zhang & Hao, 1999).

Ethnic media in the United States are produced in a multitude of languages. In

New York City alone the Independent Press Association lists “198 magazines and newspapers of 52 ethnic groups publishing in 36 languages” (Scher, 2001, ¶ 4). New

California Media (ncmonline.com) is an association of 400 print, broadcast, and online media organizations serving California’s 17 million ethnic residents.

A more relevant consideration for this study is the function ethic media serve for the second generation. It is likely that the function is significantly different for those who were born in the adopted countries. An essential point to remember when discussing ethnic media is that they can include homeland language media well as media in the language of the host country. For example, some Korean ethnic media are produced in

English, the language in which many second-generation Korean-Americans are more comfortable. KoreAm Journal is an example of a publication produced for English- speaking Korean-Americans. Gudykunst (2001) noted that 90 % of Korean-Americans

21 report that they are proficient in English. Hong and Min (1999) concluded that second- generation Korean-American indeed “prefer to use English in everyday communication”

(Gudykunst, 2001, p. 124). On this same topic, Kim says: “Even when ethnic media are based on the mainstream language of the host society, they still manage to facilitate the development of an in-group outlook that is distinctive from the rest of society” (2001, p.

141).

A number of media resources are available to cater to the needs of diasporic cultures. Korean-Americans have access to home-language newspapers originating in the

United States and Korea (online and traditional forms), satellite TV beaming several home-country channels, videos including full-length Korean mini-series available through specialty stores, and Korean music and books online. It is given that access to some of these media sources may depend on locale. In areas with a high concentration of a culture group, there is more access to home-country media. The Internet may be dramatically changing the nature of use for once-isolated ethnic group members. Now,

Korean-Americans in small town America can go online and read the most important

Korean newspapers in English or Korean.

As is often noted in identity studies, the role of the family is of the utmost importance (Viswanath & Arora, 2000). It is at home where the second generation absorbs the strongest aspects of their parents’ homeland culture. The present study discusses the reinforcement of culture patterns already present.

Continued and celebratory coverage maintains and strengthens the ethnic identity among the second-generation children. A sense of cultural identity, of belonging to a different heritage, is most likely to be initiated and developed within the family and at home. Community institutions and the media are likely to reinforce that sense of identity. (Viswanath & Arora, 2000, p. 46)

There are many known means of reinforcement of culture and identity outside the family for ethnic communities. Included among them are ethnic enclaves like little Italy or Korea town. As well, native language usage in home environments also reinforces identity and provides the second generation with the linguistic tools to seek out media relevant to their ethnicity.

Communications scholars Drucker and Gumpert (1998) speak of the importance of social integration with regard to cultural adaptation and immigrant groups.

“Opportunities for contact in public places and the options media provide for connecting members of specific ethnic/immigrant communities with the country of origination are essential to understanding the modern immigrant experience” (Drucker & Gumpert,

1998, p. 13).

Very little is known about the relationship between media use and ethnic identity among second-generation Korean-Americans. Conducting in-depth interviews in an effort to analyze the patterns and themes that emerge helps shed light on this particular group. Through the qualitative methodological approach to communication studies, valuable information can be obtained. As well, the cultural studies approach, where the culture is the starting point, provides a useful perspective for conducting this kind of research with meaningful results.

CHAPTER 3 METHODS

To conduct research into the relationship between identity and media use, a purposeful method had to be chosen. The research method the researcher found most encouraging for the purposes of this inquiry is qualitative in-depth interviewing.

Conducting in-depth qualitative interviews potentially allows for meaningful patterns to emerge, which can then be analyzed in the context of the relevant theoretical perspectives.

In-depth interviews are research interviews. The information is collected with the purpose of developing or constructing a model of some aspect of reality that is found to be in accordance with “the facts” about the reality and then testing a constructed model to see whether it is confirmed or falsified by the facts, and perhaps doing both (Wengraf,

2001, p. 4). The thesis was thus conducted in two phases. The first round of interviews enables the model to be constructed. The second round of interviews is intended to evaluate the model.

As a means to extrapolate the patterns from the data, the grounded theory method was used in the process and analysis of the in-depth interviews. In using the grounded theory method, “theory may be generated initially from the data, or, if existing

(grounded) theories seem appropriate to the area of investigation, then these may be elaborated and modified as incoming data are meticulously played against them” (Strauss

& Corbin, 1998, p.159).

23 24

Particularly, the grounded theory method uses the constant comparative method

developed by Glaser and Strauss (1967). In part, the concept is that as themes arise

during interviews, researchers “look for evidence of the same phenomenon in other

cases” (Babbie, 2000, p. 361). Researchers then analyze the relationship between

concepts. How and when did the theme present itself in each of the interviews? As the

patterns become clearer, the themes can be pinpointed and thus strengthen or weaken the

ties to grounded theory or inspire new theory. The final stage of the constant

comparative method involves the writing of the findings, which is considered part of the

research process and not just mere description (Babbie, 2000; Strauss & Corbin, 1998).

Wengraf (2001) describes the Glaser and Strauss (1967) grounded theory as emergent theorizing. The description of how the process takes place focuses on the aspect of themes emerging during the interviews. “At best, grounded theory offers an approximation of the creative activity of theory building found in good observational work, compared to the dire abstracted empiricism present in the most wooden statistical studies” (Silverman, 2001, p. 71).

To code the interviews, the systematic filing system (Berg, 2001) was used. It is similar to Strauss’ (1987) open coding. “To begin, you simply seek naturally occurring classes of things, persons, and events, and important characteristics of these items. In other words, you look for similarities and dissimilarities—patterns—in the data. But you look for these patterns systematically” (Berg, 2001, p. 103). Precise coding identified themes and subthemes. Themes are the larger and broader topics that were identified, and subthemes are the smaller and narrower subtopics that can be included in the discussion of the major themes. Index sheets were developed in an effort to have

25 comprehensive information from which the findings could be extracted. Following

Berg’s (2001) model, a systematic indexing process began with several sheets of paper with the major topics or themes listed on different sheets. Instead of referring to the participants as numbers, I wrote each participant’s pseudonym on the left hand side ot the sheet. As subthemes appeared, they were written in under the theme heading. Short- answer sheets (Berg, 2001) were also developed for the simpler questions, with either affirmative or negative answers. Simple sheets of paper with students’ names on the left side were used for affirmative or negative answers to questions. Most of the themes and subthemes discussed emerged in the index sheet stage of coding. It is within this frame of analysis that the themes and subthemes emerged, which is exactly what grounded theory intends.

As with all research, the issues of reliability and validity must be addressed for the research to have credibility. Reliability “refers to the degree of consistency with which instances are assigned to the same category by different observers or by the same observer on different occasions” (Hammersley, 1992, p. 67). In regard to interviews, it is important that the interviewees all understand the questions in the same way. Also related to reliability is the idea of low interference for the benefit of good results

(Silverman, 2001). Seale (1999) emphasizes the importance of verbatim accounts (exact transcription) of the interviews as opposed to the researchers reconstructing what took place. A researcher’s personal perspective could influence the research if steps aren’t taken to prevent this interference (Seale, 1999).

Validity is also an essential part of credibility in research. “By validity, I mean truth: interpreted as the extent to which an account accurately represents the social

26 phenomena to which it refers” (Hammersley, 1990, p. 57). It is suggested by Holstein and Gubrium (1995) that validity is a result of the successful application of the interview procedures.

Part of the interview procedure includes the researcher. Berg (2001) speaks of the dominant theme in interviewing that centers on the development of a rapport between the interviewer and the interviewee. Interviewees many have expectations of certain characteristics, such as race, gender, age, and ethnicity (or combinations of these) of the interviewer that they use to “confirm or deny expectations about what an interviewer ought to be like” (Berg, 2001, p. 86). Developing a rapport that makes the interviewee comfortable, while allowing the interviewer to elicit valuable responses, is integral to the interview process as a whole.

The researcher is not Korean-American, but does have significant personal experience with Korean culture, having resided in South Korea as an English language instructor for four years from 1996 to 2000. Having an intermediate knowledge of

Korean language was quite helpful in conducting the interviews, not because Korean was spoken but because certain Korean words could be inserted into sentences without having to translate or explain concepts. For example, when an interviewee was referring to

Chusok, the researcher immediately knew this is the Korean equivalent to Thanksgiving, held every year during the harvest moon.

As well, the researcher’s husband is half Korean, which creates even more familiarity with the Korean culture. My husband, like many of the participants, would remark to me when he saw an Asian on TV. He also said that people would tell him he looked like Brandon Lee, the famous Amerasian son of the martial arts icon, Bruce Lee.

While watching a TV trivia show with battling child geniuses, my husband was rooting for the Amerasian child. When I asked him why, he said because he was Amerasian, no other reason. If there isn’t an American in an Olympic competition, my husband will root for a Korean.

The researcher’s mother-in-law is Korean. She has been in the United States for almost thirty years, but still maintains a strong sense of Korean identity. She primarily reads Korean newspapers and listens to Korean gospel music. She prepares Korean food daily and regularly shops at the Korean stores in my husband’s hometown. An example of the extent to which food is part of her maintenance of culture, despite being a devout

Christian, she doesn’t eat traditional Christmas dinner. Her American husband prepares turkey and all the fixings and she prepares a small Korean meal to eat at the Christmas dinner table. When she visits our home for more than a day, she brings coolers full of

Korean food and insists that we a diet rich in tofu, fish, soybeans, and vegetables.

These are small things, but were part of how my a priori categories developed. I also feel that discussion of my husband’s and my mother-in-law’s behavior made the participants even more at ease with me. Despite in a sense being outside both Korean and American cultures—the researcher is Canadian and moved to the United States two years ago—the researcher’s personal perspective was an asset during the interview process.

Research Design

Qualitative in-depth interviews provide a means to discover the true feelings within a person. The human experience, in particular the Korean-American experience is of central interest to this study. The qualitative interview undergoes a process where the interviewer has a general understanding of what he or she is seeking, but has no strict

expectations. The natural flow of the conversation is part of what makes qualitative

interviewing so useful a method. Two rounds of interviews were conducted. The first

round of interviews allowed the model to be constructed. The second round of interviews

tests the constructed model.

Interviewees

Two rounds of interviews were conducted. In the first round, Korean-American

students were contacted by e-mail through the Korean Undergraduate Student

Association (K.U.S.A.). at the University of Florida, while some were approached

independently on campus. The second set of Korean-American students was chosen by

snowball sample method, after three attempts to contact students through the K.U.S.A.

proved fruitless. (Several e-mails were sent to the 2001-2002 president, and a personal

communication took place, but to no avail. An interviewee later told me that no e-mails

were forwarded to the second-generation students) As a result, the researcher began

seeking participants by snowball sampling, which is a nonprobability sampling technique.

This method of sampling is useful when members of a group might be difficult to find, as

was the case for second-generation Korean-American university students. “In snowball

sampling, the researcher collects data on the few members of the target population he or

she can locate, then asks those individuals to provide the information needed to locate

other members of that population whom they happen to know” (Babbie, 2001, p. 180).

Only second-generation Korean-Americans (Kyopo) were interviewed. Neither 1.5- generation nor half-Korean students were interviewed for this study, although many do belong to K.U.S.A. or were suggested through the snowball sampling method. The term

1.5-generation is often used in the Korean community, though other immigrant groups have not adopted its usage. The term refers to children who came to the United States at a

29 young age with their first-generation parents (Hurh, 1998). Hurh (1998) refers to the one- fivers as having come to America in early or late adolescence.

Two sets of siblings were interviewed, and the researcher did not discourage this.

There are potential strengths and drawbacks to allowing siblings to participate, but for the nature of this research, one-on-one in-depth interviews, the individual characteristics of the second-generation Korean-Americans were of interest. Therefore, siblings could potentially provide more insight into the role of the individual in ethnic identity and media use because they grew up in the same household but may or may not have different media use habits and perceptions of self. In the same vein, all the interviewees were UF students. This narrow group was chosen purposefully so the differences and similarities would be quite clear.

Interviews

All students were interviewed until patterns were revealed and themes could be identified. The interviews were conducted in English. The type of interview done for this research was semi-structured in design. In semi-structured interviews the initial questions are designed but an “active follow-up strategy” is prepared. “With an ‘active follow-up strategy’ questions, prompts, probes, and statements and other interventions by you will be pretty constantly improvised and invented by you during the interview”

(Wengraf, 2001, p. 159).

Probes are pauses, comments, and secondary questions (Kahn & Cannell, 1957).

Probes are a means of drawing out “more complete stories from subjects” (Berg, 2001, p.

76). Berg (2001) also noted that probing questions ought to be neutral.

When further elaboration is needed, follow-up questions such as “What did you mean by that?” can be used to elicit more information (Payne, 1951, p. 14). Follow-up

30 questions can include non-verbal nods or just a pause to suggest to the subject to continue

(Kvale, 1996).

The questions developed for the interviews were meant to be very broad at first and then move toward the more specific. An attempt was made to develop questions that would elicit meaningful answers to the research question without creating expectations on the researcher’s part.

The interviews began with warm-up conversations as a method of easing into the questions of relevance to this project. The one-hour interviews were recorded, and then transcribed. The transcription of a sample interview is found in Appendix A. The analysis of the interviews included looking for patterns and relationships between identity and media uses and gratifications.

Instrument

Three sets of questions for the in-depth interviews were developed. The questions are divided into biographical information, media use, and identity. Much effort was put into the development of the questions to enhance validity. Clear and specific language was used in an effort to communicate effectively and efficiently. “Researchers must always be sure they have clearly communicated to the subjects what they want to know”

(Berg, 2001, p. 77). Follow-up questions, statements, and prompts were added to the end of general questions to elicit more information if needed. Follow-up questions or probes are used as a means to draw out more information from the interviewees. Probes look to have the interviewees elaborate on a question that has been asked (Berg, 2001). The probes used in this study could be anything from nonverbal nods to questions such as

“How so?” or “In what ways?”

Interview Questions

I Biographical Information: Who are the Interviewees?

1. How old are you, year in university, major, place of birth, and number of years in U.S. if not born here?

2. Where does your family live? How many siblings? How often do you visit? Do you have extended family here in America? Where? Do you have family in Korea?

3. What languages do you speak? What languages do your parents speak? What language in home? In what situations do you speak your secondary languages?

4. What are your parents’ occupations?

5. What religion are you?

6. Have you been to Korea? When? What did you do there? How long did you stay? Who did you see? Where did you go? Did you celebrate any special occasion there?

7. With whom did you live in college? Have you lived with Koreans/non-Koreans? How?

8. How would you describe your friends? Racial/ethnic categories? Who is in your close circle of friends?

9. What are your views on dating? Are you in a relationship? Racial/Ethnic background of person? Have you dated a Korean/non-Korean? Would you? Why or why not? What about marriage? How does that differ from your parents’ views?

II Media Usage: What Kind of Media Resources Do They Use?

1. How do you feel about keeping up with the news? What are your sources?

2. How does your family keep up with the news? Their sources?

3. How do your friends keep up with the news? Their sources?

4. How do you feel about keeping up with news about Korea? Sources?

5. How does your family feel about keeping up with news about Korea? Sources?

6. How do your friends keep up with news about Korea? Sources?

7. How do you feel about watching TV? Prompts: Which programs? With whom? Why? Do you take special notice of Koreans you encounter in the media? How does it make you feel to see Koreans in the media?

8. How often do you watch movies? Which ones? Where? (Theatre, DVD’s videos) with whom? What type? Why? Do you watch Korean videos?

9. How do feel about using the Internet? For what purposes? Visit certain web sites? What types are bookmarked? Korean web sites? American web sites?

10. How often do you read Korean newspapers? Where do you get them? Do your parents subscribe to Korean newspapers?

III Identity: How Do They Identify Themselves and How They are Identified by Others?

1. How do you feel about talking about the news with your friends? What kinds of things do you talk about?

2. How often do you talk about Korean news with your friends? What issues come up?

3. How do you feel about talking about news (American and/or Korean) with your family? What kind of news events do you discuss?

4. What are your feelings on American coverage of Korean or Korean-American issues? Is it adequate? Representative?

5. What are your views on the representations of Koreans in American TV programming? What do you think of All-American Girl? Gilmore Girls?

6. What do you think of the representation of Koreans in movies? Why? What do you think of the representation of Koreans in Korean movies?

7. What identity do you consider yourself?

8. In what ways do you consider yourself American? Why or why not?

9. In what ways do you consider yourself Korean? Why or why not?

10. Do you consider yourself Korean-American?

11. How do you celebrate about the Fourth of July?

12. How do you feel about celebrating Chusok or Solnal?

13. Have you ever worn the hanbok? What occasions? How did it make you feel?

Purpose of Questions

The first broad group of questions intends to elicit biographical information in an effort to better understand who the interviewees are in general. Many of the questions are

33 very straightforward in this section. The purpose of the questions can be related in broad terms, back to specific research questions. This is not to say that the questions are answered by any means, just that the questions’ development may have been a result of questions that arose in the research question section.

1. How old are you, year in university, major, place of birth, and number of years in U.S. if not born here? The very first question of the interview establishes a starting point with basic biographical information such as age, place of birth, and major field of study. A prompt here might be “Are there many Koreans where you grew up?”

Often, students offered information on their future plans here if the major chosen was intended to lead to professional studies such as medical school or dental school, as was the case with several interviewees.

2. Where does your family live? How many siblings? How often do you visit?

Do you have extended family here in America? Where? Do you have family in

Korea? Where? This next set of questions served to elicit basic family structure information as well as information regarding extended family in the United States and

Korea. These questions provided an opportunity to elicit information regarding family ties to ethnic enclaves in the United States. Many students are aware of cities with large concentrations of Koreans. This question also elicited information on level of familiarity with Korean cities. Students may or may not know the exact Korean hometown of their parents. Prompts here were related to the above statements.

3. What languages do you speak? What languages do your parents speak?

What language in home? In what situations do you speak your secondary languages? Question set three focuses on language, an integral part of the construction

of identity. These questions might have been added to the identity section, but

knowledge of language ability is useful throughout the interview process. This question

naturally elicited enthusiastic responses regarding language ability, and language pride,

as well as parents’ abilities in English.

4. What are your parents’ occupations? This question, while simple, is an important part of establishing the background for this research. As Hurh (1998) mentioned, many Korean-Americans run small businesses. Follow-up questions included

“Do many of your Korean-American friends’ parents run small businesses?” and sometimes “What is the last level of education completed by your parents—in Korea or the United States?”

5. What religion are you? This question became moot as the second round of interviewees were eventually approached through the Korean church, by snowball sample method. All students were practicing Christians of many denominations.

6. Have you been to Korea? When? What did you do there? How long did you stay? Who did you see? Where did you go? Did you celebrate any special occasion there? The purpose of this line of questioning was to gauge familiarity with the ethnic home country. If an interviewee had never been to Korea, the question could be rephrased as “Would you like to go and why?” As well, because many students may have visited as small children, the question “Would you like to go back for a visit or to live for a short time?” was added.

7. With whom did you live in college? Have you lived with Koreans/non-

Koreans? How? This question was useful in that it provided insight into Korean-

American students’ home life, where much media use takes place.

8. How would you describe your friends? Racial/ethnic categories? Who is in your close circle of friends? The purpose of this question set was to establish the ethnicity of the students’ closest friends. Also of great interest is the response to the prompt “Has this circle changed since arriving at university?” if the students hadn’t already pointed out a change.

9. What are your views on dating? Are you in a relationship? Racial/ethnic background of person? Have you dated a Korean/non-Korean? Would you? Why or why not? What about marriage? How does that differ from your parents’ views?

As a means of eliciting valuable information on ingroup versus outgroup dating and marriage, this question set was quite useful. The question “How does that differ from your parents’ views?” was added to compare second-generation attitudes to the attitudes of the immigrant parents. The question was used as a prompt in earlier interviews, before this final set of questions was developed.

The second broad set of questions relates to media use. The purpose of this group of questions and the style used is to elicit the genuine feelings of the students with respect to the kind of media they use. An express effort was made to make the students feel comfortable in answering the questions and to not feel embarrassed if they didn’t always keep up with the news. Often with these questions, it had to be reiterated that news could include hard news, and entertainment news as well as sports news. The students sometimes thought news meant only hard news.

1. How do you feel about keeping up with the news? What are your sources?

The purpose of these questions was to find out how the students feel about keeping up with the news. If students answered that they don’t keep up very much, follow up

questions were used such as “If you do find out about news, what are your sources?” It

is here that it may be pointed out the inclusion of sports and entertainment news as

relevant.

2. How does your family keep up with the news? Their sources? As a

continuation of the above set of questions regarding feelings on keeping up with the

news, this question broached the topic of what students’ families use. If the students

don’t distinguish between siblings’ sources and parents’ sources, prompts may have been

added. This question often naturally elicited dialogue regarding the differences in media

use between the second generation and their immigrant parents. It refers back to the

research sub-question number six.

3. How do your friends keep up with the news? Their sources? This question set was related to the above questions, but it focuses on the media used by the student’s peers. It is particularly relevant if the student’s closest circle of friends is Korean-

American as well, even more so if the friends are also roommates.

4. How do you feel about keeping up with news about Korea? Sources? The questions shift here to focus on media use related to Korea. If the students felt they knew little regarding hard news on Korea, they were reminded that entertainment news is indeed relevant. Often, this reminder elicited a more enthusiastic response to the question. This sub-question refers to sub-research question number seven.

5. How does your family feel about keeping up with news about Korea?

Sources? Again, the respondents focused mainly on their parents when considering this question set. If differences existed between the second generation and the immigrant parents, they may have come out here.

6. How do your friends keep up with news about Korea? Sources? Similar to question two above, this question set may have elicited a response in which the student talked about how his or her peers keep up with news about Korea. Follow up questions may have included asking about placing oneself as more or less informed than one’s peers.

7. How do you feel about watching TV? Which programs? With whom?

Why? Do you take special notice of Koreans you encounter in the media? How does it make you feel to see Koreans in the media? This small set of related questions was designed to draw out responses that speak to the very crux of this research. Through feelings on TV viewing and reactions to Koreans in the media, researchers can better understand what is in the hearts of the second-generation Korean-Americans as media consumers. The question regarding how they feel seeing Koreans in the media is of particular interest here.

8. How often do you watch movies? Which ones? Where? (Theatre, DVDs, videos) With whom? What type? Why? Do you watch Korean videos? As a general question, movie watching is relevant as it leads to follow ups such as “Do you recognize

Koreans in movies?” and “Can you name a Korean-American actor?” A lively discussion might arise from the final question on Korean videos. Often used as a prompt, the question “Do your parents watch Korean videos?” elicited distinct responses.

9. How do feel about using the Internet? For what purposes? Visit certain web sites? What types are bookmarked? Korean web sites? American web sites?

Questions in reference to the Internet were intended to bring out responses and feelings toward the newest media realm. Also, an effort to compare American and Korean web

38 sites the students may have book marked or visited regularly helped pinpoint in what situations they seek ethnic media versus U.S. media.

10. How often do you read Korean newspapers? Where do you get them? Do your parents subscribe to Korean newspapers? Korean newspapers are a staple of

Korean ethnic media. If the students answer that they don’t read them, or read them online, the prompt, “Do your parents subscribe . . .?”or “Are you familiar with Korean newspapers?” was introduced. This question refers to sub-research question number three.

The third and final group of questions was designed to elicited valuable information on identity, particularly ethnic identity. Because ethnic identity is integral to this research, this set of questions is placed last in an effort to integrate the sections,

(biographical information, media use, and identity) of the research together.

The intent of the last set of questions follows the point made by Gudykunst (2001) with regard to maintenance of culture. “The extent to which ethnicity influences Asian

Americans’ communication also is a function of the extent to which they maintain the cultural practices of the cultures to which they trace their heritage” (Gudykunst, 2001, p.

8).

1. How do you feel about talking about the news with your friends? What kinds of things do you talk about? 2. How often do you talk about Korean news with your friends? What issues come up? 3. How do you feel about talking about news (American and/or Korean) with your family? What kind of news events do you discuss? These three sets of questions are designed to help set up the base for later questions on identity. These are general questions on feelings towards news and the

39 discussion of news with friends and family. Patterns of differences or similarities may emerge which are useful to this research. This group of questions refers to the sub- research question number four.

4. What are your feelings on American coverage of Korean or Korean-

American issues? Is it adequate? Representative? These particular questions ask the students to discuss their feelings on American coverage of Korean or Korean-American issues. Patterns of significant relevance to the students’ understanding of their world may emerge here.

5. What are your views on the representations of Koreans in American TV programming? What do you think of All-American Girl? Gilmore Girls? The intent of this group of questions is to better understand the perceptions of second-generation

Korean-Americans as they see other Korean-Americans or Koreans represented on

American television. The reference to the sitcom All-American Girl with comedienne

Margaret Cho, a second generation Korean-American, as the lead character was used as a prompt if the students didn’t bring it up on their own. A show that is currently on air,

Gilmore Girls, has the lead’s best friend as a second generation Korean-American. Here the topic of stereotyping may arise naturally, or be prompted in the form of a question such as, “Did the family on All-American Girl seem Korean to you?”

6. What do you think of the representation of Koreans in movies? Why?

What do you think of the representation of Koreans in Korean movies? Similar to the questions above, question set 6 is intended to elicit responses to Koreans in movies.

Prompts may include asking the students to name movies in which Koreans are represented or in which a Korean actor may have portrayed a member of another ethnic

group. For example, Korean-American actor Rick Yoon portrayed a Japanese man in the

movie Snow Falling on Cedars. Incidentally, Yoon also portrayed a Korean gang-pae

(gang member type) in the recent movie The Fast and the Furious.

7. What identity do you consider yourself? It was hoped that this question would

elicit responses related to how the Korean-Americans viewed themselves, though the

concept of identity may not have been perfectly clear to the young adult students. If there

was confusion with nationality and citizenship, the interviewer tried to clarify by using

prompts.

8. In what ways do you consider yourself American? Why or why not? This set of questions asked the students to think about how they are American. What makes them American? Prompts such as “Is it the way you think?” at times were needed. This prompt developed as a result of answers volunteered by interviewees.

9. In what ways do you consider yourself Korean? Why or why not? In the same vein as question set 8, this question asked the students to relate their feelings on what makes them Korean. The familiarity with question set 8 also allowed this question to be answered more naturally, with fewer prompts.

10. Do you consider yourself Korean-American? As a wrap-up of the direct questions on identity, question 10 served to elicit dialogue about the students’ feelings on hyphenated identity. As this is a central issue in this research, the responses were very important. Follow-ups to this questions included, “What does it mean to be Korean-

American?” or “How do you feel about that?”

11. How do you celebrate about the Fourth of July? Related to identity and perceptions of self is the celebration of holidays. It was thus important to ask the students how they celebrate this most patriotic American holiday.

12. How do you feel about celebrating Chusok and Solnal? Similar to question

11, this question asked the students to relate their feelings on the celebration of two of the most important Korean holidays. Chusok is the harvest moon celebration, similar to

Thanksgiving. Solnal is the Lunar New Year.

13. Have you ever worn the hanbok? What occasions? How did it make you feel? The hanbok is the Korean traditional costume often worn on a variety of special occasions. Feelings related to the hanbok, such as pride in the beauty of a unique traditional costume, and the special occasions where one would wear the hanbok

(birthdays, Chusok, Solnal, and ancestor worship ceremonies) were elicited. The hanbok is an important cultural symbol to Korean-Americans with regard to the practice of

Korean traditions and culture in America.

CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS

The participants of the study included 10 students between 18 and 22 years old.

Two rounds of interviews brought the total of interviewees to ten. Four participants were interviewed in March of 2001. Six more participants were interviewed in February of

2002. Half of the students were female, and half were male, though the gender breakdown was not purposefully planned. The students’ major fields of study include nutrition and pre-dentistry, dietetics, microbiology, materials and chemical engineering, computer engineering, public relations, and journalism.

The interviews lasted approximately one hour and were tape recorded on a standard audio microcassette recorder. The researcher transcribed the interviews personally.

While transcribing, an express effort was made to preserve the natural style of speech.

Pauses, Korean-language interjections, unfinished sentences, and incorrect grammar were all transcribed. The interviews were then open coded.

Overall, the Korean-American students use Korean ethnic media to access entertainment news, Korean videos, and music. Hard news tended to come from the parents of the students through Korean ethnic media such as newspapers and Internet sources. The interviewees hardly picked up Korean newspapers unless to practice

Korean. Korean ethnic media and South Korean web sites as sources for news were reserved for entertainment news, not hard news. All students were aware of the

42 43 availability of ethnic media online. Some helped their parents access Korean web sites, but didn’t feel inclined to seek out their sources on their own.

This chapter is split into two sections. The first is the portraits section, in which the interviewees’ own words express their thoughts and feelings. In the second section, the themes that emerged during the interviews are discussed.

Portraits

As a means to fully comprehend what is in the hearts and minds of this group of second generation Korean-Americans, it is useful to present excerpts from the interviews instead of only the researcher describing the outcome. The interviewees’ own words illustrate some of the themes that were revealed throughout the interview process.

The real names of the students were changed in an effort to conceal identities.

Also, the hometowns of the participants were changed. Major identifying information was changed, and the participants were made aware at the beginning of the interviews that these changes would be made. In transcribing the interviews, ellipses are used to show unfinished sentences, pauses, and the natural style of speaking. Laughter is noted in parenthesis. Translations of Korean words and phrases appear in brackets. Korean words interjected into English sentences have been italicized.

Jin

Jin is a 20-year-old female senior with a major in nutrition and pre-dentistry. She grew up in various cities in South Florida. Both her parents are originally from South

Korea. Jin speaks English fluently and has a very good knowledge of the Korean language. She speaks Korean particularly to her mother, who didn’t learn to speak

English very well. She has been to Korean once, when she spent her eighth grade

44 summer at a violin institute. She also traveled around and saw the cultural sites of the country.

I asked Jin a question regarding media use, particularly if she had watched the sitcom All-American Girl starring Korean-American comedienne Margaret Cho.

INTERVIEWER: What are your feelings about All-American Girl? JIN: I didn’t hate it. I can appreciate the humor at face value. I’m not much to take things to heart easily. There were a lot of things that I felt we could have done without especially being Asians. But I also understand. Getting a job in the States, especially in acting—you have to kind of play to society, play to who’s watching. INTERVIEWER: Did you think she was very Korean? Did it represents things Korean or not exactly? JIN: I think a lot of those were stereotypes—and a lot of stereotypes that I did encounter growing up and that I know exist were reflected in the show. I think more than try to represent a real Asian Korean culture and a family it was a comedy. It wanted to make people laugh and you weren’t going to do that showing the real Korean way of life. It was going have to be. Had to have some humor in there. A lot of that does come from a lot of stereotypes that people have about Asians and Asian culture. In a lot of ways I thought that it was kind of cool that they spoke Korean . . . broken, weird Korean. But it was like “Wow I understood that”. But at the same time there were times where I didn’t agree with where the show was going. I didn’t agree with the themes that they portrayed and the themes that they kind of almost were subliminally telling other people. Not all Asians . . . stereotypes are just those . . . stereotypes. I don’t think that she was Korean made a difference to people who don’t know the difference. Korean is not the first thing that people think of. When I was growing up it was like, “Oh are you Chinese, Japanese”? What are you? Korean isn’t that big, especially when I was younger not that recognized of a country. I think in the show they did say they were a Korean family, community but their facts were not straight. They were Korean but sometimes when they spoke it wasn’t Korean, or things they talked about were from other Asian cultures. In a lot of ways I don’t think they did enough research to be able to put it in the show, representing Korean society, a Korean family.

I also asked Jin about watching Korean movies, at which point she introduces the topic of Korean dramas.

INTERVIEWER: Have you seen a lot of Korean movies? JIN: I used to watch a lot of Korean dramas when I was with my parents back home INTERVIEWER: Where did you get those? JIN: At a Korean market, there wasn’t one in [name of city]. But there are two or three in [name of city] . . . [name of city] area. We’d go down there and pick up a couple, or actually about 20.

INTERVIEWER: What’s one that you remember watching? Did you ever see Pyol-Un Nae Kasum-Eh? JIN: Yeah, . . . I used to have the biggest crush on Ahn Jae-Wook. I like them more than American dramas. Sometimes I don’t think they’re highly appropriate for watching with . . . especially younger people. I think Korean movies and dramas were—I don’t know more now—were more conservative. Kiss on the cheek or turn the camera away. It was more comfortable to watch because you didn’t feel uncomfortable during sexual scenes. INTERVIEWER: Would you watch them with your parents? JIN: Yes, my mom, actually. My Mom and I would stay up all night watching Korean dramas. Depending on what it was my dad would watch. It was more my Mom.

I asked Jin about using the Internet to access Korean web sites in either Korean or

English, which brought us around to the topic of Korean enclave communities and her connection to them.

INTERVIEWER: Have you ever checked out the Korean websites, in Korean language or in English? JIN: I have . . . my father kind of asks me about Korean newspapers if there’s a way to access them on the Internet, and I knew there was. I tried to look up Korean news sites. INTERVIEWER: In Korean or in English? JIN: In Korean. I have looked before looked up Korean . . . celebrity sites or . . . sites on Korean songs. More than myself, my brother and my sister. My brother now, he’s really starting to appreciate Korean heritage, he’s really into the Korean culture now. He more so than myself does go on to the Korean sites, and he’s really into music. So he’s always canvassing Korean music sites. INTERVIEWER: Is it hard to get Korean music here? Do you have to order it online, or do you get Korean music here? JIN: Online. My brother he usually gets it on the Internet. We also have family in New York, and New York has a larger Korean community than we do in Florida. INTERVIEWER: Are they in Korea town, or in Flushing? JIN: I have family in Flushing, and I have family in Manhattan. Where Manhattan has this whole—32nd street—Korean stores and restaurants.

Jin enjoys watching American movies with her friends. She noted that her circle of friends changed dramatically upon her arrival at the University of Florida. In her hometown, there was only one other full Korean and one half Korean in her grade. The majority of her friends are now Korean.

I asked Jin what she considered herself.

JIN: Hmmm . . . I value my heritage and as much as it was hard growing up being Korean, being different in general, I consider myself exactly that—Korean-American. INTERVIEWER: Not Korean? Not American? JIN: In a lot of ways that’s a bad point, sometimes I don’t feel like I belong to either society. If I were to go to Korean again, I wouldn’t totally fit in. They’d consider me different. I look fully Korean and here they consider me Korean because you’re fully Korean. You don’t look like Caucasian or African-American people here. But when I go to Korea, because I do look Korean but the fact that I can speak English, puts me at a different level and they immediately know I’m American. INTERVIEWER: Does that make you uncomfortable? JIN: More when I was younger, everything just seems so much harder when you’re younger. The littlest thing is the biggest thing. The older I get the more I can appreciate that . . . the value. I like who I am. The fact that I’m not totally Korean or American, I get the best out of both.

Jong

Jong is a 20-year-old third-year materials engineering student who is also pre-med.

He was born in the United States and grew up in central Florida. His parents are both from South Korea, though much of his extended family lives in various parts of the

United States. He speaks English and Korean at home. His parents speak accented

English as well as Korean. Jong has been to Korea many times, most recently a few years ago for a month-long culture and language program at a university in Seoul.

Jong had much to say on the value of his month-long trip to Korea.

INTERVIEWER: Have you ever been to Korea? JONG: Oh yeah, many times. In fact I just went there recently, about two summers ago, for a program, for Samuk Dae Hak Yo. INTERVIEWER: Language program? JONG: Basically yeah, just like learning Korean culture, Korean literature, art, stuff like that. INTERVIEWER: At which university? JONG: Samuk Dae Hak Yo in Seoul. INTERVIEWER: And how long did you stay? JONG: The most I stayed over there was probably about four weeks. Yeah, that’s the longest I’ve stayed. And just staying there you just start getting influenced, start getting into the Korean lit . . . culture, you know, it’s pretty amazing. Pretty much I think it boosted my vocabulary in Korean and my slang. INTERVIEWER: So what did you see there, where did you go when you visited?

JONG: Oh, basically we saw a lot of things. We saw historical sites, went to the museums, KBS studios, all sorts of things, all around.

I asked Jong about keeping up with news about Korea.

INTERVIEWER: How do you keep up with news about Korea? JONG: Basically my mom and Dad basically tell me what’s going on in Korea. How it’s going . . . sometimes my friends also. Friends will tell me “Hey . . . something’s going on in Korea”. INTERVIEWER: Have you checked online? Websites for Korean newspapers in English language or. . . . JONG: No, not necessarily, not really. I know friends that do that but not me for sure. INTERVIEWER: How does your family keep up with news about Korea? How do your Mom and Dad find out about ? . . . JONG: Definitely the Internet. Yeah, they have Korean translations and have a program that translates it into Korean font. So they actually read from there.

I asked Jong in what situations he finds himself speaking his secondary language.

JONG: Basically, there’s some Korean people who don’t know how to speak English too well, so you have to somehow communicate with them . . . very strong points, so I try speaking to them in Korean obviously, so . . . basically to communicate with Korean people. INTERVIEWER: Like for example . . . Korean restaurants, friends of your mom’s, or Koreans you meet here, or all those? JONG: You always have to speak, like to Korean elders obviously, that’s the primary thing.

Jong considers himself Korean-American, but noted that his mother emphasizes that he must not forget his Korean roots.

Sam

Sam is a 23-year-old graduate of the University of Florida. When this interview was conducted, Sam was a senior majoring in microbiology. Since then he was graduated and he has been accepted to a professional school. He is from a city in northern Florida.

His parents are originally from Seoul and Cheju Island in South Korea. He speaks

English fluently and “elementary” Korean. Despite his mother’s superior ability in

English, she still speaks Korean to him at home, while his father speaks English to him.

Sam related the interesting story of his parents’ marriage and arrival in the United

States. He remarks at the end of this that his parents trust his judgment and wouldn’t

arrange a marriage for him.

INTERVIEWER: When did they come to the United States? SAM: My dad came when he was twenty-two. No, twenty-five. I’m not really sure. But he was pretty young. He tells me a story about that . . . It’s really amazing what he did. But my Mom . . . It was an arranged marriage with my dad. INTERVIEWER: Really? SAM: Yeah, basically my dad got a picture in the mail saying “Here’s your wife”. My dad was like “OK send her on over.” (Laughs). They had the wedding without my dad in Korea. Then she came over. INTERVIEWER: So he wasn’t present at the wedding? SAM: My grandfather took the place of my dad. INTERVIEWER: Interesting. SAM: Then my Mom came in seventy-four. INTERVIEWER: And they’re still together. SAM: Of course, it’s amazing. That’s why it gives me faith in arranged marriages. (Laughter).

Sam speaks candidly when asked about his views and his parents’ views on dating and marriage.

INTERVIEWER: What are your views on dating? SAM: Actually I . . . didn’t want to date in college. My parents didn’t want me to date in college. I try to honor their wishes and finish school. They said I can do whatever I want in professional or graduate school. INTERVIEWER: What about general love interests? SAM: I’ve always been attracted to Korean girls and Caucasian girls. It was more Caucasian is high school. It’s who you’re around more. It’s a change in college. INTERVIEWER: How about marriage? SAM: They’re pretty insistent on marrying Korean, but they know that things can happen. I think . . . if I were to come home and introduce them to a Caucasian girl. They would be hesitant, of course. I’m sure if her family was OK. They’re very interested in not the girl only but the family. Stable background, Christian. I’m sure it would be OK.

I asked Sam about watching Korean videos and he pointed out his mother’s reasoning for their importance to his Korean skills.

SAM: My Mom wants me to watch it with her. The dramas. She wants me to watch them to learn Korean. That’s her big pitch. They’re melodramatic. Somebody dies at the end. It’s all the same recipe. They’re always conflict. Our soap operas here are over the top too.

When asked about Korean web sites that pertain to Korea, Sam said he visited music sites mostly. I then asked if he had any Korean web sites bookmarked.

INTERVIEWER: What types of sites do you have bookmarked? SAM: Search engines, mainstream stuff, mags and stuff. INTERVIEWER: Any Korean sites book marked? SAM: Well just MBC, KBS like that. Major news sites. INTERVIEWER: They’re news-oriented. Do they also provide entertainment news? SAM: Yeah, they provide everything. INTERVIEWER: How often do you read Korean newspapers? Your parents get three or four. How often do you read those? SAM: I look at them . . . if there is something that piques my interest, I’ll try to read it but my reading is not that good. I can read it and pronounce all the syllables but I can’t . . . I just don’t know what the words mean. I need a dictionary. It’s my vocabulary. If I could expand my vocabulary I’d be fine.

I then asked Sam about his identity.

INTERVIEWER: What identity do you consider yourself? SAM: Korean-American INTERVIEWER: Do you consider yourself American? SAM: Well I am an American . . . citizen. I’ll pay taxes and all that, but in my heart I’ll try to be Korean as much as possible.

Sue

Sue is a 20-year-old public relations major. She was born in a major Midwest

American city and moved to central Florida when she was four. Her father and mother are both originally from South Korea. Her father’s entire extended family still resides in

Korea, but her mother’s family is spread throughout the United States and Canada. Her grandparents live in Vancouver, Canada. Sue is involved with the Korean Undergraduate

Student Association.

Sue speaks English and some Korean but stresses that her Korean skills aren’t as advanced as she would like them to be. I asked about her feelings on Korean language.

INTERVIEWER: What do you think about the fact that your Korean level is not as high as you would like it to be? SUE: It bothers me a lot. I never . . . when I was growing up we had to go to Korean school on Saturdays once a week and I never saw the point of it when I was young. My mom and dad always told me that “there would come a day when you’re going to kick yourself in the butt because you didn’t learn and you can’t speak”. And I do really struggle with that now. As I get older and older I just lose more and more. I used to speak fluently until second grade. I mean I see videos now and I don’t even know what I was saying. It bothers me a lot. And especially now that I’m getting older that’s why I really want to go to Korea.

I asked Sue about her feelings on higher education and the common belief within the Korean community that there is an emphasis on education.

INTERVIEWER: Nice. How about school? SUE: I pretty much knew I was going to come here. I was in a special program. Everything was paid for. INTERVIEWER: Did you get a full ride? SUE: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Did your family help you go in that direction, a focus on studies? SUE: My family is very unusual compared to most traditional Korean families. My mom and dad are not the kind of parents that really push. They’re not like “Oh my God you have to be a doctor” and really push you. They’re very supportive. They’re very trusting so it was more like, the way they raised us they always expected the best—that we would give our best—but if you didn’t, as long as you tried your best, it was OK. If you didn’t bring home the A’s they wouldn’t yell at you or get mad or ground you for two months. In my family it’s very much expected that you keep up your grades. INTERVIEWER: So there is a focus on education? SUE: There is a focus on education but it’s not . . . I don’t think it’s as bad as my other friends’ . . . parents. INTERVIEWER: Do you have other friends who have very ? . . . SUE: Oh yeah. If you don’t go to Ivy League you’re going to die, if you don’t become a doctor it’s the end of the world. It’s not that bad but. . . .

I asked Sue about watching Korean videos.

INTERVIEWER: How about Korean movies or Korean dramas? Do you ever rent videos? SUE: Yeah, usually with my Mom when I go back home on weekends. You watch them and it gets addicting. I watch them pretty often. A couple of times a month. Even

51 sometimes the girls will get together here and rent a video. I’m always the one who says “Wait what is she saying, I didn’t catch that word”.

I probed about Sue’s feelings on the sitcom All-American Girl. She had a lot to say on the subject.

INTERVIEWER: How about All-American Girl? SUE: Oh . . . Gosh. My friends, when that show I was on TV . . . I was really excited. I watched from the very first episode until it got canceled. I really liked it . . . a lot of it. I mean I could kind of relate with some of the story lines. My friends used to tease me that was my family. They said my grandmother was crazy like that. Her grandmother was real kooky in the show. I liked it. INTERVIEWER: Did you think it was very representative of real Korean life or did they sort of create . . . that it was not totally realistic? SUE: I can see where they would get the story line. They’re trying to make you laugh. They’re trying to make you watch. It wasn’t really too far off I felt. But you know some of it was kind of weird. I thought it was kind of strange that only Margaret Cho was Korean. So a lot of it was a little off. I thought. The actors were all different Asian nationalities. I thought maybe they should have tried to find some more Korean people. INTERVIEWER: Did they speak Korean sometimes? SUE: It was horrible. It didn’t sound Korean at all. It was like half Korean I remember. You couldn’t even understand it. Even Margaret Cho, her Korean was bad. It was like, “I don’t even speak that well but I don’t even understand what she said”. I could tell they were trying to get that Asian American family atmosphere. It was OK. I was sad when it was canceled. I did enjoy it. My friends used to call me All-American Girl all the time, every chance they got. INTERVIEWER: Was that Korean friends telling you that? SUE: No, no, other friends. Korean friends don’t say that. INTERVIEWER: People thought you looked like Margaret Cho ?. . . SUE: They would say I looked like her. People constantly calling me Margaret Cho. I’d be like “Please don’t call me that. It’s not cool”. I guess that’s because she was the only Korean-American girl on TV and we kind of resemble each other, not really but. . . .

I asked Sue to discuss her feelings on her identity. She was very forthcoming.

INTERVIEWER: What about your identity, what do you consider yourself? What do you call yourself? SUE: I call myself Korean-American. Always, I can’t separate those two. INTERVIEWER: What does that mean? That you can’t separate those two? SUE: It means I look Korean, but I’m American. (Laughter). Honestly, I look Korean, but I am American. Not all American, definitely I love my culture, and I really love things that are Korean, and Korean food, and all that stuff. I’m proud to be an American, but also, I’m very proud of Korean too. I think it allows me a lot of different ways of thinking, with the traditional Korean, like very conservative values, but also the American freedom and ways to express yourself, and . . . I guess my relatives in Korea

52 came over Christmas break. They were like—it was so funny because I’ve never met them—and they were like “You’re American. There’s nothing about you that’s Korean except the way you look, but you are American”. I didn’t know how to take that you know, I really didn’t because I’ve never heard that from another Korean person.

The second round of interviews was conducted early in the spring semester of

2002. The instrument was essentially the same but some questions were developed further. Most of the questions that did not appear in the first interview in written form were themes that arose naturally during the course of the interview. It is for this reason that the interviews can be compared.

Jenny

Jenny is an 18-year-old freshman majoring in pre-pharmacy. She was born in

South Florida and her family still resides there. Jenny has extended family in other parts of Florida, Georgia, and Texas, but her parents are originally from South Korea. Jenny is fluent in English and can hold conversations in both Korean and Spanish, though at home she would speak Korean. Like many of the participants, her friends are mostly Korean-

American at college, which is a significant change from prior to college, when her friends were more diverse. Jenny has not been to Korea but would like to go.

When I asked Jenny about her experience in Korean school, she had this to say:

INTERVIEWER: And you did go to Korean school? JENNY: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: For a couple of years? JENNY: Since I was probably like, five, until I was eight. INTERVIEWER: Can you explain what Korean school is? JENNY: It’s basically our church holding schools on Saturday. It’s a few hours Saturday morning where you have school. It’s just Korean language. No math or anything. All Korean language—grammar and conversations. And then we had Korean traditional, like, activities that Korean people would do. You know, what’s it called, that paintbrush and writing it in Korean and origami. INTERVIEWER: Fan dancing? JENNY: Yeah and Tae Kwon Do . . . and hanbok. We learned traditions like how to . . . bow and stuff.

Jenny also discussed her religion. She considers herself a Christian and has attended many denominations of protestant Christian churches. The link that ties these churches together is that they are all Korean-American churches.

JENNY: I’m Christian. INTERVIEWER: Presbyterian? Or . . . all denominations? JENNY: I don’t know. Non-denominational probably. I was born and grew up in a Baptist church. I was baptized, but I moved around so much that I’ve been to Presbyterian churches, Pentecostal churches, Baptist. INTERVIEWER: But they’re all Korean churches? JENNY: It varies . . . the location I live in. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Explain . . . . JENNY: Living in Miami I was mostly friends with white kids, white and black kids. Uhm . . . during middle school it was predominantly white kids because it was in Boca where it’s 90 % Jewish people. But I’ve always gone to Korean churches. But I was never involved with them until I got older. INTERVIEWER: Church friends? JENNY: I had my church friends, school friends, regular friends. Until about high school, my second year of high school, that’s when I started to hang around with Asian people at school. INTERVIEWER: Did you switch high school at that time? JENNY: No, no, no. No, well actually it was my freshman year in high school. Because my freshman year is when I came from, when I moved from Boca to Hollywood, where Boca was all white people and Hollywood was more of a melting pot. So my high school was predominantly white and black. There weren’t many Asians but when I came to high school I started hanging out with Asian people. INTERVIEWER: Asians meaning . . . Chinese, Korean, Japanese? JENNY: Mostly South Asians, Vietnamese. INTERVIEWER: Vietnamese. JENNY: There were a lot of Vietnamese in my school and stuff. Because I had a cousin there that went to that high school and you know. I just come from a transition from middle school to high school and from a new location so I stuck with her and she had mostly Asian friends. That’s when I started hanging out with Asian people. And then I went to Korean churches with youth groups. And you know when you’re in that age that’s when you start hanging out with people. So going to the Korean churches I got more involved in the youth group. So most of my friends are probably Korean by now. INTERVIEWER: So do you think that here in Gainesville your closest circle of friends is Korean? JENNY: . . . is Korean. Only because I made most of my friends through the Korean church. So it’s mostly Korean people.

When discussing encountering Asians in media, Jenny spoke candidly of her feelings on the subject.

INTERVIEWER: Do you take special notice of Koreans when you encounter them in the media? JENNY: Yeah I do. Like when I see Asian people on TV I always point it out, Like “Oh my gosh that’s an Asian girl!” You know. And then I try to figure out what are they. INTERVIEWER: If they may or may not be Korean? JENNY: Yeah. I think it’s for all Asian people because I grew up in such a . . . Asian minority environment that coming here and seeing so may Asian people is really. . . . INTERVIEWER: In Gainesville? JENNY: Yeah. It’s weird to me. I always look at every single Asian. It’s kind of annoying . . . because they’re like everywhere. But I take notice to Asian people and try to figure out what they are. I don’t even do it consciously. INTERVIEWER: How do you feel when you do recognize someone that is specifically Korean? JENNY: That is Korean? INTERVIEWER: Yeah if you go . . . “Oh that guy is definitively Korean” on that TV show? Or they may even explicitly say on the show that they are Korean, how does that make you feel? JENNY: I guess a little proud because there is no other feeling. It’s like “Oh, hey there’s a Korean guy”.

I asked Jenny specifically about a primetime network TV show that has a Korean character.

INTERVIEWER: Have you seen Gilmore Girls? JENNY: Oh yeah, there’s a Korean girl in it. INTERVIEWER: What do you think of her? JENNY: She’s a good stereotype—the quiet, nerdy, smart, Korean girl. INTERVIEWER: What about the mother? JENNY: I don’t really watch the show so I don’t know about the mother. But she’s pretty cool but she has negative feelings about her own country. One summer went to Korean and was like “Save me I’m in hell. I survived it.” I didn’t like that. INTERVIEWER: Do you think that there are some Korean-Americans who feel that way? JENNY: There’s a lot, of course. But you shouldn’t show that on TV.

Joon

Eighteen-year-old Joon is a sibling to an interviewee from the first round. (I didn’t discourage sibling participation as I felt it could reveal much about individual choice in

55 media use). Joon was born in South Florida and has two sisters. He has extended family in other parts of Florida. He considers his Korean level to be average among his friends.

He speaks mostly English at home, but his parents speak Korean to him. Joon doesn’t consider his closest circle of friends to be Korean-American only.

I asked Joon about language at home.

INTERVIEWER: In what situations to you speak your second language? What times in your life do you find yourself speaking Korean? JOON: Mostly toward other Korean adults that I just met at that time. I’ll speak to them in a more respectful manner. Mostly to Korean adults I’ll speak Korean. INTERVIEWER: What about Koreans your age or around your age? Mostly English? JOON: Korean-Americans I’ll speak English, but sometimes if the person is from Korea, like just immigrated recently I’ll try to speak a little Korean. INTERVIEWER: Do you throw in Korean words into sentences? JOON: Yeah at times. It kind of pops out.

I asked Joon about keeping up with the news, for him personally as well as for his family.

INTERVIEWER: I see. How do you feel about the news? JOON: In general? INTERVIEWER: Do you think it’s important to keep up to date? Do you try to keep up to date with the news? Do you have time? JOON: I think it’s definitely important to keep up but I kind of . . . in and out. Sometimes I’ll pay more attention and other times I won’t. INTERVIEWER: When you do pay attention, what kind of sources do you use? JOON: I’ll watch local news and I don’t watch CNN constantly or anything like that. I’ll watch local news, local happenings—and all that. INTERVIEWER: Newspapers? JOON: Yeah, up here they have The Alligator so I’ll read that in the morning. INTERVIEWER: I see. How does your family keep up with the news? JOON: I don’t know about my sisters, but my parents, they try to watch the news especially now since they’ve got Korean television in the house. INTERVIEWER: Satellite? JOON: Yeah satellite. So they’re watching Korean news all the time. Seeing what’s happening over there. INTERVIEWER: Do you know what they watch? MBC, KBS, SBS? JOON: The satellite they have is only one channel that’s mixed. I think it’s . . . I’m not sure.

When I asked about keeping up with the news about Korea, Joon had this to say:

INTERVIEWER: Family members. That’s a good point. That you do get your news from other people and you still consider it news. How do you feel about keeping up with the news about Korea personally? JOON: Personally? I’m not really interested in what’s happening over there. The major events I’ll tune into but weather-wise. I’ll know they have bad weather at certain times, but I’m not really . . . . INTERVIEWER: If you are seeking out Korean news, what kind of sources do you use for that? JOON: Usually I’ll just go on the Internet. Korean web sites or something like that. INTERVIEWER: Korean language or English? JOON: Korean language. INTERVIEWER: Maybe your Korean is pretty good. JOON: (laughter) Personally I just find Korean music and Korean sports. I just pay attention to some of that. INTERVIEWER: That’s good. JOON: Especially Korean music. If the news comes put in the entertainment world over there I’ll probably find out about it.

I asked Joon about noticing Koreans in the media.

INTERVIEWER: Do you take special notice of Koreans when you encounter them in the media? JOON: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: For example if you see someone on TV and you recognize their features as Korean. “Hey I think that guy’s Korean” or they’re speaking Korean but they don’t identify the person as Korea. Do you recognize that immediately? JOON: I’ll try to . . . even when I’m watching with other Korean friends. We’ll say “Oh yeah, he looks Korean” or “ Did you hear? They’re speaking Korean”. INTERVIEWER: How does that make you feel when you see that? JOON: You get a little excited. Like, “Oh we’re getting a bit of exposure here”.

I didn’t even need to ask Joon about Margaret Cho. He brought her up on his own.

JOON: The first person, Korean, I saw on TV was Margaret Cho. She’s a comedienne. INTERVIEWER: What did you think of All-American Girl? JOON: I started watching because she was Korean. Korean-American. INTERVIEWER: Do you think it was a good representation of Korean life or not so accurate? JOON: I think it was skewed. INTERVIEWER: You think it was skewed. . . . JOON: Yeah I think there are aspects that were kind of redone so it would be marketable to the American audience.

On the issue of identity, Joon spoke of his thoughts.

INTERVIEWER: What identity do you consider yourself? JOON: Nationality? INTERVIEWER: No, because you’d automatically be American. You’re an American citizen. If someone says “What are you?” JOON: I’ll usually say I’m Korean first off. Korean-American basically. INTERVIEWER: So do you consider yourself American? Do you consider yourself Korean? JOON: I think it’s a dual relationship. When I was younger I was like “Oh yeah I’m American. I was born here.” As you grow up you develop more of a . . . pride I guess you could say.

Erica

Erica is 18 years old. She is a freshman, majoring in dietetics. She was born in

Hamilton, Ontario, Canada, and came to the United States at the age of two. She lived in a large Midwestern city before moving to central Florida. Both of her parents were born in South Korea, though her mother immigrated to Canada at the age of fourteen. Most of her extended family is in Canada or Korea. One paternal uncle’s family just recently immigrated to Florida. Erica’s closest circle of friends at college is Korean-American.

Erica visited Korea once when she was in fourth or fifth grade.

I asked Erica about shopping at the Korean stationery store called Morning Glory. I also asked if she went to norae bang [literally song room, or karaoke room] with her friends in her hometown.

INTERVIEWER: Do you like going to Korean shops here? Like Morning Glory? ERICA: Yeah. We went pretty often to morning glory in Tampa. They just built one recently. INTERVIEWER: What was so fun or different about going to Morning Glory? ERICA: I don’t know. I think as I got older because when I was younger I was so Americanized. I didn’t really have a lot of Korean friends. As I got older I starting making a lot of Korean friends so we would stat doing things that were more Korean. Because it was different. INTERVIEWER: Did you go to norae bang? ERICA: Yeah, we went all the time.

I asked Erica about her circle of friends and if there had been a change since coming to university.

INTERVIEWER: How would you describe your friends as far as racial/ethnic categories? And has there been a change from prior to university to now? ERICA: Yeah definitely. There were a lot of stages when . . . when I was younger I primarily hung out with Americans because when I was younger there weren’t a lot of Korean kids around where I lived. As I started to get older, when I moved to Tampa, that’s when I started to meet a lot of Korean kids because it’s a lot bigger, so I started to hang out with them a more, and I found that after you kind of find yourself within a Korean community. You find that you can relate to them more and you find things that you can relate to them that you couldn’t with your other American friends. INTERVIEWER: Can you give me an example of something like that? ERICA: I mean just little things like speaking broken Korean within your group of friends and like how you’re raised. Like how you grew up with first generation Koreans parents.

I asked Erica if she reads Korean newspapers. This quickly turned into a discussion on Internet resources as well.

INTERVIEWER: OK. How often do you read Korean newspapers? ERICA: Not really . . .ever. INTERVIEWER: Do your parents subscribe? ERICA: Yeah my dad gets them all the time. INTERVIEWER: How many does he get? ERICA: I’m not sure but he has big piles ofKoreannewspapers and even if they get really old he doesn’t want to throw them out. He’ll read them over and over. I don’t know. I guess that’s really entertaining for him. But I don’t usually. . . . INTERVIEWER: But now he has discovered the Internet? ERICA: Yeah, he’s always on. INTERVIEWER: Did you help him get adjusted to the Internet or did he do that on his own? ERICA: We kind of . . . not really. We kind of started him off with e-mail and he didn’t really discover the Internet until recently. And so he’s kind of addicted to it now. He has to go on it every day and look at the news. They’re really getting into that now.

I asked Erica about her identity. She discussed it and added comments on the differences between herself and her recently immigrated cousin.

INTERVIEWER: What identity do you consider yourself? If someone asked you “What are you”? How do you approach that? ERICA: I usual just say that I’m Korean, but I was born here. I’m very Americanized.

INTERVIEWER: You’ve been here since two. In what ways do you consider yourself American? ERICA: I guess . . . just the way . . . I don’t know because if I compare myself to my girl cousin who just moved from Korea. Some things we’re very similar, but then on other things we’re just in totally different worlds. I guess because her being from Korea where’s there’s only Koreans, and she’s probably a majority, it’s really different for me being right here being always a minority, and you’re exposed to so many different races and it’s just makes you think differently. INTERVIEWER: Does make you more tolerant? ERICA: Yeah, I think so, because I know like her parents, they would care if she would marry someone else. Because they’re not, they haven’t been exposed to that like we have.

John

John is an 18-year-old freshman majoring in computer engineering. He was born in Orlando to South Korean immigrant parents. Half of his extended family lives in other parts of the United States, while the other half lives in South Korea. He speaks English,

Korean, and some Spanish. His mother is fluent in Korean and English. She is a translator. His father speaks both but is fluent in Korean. He runs a small business. He has been to Korea three times.

I asked John about his visits to Korea.

INTERVIEWER: OK. Have you been to Korea? JOHN: Yes, I’ve been three times. One time I was just a kid, like eight or so. And then, the last two times have been I think freshman year in high school and junior year in high school during the summers I went over for a couple months. INTERVIEWER: That’s quite a bit. Who do you stay with over there? JOHN: I have family there. My dad’s side of the family is all over there so we stay with them. INTERVIEWER: Do you go by yourself or with your whole family? JOHN: I went with my sister the last two times and the first time it was the family. INTERVIEWER: Where do you stay with your family? JOHN: In Seoul. INTERVIEWER: Are your mom and dad both originally from Seoul? JOHN: My mom’s . . . her family’s basically moved to the United States. So it’s basically my dad’s family that I stay with. INTERVIEWER: What did you do when you were there?

JOHN: We did like a few like historical things basically to appease my uncles and aunts and stuff. But um . . .we went to some amusement parks and stuff like that. Basic sightseeing.

Like many of the interviewees, John’s news sources are few. He mainly gets his news from TV or campus newspapers.

INTERVIEWER: Yeah, I see, that makes sense . . .on to media usage. How do you feel about the news? You think it’s important, not important? Do you have time to check it out? JOHN: I think there are, like, some really important events, but most of it . . . it doesn’t really affect me in a big way. Like at the moment, I think there is something for everybody. INTERVIEWER: When you do check out the news, what are your sources? Like do you go to the TV, or? JOHN: Yeah, TV or the newspaper. INTERVIEWER: Newspaper? What do you read for newspapers? JOHN: I just read . . . basically, anything that’s on campus.

Most of the interviewees expressed an interest in Korean music. I asked John about

Korean music.

INTERVIEWER: Korean music? Do you ever talk about entertainment news? JOHN: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Are you interested in Korean music? JOHN: Yeah. Actually about like half my CDs are Korean music. INTERVIEWER: Oh really, that’s quite a lot. Where do you get them? JOHN: From Korea. Like when I go there, or if I . . . I can order them online. INTERVIEWER: Where do you go to order them online? JOHN: There’s a million web sites, you know.

Aside from Korean web sites, John like many other interviewees uses the Internet for entertainment, school research, shopping, and e-mail communication.

INTERVIEWER: General entertainment. What about American web sites? What kind of sites do you have bookmarked or do you check out often. JOHN: I usually spend most of my time just on e-mail or e-bay. INTERVIEWER: E-bay? What kinds of things are you looking for on e-bay? JOHN: Like, just whatever I’m looking for . . . browse throughout. INTERVIEWER: Do you ever buy stuff? JOHN: Yeah, like right now I’m looking for sound modification things for my guitar

On the topic of identity, John reiterated much of what the other interviewees have remarked about their dual identity.

INTERVIEWER: OK. What identity do you consider yourself? JOHN: Korean-American. INTERVIEWER: How do you consider yourself American? JOHN: Well I mean I was born here and born and raised here. Basically I spent most of my life here. Culturally I feel at least partially American in that respect. INTERVIEWER: In what ways do you consider yourself Korean? JOHN: Basically since a lot of my family is still there. My friends, we’re pretty much all Korean-American so. . . . INTERVIEWER: Ethnicity? JOHN: Of course. INTERVIEWER: The subtle things? JOHN: Yeah like taking your shoes off. I think that every single Korean in Gainesville has a small table—like on the floor.

David

David is the younger sibling of another interviewee. He is 20 years old and a second-year human nutrition student. He was born in Orlando to South Korean immigrant parents. Most of his extended family is in Atlanta, where there is a significant

Korean enclave community. He speaks primarily English at home. He doesn’t consider his Korean level to be great, but can communicate with family members. He expressed regret at not having learned more and would like to study Korean if the opportunity arose.

I asked David about his extended family, which brought us to the topic of Korean food, his grandmother, and the Atlanta Korean enclave community.

DAVID: Actually, my extended family is in Atlanta. All of them are pretty much in Atlanta. INTERVIEWER: Atlanta? DAVID: I have three uncles from my mom’s side in Atlanta with their families and I have a grandmother in Atlanta. And my dad’s brother’s also living in Atlanta too so. . . . We’re like the only ones living in Florida, pretty much. INTERVIEWER: Do they live in Duluth or Korean town? There’s a Korea town there right? DAVID: There’s a Korea town on Buford Highway up in Atlanta. I’m not exactly sure. It’s pretty close—I know that it’s not right there, but it’s pretty close.

INTERVIEWER: Have you been up there quite frequently? DAVID: I go there around every Christmas just to see them. INTERVIEWER: Do you eat at the Korean restaurants there? DAVID: The Korean food is great there. That’s the only reason I go pretty much is just to eat. The food is awesome. INTERVIEWER: The best Korean food outside Korea? DAVID: And it’s not really that expensive. You get bowls of ja jang myun [a noodle dish] for like four dollars and they’re huge. INTERVIEWER: Have you had kalbi [marinated short ribs] there? DAVID: Well my grandmother makes some really good kalbi too. So when we want kalbi, she usually makes it. INTERVIEWER: There are quite a few Koreans in Atlanta. DAVID: Yeah, I think that’s one of the reasons they, well, my grandmother chose to live there. INTERVIEWER: When did she come to America? DAVID: She came when I was born. INTERVIEWER: She’s been here a long time. DAVID: Both my parents were working at the time. They just started their business. They didn’t really have time to take care of me a whole lot the first couple of years, so my grandmother pretty much raised me for my first two years. INTERVIEWER: How’s her English? DAVID: It’s not great. I would say she speaks 80 % Korean. Especially living in Atlanta where you don’t really have to speak English. There are so many Korean people. You can pretty much get around speaking Korean in Atlanta.

I asked David if he had ever been to Korea. As with all of the interviewees who had not been to Korea, he expressed an interest in visiting. He also pointed out that when he was younger, he didn’t really have a desire to go to Korea.

INTERVIEWER: So have you been to Korea? DAVID: No I haven’t. My brother’s been. He went when he was pretty young. I think maybe he was around eight or something. But I didn’t get to go. I was too young I think at the time. INTERVIEWER: So do you want to go? DAVID: I kind of do because I feel like I’m kind of missing something. INTERVIEWER: You’ll have fun. DAVID: Everybody says that. But honestly, growing up I never felt like I was missing anything. I felt like, yeah big deal, I’m living here. I’m an American or whatever. But now I kind of feel like I missed something . . . like . . . my culture.

I asked David about Korean music. Unlike many Korean-Americans including his brother, David is not that interested in Korean music.

INTERVIEWER: Are you into Korean music at all? DAVID: I’m probably the one person you’ll meet that is not into Korean music. I’m not into it. I just don’t get it. To me it’s . . . it doesn’t . . . catch. INTERVIEWER: Not your style? DAVID: Yeah not my style. INTERVIEWER: Do you know people who do? Korean web sites? DAVID: Yeah, I know a lot of people who do, like my brother. The majority of Koreans, they like Korean music. I find the music dull.

I asked David about watching Korean dramas. The conversation went on to include more talk about food and the Korean table.

INTERVIEWER: What about Korean dramas? DAVID: See I’m not into that kind of . . . I’m just not into it. I know some of the students here they kind of watch it. INTERVIEWER: Especially the girls? DAVID: Yeah, but guys, I don’t know too many who do. But my parents love watching Korean videos. That’s all they do. Because they work long hours and when they come home they just eat their little dinner and put in a little Korean video. That’s what they usually do. INTERVIEWER: Do they have a Korean table? DAVID: Yeah, we have a little Korean table on the floor that we eat dinner on. INTERVIEWER: Every night? DAVID: Well, we have a regular dinner table but no one ever eats there. (Laughter) We always put it on the Korean table and watch TV and eat. INTERVIEWER: Do you have a Korean table at your house here? DAVID: That’s what we consider our coffee table. INTERVIEWER: But you eat there? DAVID: Yeah, we sit there and eat too. We have chairs and a stool and everything but we sit on the floor and eat. I guess it’s more comfortable. We’re more accustomed to it, I guess.

As with a few of the interviewees, when I talked about recognizing Koreans on

American TV programming, he brought up Margaret Cho without my having to ask.

INTERVIEWER: I know you said you recognize someone who’s Korean, but what if someone explicitly says they’re Korean on TV or in a movie. Do you recognize that as accurate or not so accurate? Or do you think? . . . DAVID: There’s this one show a long time ago. Do you know Margaret Cho? INTERVIEWER: Yeah, yeah. All-American Girl. DAVID: Exactly. Which bombed. I was kind of glad. I didn’t think she was very funny. She was the only Korean person. She said her family on the show was Korean but they really—you could tell they weren’t. INTERVIEWER: You could tell their ethnic features weren’t so Korean?

DAVID: Yeah. They weren’t Korean. They had the guy from like Karate Kid on there or something like that. INTERVIEWER: He’s Japanese. DAVID: Yeah, he’s Japanese. There’s no way, you know. I don’t know if it’s entirely accurate but . . . At least they tried I guess. I don’t know.

Sunny

Nineteen-year-old Sunny is the only interviewee born in Korea. She immigrated at a very young age and qualifies as second generation. Sunny is a second-year journalism major. She is originally from the west coast of Florida. Most of her extended family is in either Kwang Ju, South Korea, or in her Florida hometown. Sunny’s grandmother resides with her family in Florida. Sunny speaks English and Korean, thought she remarks that her Korean is of an elementary level. Her parents run a small business in her hometown.

Her aunt owns a Korean store in the same place.

I asked Sunny if there was a focus on education in her family.

INTERVIEWER: Do you think that they emphasize education for you guys? SUNNY: For us? Yes, they definitely do. There’re like “You have to do good. You have to do this. You have to do that.” INTERVIEWER: Do you find that there is a focus on education among Korean- American families? SUNNY: I think there definitely is a focus. They really strongly emphasize education because sometimes they . . . like my parents, they didn’t really get to finish all the way so they really feel that we should then we could better ourselves through education.

Sunny expressed an interest in going back to Korea to see what has changed since she left and to hopefully improve her Korean skills. Several interviewees expressed a similar interest.

INTERVIEWER: Interesting. Have you been back to Korea since you left? SUNNY: Um-uhm. (No) INTERVIEWER: No, not at all. Would you like to? SUNNY: I’d like to, of course. Just to see what it’s like. I think if I went back there my Korean might get a little better. (laughter) Hopefully. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. SUNNY: I’d like to take Korean classes or something. Even here, if they had any.

INTERVIEWER: Yeah, they don’t have any here at UF. SUNNY: Yeah, I’d like to go back just to see what it’s like.

When I asked Sunny about dating, she discussed her parents’ strict rules at home.

Several other interviewees mentioned that they were not permitted to date in high school.

INTERVIEWER: It’s a good thing to be able to communicate with your friends like that. So. . .what are your views on dating? Have you had a boyfriend? SUNNY: I have a boyfriend now but actually my parents are really strict on that kind of thing. So they don’t really know about him. But my grandmother knows about him. We usually turn to our grandmother and tell her everything. Then she tells us if we should tell our parents or not. She’s like “Don’t tell them.” I’m not sure if they’re just strict or they just want us to study. They’re very protective. Even in high school they didn’t really want me to. I wasn’t allowed to go out anywhere. I didn’t to the movies or anything. They’re like “We love Sunny because she stays at home”. I’m like “nice”. INTERVIEWER: How did you feel about that? Did you feel that part of your culture was a negative thing, that you couldn’t go out with your friends? SUNNY: I felt a little like I was missing out on things because I wanted to go out more with my friends and . . . well I didn’t know any . . .want to go to any parties, because I don’t feel comfortable going to those kind of things anyways, so, it was more like just being able to go out with your friends more often to more places without your parents being like “Where are you going? When are you going to come back?”

When asked about her news sources and her father’s news sources, Sunny said she

gets her news from the UF newspaper, The Alligator, while her father seeks out primarily

Korean news sources online.

SUNNY: News in general I really don’t like. I don’t really sit there and read the newspaper. It’s not really interesting to me. Which is really weird because my major is journalism. So I have to keep up with it. It’s like reading a textbook almost. For some reason I don’t like to read stuff that is factual as much as fiction. INTERVIEWER: If you do get news, what are your sources? SUNNY: The newspaper INTERVIEWER: Which one? SUNNY: The Alligator here. I don’t really go out of my way to buy a newspaper. INTERVIEWER: How does your family keep up with the news? SUNNY: My father, he likes to go on the Internet and he likes to go through Korean news. American news, less so, because he doesn’t really understand so much. But he’ll know basically the big news. Like Osama Bin Laden now and stuff like that.

On the topic of identity, Sunny commented that she considers herself Korean but

that if she went to Korea, they would consider her American. Several other interviewees

also mentioned that they would stand out in Korea as American.

INTERVIEWER: What identity do you consider yourself? SUNNY: What do you mean? INTERVIEWER: How do you consider yourself? SUNNY: I know I’m Korean but if I went to Korea I’d be more American. Depending on where I am I guess. INTERVIEWER: In what ways do you consider yourself American? SUNNY: Probably the way I think a little bit. Like for example Korean jokes. They’re very, sometimes, not funny to me. INTERVIEWER: So long [cold joke or bad joke]. SUNNY: Yeah. So long. I wasn’t sure if you knew it.

The two most important Korean holidays are Chusok, sometimes called “Korean

Thanksgiving,” and Solnal or Lunar New Year. Many interviewees do celebrate Chusok as well, but Sunny indicated that her family only celebrates Solnal.

INTERVIEWER: How do you celebrate Korean holidays like Chusok and Solnal? SUNNY: We don’t really celebrate Chusok but we do celebrate the New Year. When we celebrate the New Year here we eat dduk guk [rice cake soup] and stuff like that. We celebrate it the Korean way. They play that. . .I’m not really sure what it is. . . INTERVIEWER: Yut nori? [traditional game played with four sticks] With the sticks? SUNNY: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Where do you celebrate it? SUNNY: At the church.

Themes

The portraits have illustrated the general feelings of the students. Now the analysis

of the data can be presented. The patterns that emerge can be presented in the form of

major topics or themes with minor topics or subthemes coded as well (Berg, 2001).

Lindlof (1995) describes the coding process, specifically the constant comparative

method. “Coding is a process in which the researcher creatively scans and samples data-

texts, looks for commonalities and differences, and begins to formulate categories of

interest” (Lindlof, 1995, p. 224). The aforementioned categories are the same as Berg’s

(2001) themes. As described in detail in the methods section, the constant comparative method was used to pinpoint the themes that emerged during the interview process. A large number of subthemes emerged throughout the interview process and is discussed within the context of the themes. The four themes that emerged are termed ethnic media use, American and Korean news, Koreans in the media, and identity.

Ethnic Media Use

The interviewees primarily use ethnic media in the form of Korean music, Korean entertainment news, and Korean dramas. All the interviewees with the exception of one listen to Korean music. As illustrated in the portraits section, David said he did not listen to Korean music. He’s aware that this is unusual. David said, “I’m probably the one person you’ll meet that is not into Korean music. I’m not into it. I just don’t get it.”

All interviewees except David were interested in Korean entertainment news.

Oddly enough, among the interviewees, it is David’s brother Sam, who has many Korean web sites, entertainment and news, bookmarked. Sam has several Korean web sites book marked, including MBC and KBS, two of the major Korean television networks.

Sam said, “I look at them. If there is something that piques my interest, I’ll try to read it but my reading is not that good. I can read it and pronounce all the syllables but I can’t .

. . I just don’t know what the words mean. I need a dictionary. It’s my vocabulary. If I could expand my vocabulary I’d be fine.”

Of the subthemes that arose during the course of the interviews, the topic of Korean videos and specifically the Korean dramas elicited the most enthusiastic responses. It seems Korean videos play an important part in the home life of these Korean-American students. All of them have watched Korean videos with their families while growing up.

More females than males say they still watch Korean videos. Some students still watch

Korean videos occasionally with their friends and parents. Joon watches the Korean videos occasionally, but noted that the Korean dramas are very melodramatic and many males don’t admit that they like them. Joon said, “Some of them pretty good but most of them are kind of sappy. So you kind of don’t say you watch them.” This remark is similar to one Jenny made with regard to males and females watching Korean videos.

She said males don’t like to admit that they watch them, but they really do.

With regard to language and Korean videos, many students said they can understand this level of Korean and if they don’t understand something, they ask someone. Both Sue and Sunny said they ask someone with better Korean if they don’t catch an expression. Sam mentioned that his mother tries to get him to watch the Korean videos to improve his language skills. He said, “She wants me to watch them to learn

Korean. That’s her big pitch. They’re melodramatic. Somebody dies at the end. It’s all the same recipe. They’re always conflict. Our soap operas here are over the top too.”

American and Korean Hard News

One of the sub-themes that presented itself during the course of the interviews is the lack of interest in hard news in general. Six of the students, Sam, John, Erica, Joon,

Jong, and Sue, said that American news was important. Most of them added that they still didn’t keep up with the news that much. Five students listed the university newspaper as their main source of news. Seven mentioned television news as a primary news source, if they did seek news. Only David, Jong, and Jin talked about getting American hard news from the Internet. They named cnn.com as a primary source. David had this to say on the subject: “Honestly since I’ve been to college I haven’t really been keeping up with it, which is weird because I think I would have been more aware of my surroundings and

69 more involved and that kind of thing. In high school I watched the news all the time but now I haven’t been keeping up at all.”

With regard to Korean news, all except two, Jin and Sam, did not seek out Korean news. If they did hear about news from Korea it was mostly from parents who read

Korean newspapers or got news from Korean web sites. Sunny is typical in her statement that Korean news is not important to her. If she does find out about news, she said, it’s

“from my father. He’ll be like ‘Did you hear about this girl who is so smart and then she went to America. I want you to be like this girl.’ (laughter).” John remarked that he paid attention to Korean news if it was something that had a direct effect on his extended family in Korea.

Overall, the students indicate that they know keeping up with American news is important and they should be doing so, but that they don’t. As well, secondary to

American news would be Korean hard news. Several students explicitly stated that they were not interested in Korean hard news. I reiterate here that this disinterest doesn’t apply to entertainment or sports news. David and Jong both indicated an interest in sports news, while all students expressed an interest in entertainment news. Hard news and softer news are thus treated differently among these students.

Koreans in the Media

One theme that arose in two different sections of the interview process was that of

Koreans in the media. The first subtheme is that of the feelings of the student when they encountered Koreans in the media. This subtheme emerged is in response to a direct question, “Do you take special notice of Koreans you encounter in the media?” Although this question can be answered either yes or no, all who were asked this question expanded upon it. This particular question was developed for the second round of interviews. All

six interviewees from this round answered that indeed they did take special notice of

Koreans whom they encountered in the media. David, who was the least interested in

news, television, and Korean videos, had this to say in response to the question: “Yeah,

on ESPN there’s a guy, a sports analyst named Peter Kim. I figured he’s Korean.”

On this same topic, Joon said, “I’ll try to . . . even when I’m watching with other

Korean friends. We’ll say ‘Oh yeah he looks Korean’ or ‘Did you hear they’re speaking

Korean.’”

The question pertaining to the 1995 American primetime network sitcom, All-

American Girl, which starred Margaret Cho, elicited much information. Three students,

Joon, Jenny, and David, brought up Margaret Cho before being asked about the show.

Everyone except Jong from the first round and Sunny from the second round discussed the inaccuracies and sterotypes in All-American Girl. The inaccuracies appeared to bother the Korean-American students more than the stereotypes. Some of the inaccuracies brought up by the students included the “wrong” accent, really poor Korean language, using other Asians as Korean main characters and extras, even simple things like not talking their shoes off in the house. In Jenny’s own words, “They had a lot of criticism that the scene, the things they had in the house, weren’t Korean. I think the biggest mistake they made was the cast. It bothered me that the cast wasn’t Korean, none of them were Koreans, but they’re comedians so I understand that. The thing is that they tried to make them speak Korean and it was terrible. Terrible.”

The students were very aware that the show had to be marketable to a larger

American audience, and many remarked that they could enjoy some of the humor on face

71 value. On this topic, Joon had this to say: “Yeah, I think there are aspects that were kind of redone so it would be marketable to the American audience.”

Jin commented on the problems with stereotyping, which she related to her experience growing up as a member of a co-culture in America. She said that most people used to ask her whether she was Chinese or Japanese, never Korean. Her remarks on the subject of All-American Girl are telling: “I don’t think that she was Korean made a difference to people who don’t know the difference. Korean is not the first thing that people think of. When I was growing up it was like, ‘Oh are you Chinese, Japanese’?”

Two other specific examples of Koreans in the media were brought up by the students. The first is Korean-American movie actor Rick Yoon, who portrayed a

Japanese man in Snow Falling on Cedars. He later played a Korean gang member type

(gang pae) in the movie The Fast and the Furious. The students noted that the Asian gang member stereotype is common in the media. Joon also noted that sometimes that stereotype is true, that some Asians in America like souped-up cars. The second example of Koreans in mainstream American media included the currently airing primetime show called Gilmore Girls, in which the main character’s best friend is supposed to be Korean.

A few of the students remarked that the character doesn’t physically look Korean and that her mother’s accent is “all wrong.” John noted that the portrayal of the girl is accurate, but she is not Korean. He said, “So I think the girl herself is portrayed pretty accurately as Korean-American, but then the mother on the other hand is way over-exaggerated—as an Asian stereotype kind of thing.”

Identity: The Korean-Americans

With regard to identity, the second-generation Korean-American students had very clear perceptions of self. Eight of the 10 interviewees explicitly said that they were

Korean-American, not one or the other. The two remaining students, Sunny and Erica, said they were Korean, but “Americanized.”

The subthemes that emerged in the interview process included the students’ perceptions on what makes them Korean and what makes them American. The students brought up ethnicity, family, food, language, and race in response to being asked what makes them Korean. David said, “ Like the food I eat. I don’t know . . . my parents.”

For what makes them American, concepts such as thinking, culture, style of dress, speech, citizenship, and comparing oneself to Korean cousin counterparts were raised.

John puts it this way: “Well I mean I was born here and born and raised here. Basically, I spent most of my life here. Culturally, I feel at least partially American in that respect.”

For thoughts and feelings on what it means to be Korean-American, the interviewees had much to say. Some related they were comfortable in both worlds and all expressed pride in their Korean heritage. Only Jin expressed that she at times felt like she didn’t really belong to either. She also remarked later in the interview that she did get the best of both worlds as well. She said, “In a lot of ways that’s a bad point, sometimes I don’t feel like I belong to either society. If I were to go to Korea again, I wouldn’t totally fit in. They’d consider me different. I look fully Korean and here they consider me Korean because you’re fully Korean.” Later on the same topic, Jin said,

“The older I get the more I can appreciate that. . .the value. I like who I am. The fact that I’m not totally Korean or American, I get the best out of both.”

Sue expressed similar sentiments when she talked about her identity as a Korean-

American. Sue said, “I call myself Korean-American. Always. I can’t separate those two.” But she later discussed her disappointment when her family visiting from Korea

told her she was completely American. She explains, “I guess, my relatives in Korea

came over Christmas break. They were like—it was so funny because I’ve never met

them—and they were like, ‘You’re American. There’s nothing about you that’s Korean

except the way you look, but you are American.’ I didn’t know how to take that, you

know. I really didn’t because I’ve never heard that from another Korean person.” She was

hurt by this remark because she feels very proud of her Korean heritage.

All the students, with the exception of David, said their closest circle of friends in college is primarily Korean-American. Prior to college, the students all had friends of many ethnicities, but they gravitated to each other at college through the Korean church.

Sunny expressed that it was at times more comfortable to have Korean-American friends who can understand you. Sunny’s view on the matter is common. She said, “It’s kind of nice because they understand you better. They kind of went through the same things and stuff like that. You don’t think about the stuff they went through. It’s nice. And you can speak different languages to each other. (Laughter)”

The four themes and many subthemes that emerged in the interview process provided useful information for the analysis of the relationship between ethnic identity and media use among second-generation Korean-Americans.

CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION

The ideas put forth in the literature review section of this research project help to put into perspective the findings of the research. Literature on Neo-Confucianism and

Korean culture helps to place Korean-Americans’ traditions and way of life in contrast with American life. The link between ethnic identity and media use is pushed to the forefront in the discussion of co-culture groups and their media choices. Ethnic media function as a means of social control and strengthening of ethnic identity. The discussion related to ethnic media use, in particular, is thus very useful in the discussion of the relationship between ethnic identity and media use. Using the cultural studies approach, with culture as the starting point, makes the discussion of the findings in this research project all the more relevant in an era of increased cultural awareness.

Eight of the participants were born in the United States, one was born in Canada, and one was born in Korea but came to the United States at a very young age. As well, seven students have made at least one if not several visits to Korea. Some have visited

Korea only once when quite young. Others have spent summers studying music, visiting family, or participating in Korean culture camps. Of those who haven’t been to Korea, all expressed a desire to visit. And many who already have been to Korean indicated that they would like to go again. For example, Sue would like to go as an exchange student in an effort to improve her ability in the Korean language.

We have established that Korean culture emphasizes education, and the Korean-

American students reiterated this focus in their own words. All of the students mentioned

74 75 the importance of education and some of the students, like Sunny, pointed out that their parents sacrificed to provide them with a good education. Two of the participants mentioned living in a certain area because of the better reputation of the school district.

Although language is an important factor in reinforcement of identity, it may not be the most important. One of the students interviewed for this project had low-intermediate

Korean skills, spoke English at home, and had visited Korea only once when as a toddler, yet she possesses many of the Korean values we have discussed in this paper. She regularly keeps up with Korean music and entertainment via the Internet. She shops for

Korean products online. She watches videos with friends and family, though she often needs to ask what is going on because of the level of language in the Korean videos. She was hurt by visiting Korean relatives who remarked that she was very American and not

Korean at all. She is now making a concerted effort to improve her Korean skills, believing that greater facility will be useful to her in the future. Regardless of her lower level of Korean skills, she appears to be quite close to her culture in many ways other than language. This student uses ethnic media to reinforce her culture.

Pride in Korean-American identity seems to be abundant for all the participants.

Even if there are stereotypes and difficulties to overcome as members of a co-culture in the United States, particularly while growing up, all of the students explicitly identify themselves as Korean-American. One interviewee, Sue, expressed that she never felt at a disadvantage being an American of Korean heritage and that she “got the best of a lot of different worlds. Exposed to a lot of different cultures. I think it’s awesome.” Jong noted that his mother would explicitly say to him that he was not American, that he was

Korean. When asked if this was due to ethnicity, he responded “Ethnicity? Yeah and

76 also how my parents raised me. You’ve got to respect their ways of doing that.” Yet another student reiterated the same point when he said that he could have been adopted and still been Korean. Sam said that he was a tax-paying American citizen who could become President, but in his heart he’ll try to be as Korean as possible. This particular student does check Korean news sites.

A significant number of patterns were revealed during the interview process. In general, the students didn’t look to hard news from Korea as a means of ethnic identity reinforcement. Parents are quite often the source for Korean news except for what appears in the American media. If a story with Korean relevance makes American news, the students will pay more attention to it. Most did seek other ethnic media related to entertainment and music that contribute to ethnic identity reinforcement. The students clearly identified themselves as Korean-American, a hyphenated identity or hybrid. They are at the same time American and Korean, not by nationality but by culture. The phrase,

“the best of both worlds” came up with several of the students. Only one student explicitly said she felt torn between the two, never quite fitting into either. This same student later said she at times felt she had the best of both worlds too.

The students seemed quite at ease with the researcher because of her experience and knowledge of things Korean, including language and culture. Particularly, an intermediate knowledge of Korean language proved useful when participants inserted

Korean words into English sentences. There was never a necessity to explain certain

Korean terms to the researcher. One potentially negative aspect to the researcher’s experience may have been the possibility of embarrassment to a Korean-American student. If the researcher were to use a Korean term that the student did not know they

77 may have lost face. I was cognizant of this and tried to avoid using more than basic terms, just in case, though the students proved this concern wrong.

The parents of the participants were predominantly small business owners and blue-collar workers, with two sets of parents as professionals. Two students’ fathers are

Korean church ministers. All students had at least some Korean skills, with some speaking significantly better than others. All are able to read and write the actual Korean alphabet, hangul, although most expressed much difficulty in reading high-level materials such as newspapers. The lack of vocabulary to read at that level, necessitating a dictionary, was a common complaint. This weak vocabulary is the main reason why they did not seek news from this source.

Two of the participants were officers in K.U.S.A., the Korean Undergraduate

Student Association. There was a split in 2001 between the K.U.S.A. organization and former members. The Korean church seems to have overtaken the social role once held in part by K.U.S.A. for these particular interviewees.

All but two of the participants, David and Joon, have developed a close group of

Korean-American friends since coming to college. For the most part, there was a change in the closest circle of friends from high school, where their friends were more diverse.

One participant expressed that his ethnically diverse sports team made up a second group of friends. John mentioned that he stays in touch with ethnically diverse high school friends, but doesn’t consider them his closest circle.

The interviewees’ parents appear to be a primary source for news about Korea.

The parents all get at least a few American-based Korean newspapers, with one participant’s parents subscribing to an astounding 13 Korean newspapers from as far

78 away as Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York, where there are large concentrations of

Koreans. Many of the parents are just recently discovering the online newspapers directly from Korea, such as the Chosun Ilbo or Dong-Ah Ilbo. Four of the participants discussed helping their parents with the new technology to gain access to the online newspapers and news sites. One parent specifically asked his daughter if it was possible to read the Korean newspapers online. Incidentally, many of the online Korean newspapers have English links, but none of the students reported reading them with any frequency. Only Sam, who showed the most interest in Korean news sites, visited these kinds of sites.

With regard to news about Korea in the American media, the students did express that they would pay more attention to stories concerning Korea than perhaps to other stories. Commonly mentioned were news stories concerning the North Korean famine, the 1997 Asian economic crisis, North-South relations, and the like. Several interviewees believed the reporting to be unbiased, “just the straight facts,” though Sam did admit that mostly bad news is reported. He clarified that it is the nature of the

American media in general. One student, whose father is a minister, recalls having to watch a World Vision video on the plight of the North Korean children under famine conditions. The students seemed to discuss some Korean news issues, mostly entertainment news, with their Korean-American friends, but not at all with non-Korean-

American friends. The reasoning was that the non-Korean friends would not be interested in Korean issues in the news.

Only one of the students, Sam, regularly uses the Internet as a source for news about Korea. He has major Korean television network news sites such as mbc.com and

kbs.com bookmarked on his computer. Some others report using the Internet to access

sports or national news on espn.com, cnn.com, or msnbc.com.

It appears that the Internet is primarily used for e-mail and school-related research,

followed by some level of entertainment including visits to Korean music and

entertainment web sites. All the students, with the exception of David, have visited

Korean music and entertainment web sites. Joon mentioned that it is now possible to

watch Korean dramas on the Internet. Only one student, John, mentioned Internet

shopping, particularly on e-bay, as one reason for his Internet use. A few of the students

download Korean music or purchase CDs online. One participant, Jin, has accessed a

second-generation Asian American website called asianavenue.com, but says the website

is not regularly updated and therefore not particularly useful.

Contemporary Korean music appears to be of significant importance to the

students. Downloading songs and buying CDs online or at specialty shops is quite

common. All but David are familiar with the currently famous Korean pop acts. On the

same subject, Jenny mentioned that she used to be interested in Korean pop music but has

grown out of that phase. She is now more interested in Korean Christian acts. Two of the

students commented on the nature of Korean pop music. The popularity of the acts is

known to change quite quickly. Two students mentioned that it’s harder to keep up with

the Korean pop music trends from here in the United States than when in Korea, but the

Internet allows them to do this with more ease.

One striking observation concerns the use of Korean videos. Few of the students have seen any Korean movies, but all have seen the Korean videos that can be rented at many Korean specialty shops. The parents of the students are regular Korean video

80 watchers. These videos are normally miniseries or TV shows from the major Korean television networks such as KBS, MBC, and SBS. The females tend to watch Korean videos, particularly dramas, with their mothers or their friends. The Korean dramas are somewhat equivalent to American soap operas. One male student, Sam, said his mother tries to get him to watch the videos to improve his Korean, but he finds them too melodramatic. “Somebody dies at the end. It’s all the same recipe.” One of the females,

Sue, mentioned that the “girls” would get together here at college to watch the dramas, even if some of them have to ask what’s going on because their Korean ability is lower.

The videos are available at a small Korean specialty shop in the college town, but the selection is small. Jin, who speaks Korean quite well, knows the names of different dramas and the names of the Korean actors as well.

Although most of the students do not regularly watch Korean movies and can name only a few, all but two interviewees appear to be avid American moviegoers. All the students report frequently going to the movie theatre and some report renting American

DVDs and videos. None of the students could recall a good representation of Koreans in the movies. Several students mentioned the Korean actor Rick Yoon, who portrayed a

Japanese in the movie Snow Falling on Cedars, without the researcher having to ask about him. The second round of interviewees were interviewed after the release of a movie entitled The Fast and the Furious, which also starred Rick Yoon. In this movie, he played an Asian gang member. The students viewed this as stereotypical, but Joon also noted that there are Korean-Americans like this. Joon said that they are not explicitly gang members, but sort of “tough guys”. He called them gang pae. Otherwise, there are not many cases of Koreans portrayed in American movies.

When asked about the representation of Koreans on American television, few of the students could give examples of accurate representations. When prompted about the sitcom All-American Girl, which starred Korean-American comedienne Margaret Cho, there was much discussion and commentary. A few students had been regular viewers, but all except Sunny had much to say on the topic. A few were quite pragmatic about it.

Some students said it was just a comedy for American TV, and its goal was to be funny no matter where the jokes originated. One student who saw the show only once agreed that it had been Americanized because, “They didn’t take off their shoes or eat with chopsticks.” Others had quite strong feelings regarding the show, that it’s Americanized and based on stereotypical representations of Asian Americans as a whole. A few mentioned that regardless of the show’s treatment of Asians as a monolithic group, they were proud that a Korean-American comedienne had succeeded in getting her own sitcom, no matter how short-lived. One student who did watch the show regularly felt she could relate to some of the storylines but that it was indeed a “little off.” Five students commented on the strangeness of the Korean language spoken on the show, primarily because Cho was the only actual Korean on the show. One student said she was constantly called “All-American Girl” and people regularly remarked on her likeness to Margaret Cho. One student suggested that that Margaret Cho being Korean didn’t make a difference to people who don’t know the differences among Asians.

The topics of discussion that arose during the interview process were very useful in the examination of the relationship between media use and ethnic identity.

CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS

Census 2000 data indicate that the United States is increasingly more diverse. The diversity also accounts for an increase in ethnic media outlets available to immigrant and second-generation groups.

In-depth interviews were conducted with 10 second-generation Korean-American university students. The results of the study revealed that many students use media, mainstream American media and ethnic media, for entertainment purposes. Students use mainstream media for informational needs, but only one student sought news about

Korea from ethnic media.

82 83 seek out ethnic media and notice Koreans in mainstream media because they are Korean-

American, while at the same time be reinforcing their ethnic identity in the process.

If any overall conclusion can be drawn for this qualitative research project, it would be that media do contribute to the maintenance of ethnic identity. Although news seems to be of lesser importance, all the participants were involved in other form of ethnic media consumption, particularly related to music and entertainment. As all of the students are living away from home, they do not have access to their parents every day.

They must reinforce their Korean ethnic identity on their own, through friends and, as the interviews have shown, through the Internet, Korean videos, music, and entertainment.

The role of ethnic identity in making those media choices is relevant as well. There seems to be a reciprocal or circular nature to the relationship between ethnic identity and media use among these 10 second-generation Korean-Americans. The theoretical underpinnings of this research, including ethnic identity specifically and social identity in general, indicate that there is a strong relationship between what the students use for media and their perceptions of themselves as Korean-American.

The cultural studies approach to media use, where culture is the point of departure, allows the theory to be built from the ground up. “Such grounded findings, emerging from the data themselves, are frequently among the most interesting and important results obtained during research even though they may have gone unnoticed during the data- collecting phase” (Berg, 2001, p. 105).

Implications

The implications of this kind of qualitative research are many. The predominant use of the Internet to access Korean music and entertainment sites is an important finding.

Cyber communities of second-generation Korean-Americans may already exist, as

Morley (2000) suggested, in space, not place. The emerging second-generation Korean-

American as a consumer is useful for marketing towards that group. The unprecedented increase in diversity according to U.S. Census 2000 data means that the mainstream media have to consider this fact as reality and treat it as such.

Speculating on the development of a hybrid Korean-American culture is interesting. If hyphenated Korean-Americans feel tied to both American and Korean cultures, then their American experience is indeed unique. Only Korean-Americans know what it is like to grow up in America with a Korean home life. Their unique experience would include the dominance of English language, but knowledge of Korean language. Korean food and Korean cultural traditions would have a place in their lives as well. The second generation is likely to be highly educated and upwardly mobile. Does this perhaps make them more “American” than their immigrant parents? It is my belief that there is a development of such a hybrid culture which points to the nature of being

“American” in this era.

The ever-increasing ethnic media may need to focus on further developing English- language ethnic media targeted toward the second generation. Not far behind the second generation is the fast approaching third generation, who will again have to be treated separately.

Limitations

Limitations to this study included a small sample size and the membership of all of the students in the Korean church and UF. Indeed, it is important to note that according to Min (2000) “approximately 70 % of Korean immigrants regularly attend ethnic churches” (p. 372). As well, the Korean ethnic churches, where Korean culture and language classes often take place, can be viewed as contributing to the maintenance of

85 ethnic identity (Min, 2000). It may have been interesting to interview Korean-Americans who were not affiliated with churches for comparative purposes.

Although the first round of the students were approached independently of each other, all of the students ended up knowing each other, through the church group. Two were even roommates—luckily, they weren’t aware of the other’s participation in this study. The close-knit nature of the Korean-American student community in this small college town is significant in that they are likely to know each other somehow. The second round of interviewees was contacted by snowball sample method and thus knew each other. The snowball sample method was used after several unsuccessful attempts at making contact through K.U.S.A. failed. E-mail messages received no response. After personally contacting the president, I was told she would forward my message to

K.U.S.A. members. An interviewee and K.U.S.A. member later told me that this did not take place. Finally, the age of the students might have contributed to their limited interest in news sources of any kind. Sam, the oldest interviewee and now a UF graduate, showed the most interest in mainstream and Korean news in general.

Suggestions for Further Research

Perhaps for future research a larger sample of students outside these organizations might be useful. Particularly, seeking out deviant case participants, those who do not closely resemble the Korean-Americans interviewed for this study, might prove useful in gaining knowledge of a wider range of second-generation Korean-Americans. As a specific example, it might be interesting to interview the gang pae type to see if they maintain culture through media use as well. To take the study even further, non-students might be interviewed.

Further suggestion for study might include an analysis of Internet sources available to Korean-Americans in Korean, in English, or in Korean with English links and translations. More effort could be made to incorporate the technical aspects of media uses and gratifications theory such as “information-gathering,” including the affective, diversion, and cognitive components, to obtain a deeper understanding of the media

Korean-Americans seek as a method to reinforce their identity. A web survey through the abundant Korean-American student groups nationwide might prove fruitful in a study of this nature.

Also, a comparison of specifically enclave community Korean-Americans and those who live in cities with small Korean-American populations might provide some insight on the relationship between ethnic identity and media use. Interviewing immigrant parents and comparing findings with the second generation might also provide insight into the relationship between media use and identity. Undertaking the task of interviewing other ethnic groups with religious affiliations could be compared to Korean-

Americans. Do Buddhist Korean-Americans reinforce identity thought media and religion?

Indeed, it must be said that there is still much research to be done in the area of ethnic identity and media use with regard to many ethnic groups. Also related to ethnic identity is the idea of what it means to be a “normal” American. Is the view of the normal American as a white American persisting? If so, why? Intergroup relations between African-Americans and Korean-Americans could be further studied in the context of media. Are complaints by both groups of stereotyping in the media a key to potential causes of misunderstandings and poor relations? How do second-generation

Korean-Americans fit into the puzzle of race relations? There are many unanswered questions that deserve attention. This qualitative research study merely scratches the surface on the issue of ethnic identity and media use.

APPENDIX A CONSENT FORM

Informed Consent Protocol Title: Ethnic Identity and Media Use Among Korean-American University Students Please read this consent document carefully before you decide to participate in this study. Purpose of the research study: The purpose of this study is to clarify the relationship between identity and media use. What you will be asked to do in the study: Participants will be asked to answer questions on biographic information, identity and media use part of an in-depth interview process. The session will be tape recorded and later transcribed. Time required: 1 hour Risks and Benefits: The benefits in this study are potential increased self-understanding. There are no risks. Compensation: None Confidentiality: Your identity will be confidential to the extent provided by law. Voluntary participation: Your participation in this study is completely voluntary. There is no penalty for not participating. Right to withdraw from the study: You have the right to withdraw from the study at anytime without consequence. Whom to contact if you have questions about the study: Bridget McGrath, 205 SE 16th Ave. 24-C Gainesville, FL 32601 Tel: 352 395 7552 E-mail:[email protected] Dr. Kurt Kent, College of Journalism and Communication, 3047 Weimer Hall, University of Florida, Gainesville, Fl 32611-8400, Tel: 392-0410, E-mail: [email protected] Whom to contact about your rights as a research participant in the study: UFIRB Office, Box 112250, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611-2250; ph 392- 0433. Agreement: I have read the procedure described above. I voluntarily agree to participate in the procedure and I have received a copy of this description.

Participant: ______Date: ______

Principal Investigator: ______Date: ______.

APPENDIX B TRANSCRIPTION

This is the transcription of the interview conducted with Joon on February 11,

2002. This particular interview bears similarities to the others. Many of the themes that arose in the dialogue with Joon were themes that arose with a number of participants.

Nineteen-year-old Joon was interviewed in the second round of interviews in February of

2002. To protect Joon’s identity, any identifying information was changed. Brackets appear where information has been taken out. Some other information is changed in text.

INTERVIEWER: How old are you? JOON: I’m 19 years old. INTERVIEWER: And as I asked you before . . . you’re a freshmen in university? JOON: Yeah . . . at the University of Florida. INTERVIEWER: And your major is ?… JOON: [name of major] INTERVIEWER: [name of major] Where were you born? JOON: I was born in [name of city], Florida. INTERVIEWER: Where does your family live? JOON: Currently? INTERVIEWER: Currently. JOON: Currently my parents live in [name of city], Florida. INTERVIEWER: That’s near [name of city]? JOON: Yeah that’s near [name of city]. INTERVIEWER: And how many siblings do you have? JOON: I have two siblings. Two [gender]. One is older and one’s younger than me. INTERVIEWER: How often do you visit home? JOON: Since I’m in college now, I try to visit two, three times a semester. INTERVIEWER: Two or three times a semester. JOON: I try to go with my older sister so we can like save some money. INTERVIEWER: Do you have a car here? JOON: No, my sister has the car. INTERVIEWER: So you have extended family here in Gainesville? JOON: Well, in Florida. INTERVIEWER: So what kind of extended family do you have here?

89 90

JOON: Well, it’s like my uncle and aunt and my grandmother. They live in [name of city in Florida]. It’s kind of a weird relationship in our family. My real grandfather—on my dad’s side—my grandfather’s brother, but my real grandfather died. So they kind of . . . since they’re our only family in the States we kind of call them our grandfather. INTERVIEWER: Do you call other people Imo, aunt even though they’re not related to you, like your Mom’s friends? Or . . . what’s the word for uncle? JOON: Sam chun. INTERVIEWER: Anybody else in the United States? JOON: Well, there’s four uncles, one lives in [name of city] with my grandmother and the other three live in New York. And I have two cousins. One’s in New York right now and the other’s living in Washington, D.C. INTERVIEWER: So have you been up there to see New York? JOON: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Have you been to Korea town in New York and Flushing? JOON: Yeah, when I was younger. So I don’t really remember much of it. INTERVIEWER: So what languages do you speak? JOON: I speak fluently English and I can speak Korean. I can understand a lot of Korean but I’m not fluent. INTERVIEWER: Among your friends do you think you have . . . grade yourself . . . better or worse or average among your Kyopo friends. JOON: I’m pretty average. Speaking, I’m kind of, maybe a little bit below, but understanding, I can understand almost everything. INTERVIEWER: Is it as good as your sister’s? JOON: No. . . . INTERVIEWER: I heard she’s got pretty good Korean. JOON: Well, she lived, when she was younger, my parents lived with my uncles and they spoke Korean constantly when they were younger. So . . . . INTERVIEWER: What language do you speak at home? JOON: At home? I mostly speak English. But to my parents I’ll speak Korean most of the time. INTERVIEWER: And they speak Korean to you? JOON: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: In what situations to you speak your second language? What times in your life do you find yourself speaking Korean? JOON: Mostly toward other Korean adults that I just met at that time. I’ll speak to them in a more respectful manner. Mostly to Korean adults I’ll speak Korean. INTERVIEWER: What about Koreans your age or around your age? Mostly English? JOON: Korean-Americans I’ll speak English, but sometimes if the person is form Korea, like just immigrated recently I’ll try to speak a little Korean. INTERVIEWER: Do you throw in Korean words into sentences? JOON: Yeah at times. It kind of pops out. INTERVIEWER: What do your parents do? JOON: Both of my parents are tailors. INTERVIEWER: Do they have a small business? JOON: Yes, they own their own business. INTERVIEWER: I see. What religion are you?

JOON: I’m Christian. INTERVIEWER: Has your family been Christian most of the time since they came to America and before that. JOON: Yeah, most of my family is Christian. INTERVIEWER: Have you been to Korea? JOON: Yeah once. INTERVIEWER: When did you go? JOON: My sixth grade summer. INTERVIEWER: For the whole summer? JOON: Yeah for the whole summer? INTERVIEWER: With your whole family? JOON: Yeah my mom and dad and sisters. INTERVIEWER: And you stayed there how long? JOON: About three months. INTERVIEWER: So what did you do while you were there? JOON: Mostly I just followed my parents as they visited relatives there. A little sightseeing. INTERVIEWER: Did you do Korean culture camp or anything like that? JOON: Most of the time we were just visiting family and friends of my parents . . . so . . . INTERVIEWER: Did you travel around Korea when you were there visiting various families or are your mom and dad both form the same place in Korea? JOON: No, we traveled around. My dad’s side is from Seoul and my mom’s side is more the countryside so it’s like back and forth. INTERVIEWER: Did you celebrate any special occasions while you were there? JOON: I don’t think they had any major holidays while we were there over the summer. Not really, I don’t think so. INTERVIEWER: Who do you live with here in Gainesville? JOON: My sister introduced my to two of her friends who were living together and so I just moved in with them. INTERVIEWER: Are they Koreans? Korean-Americans? JOON: Yeah they’re both Korean-Americans. INTERVIEWER: OK. Since this is you’re first year I don’t really need to ask you. You’ve only lived with Koreans so far. How would you describe your friends in general? Mostly Korean-American or both or has there been a change since you came to university? . . . JOON: Being from [name of city], there weren’t many Koreans down there. So mostly they . . . the high school I went to was very diverse. A lot of my friends were Asian and a lot of them were white and black. Very diverse. Up here, since I’m living off campus I mostly hang out with . . . meet people that are Korean. My roommates are Korean. My sister’s Korean. So. . . . INTERVIEWER: So your circle of friends has changes a little bit. Do you have any high school friends who came to UF too? JOON: Yeah a lot of them. I try to keep in contact. INTERVIEWER: That’s good. So your closest circle of friends would be Korean? Do you think that’s accurate? JOON: I have a lot of friends that aren’t Korean that I’m close to.

INTERVIEWER: So your closest circle is not necessarily Korean only. JOON: It’s just like . . . Korean friends kind of . . . You have more in common with so you can . . . you know what each other’s talking about. INTERVIEWER: And you also go to Korean church on Friday nights? JOON: Right. INTERVIEWER: What are your views on dating? JOON: Dating? Well my parents were kind of strict so I didn’t go on a lot of dates in high school or anything. I think it’s fine if you find a person you like. INTERVIEWER: Are you in a relationship now? JOON: Currently no. INTERVIEWER: Have you . . . would you date someone who was Korean or non- Korean specifically or would it matter? JOON: It really doesn’t matter to me. She can be Korean. She can be American. INTERVIEWER: Will it matter to you parents? JOON: Yes. Definitely. (Laughter) They’re . . . they’ve been stressing ever since I was little to marry somebody who was Korean. INTERVIEWER: Why do they say that? Because they want you to marry Korean girl for ethnicity or for language or for culture or for all of these, do you think? JOON: A bit of all of those I think. They probably think it’ll be a little bit more comfortable for me and they could talk Korean in the house and not feel like they should try to speak English. INTERVIEWER: How is their English ability? JOON: My dad’s is above average. He can speak English pretty well and understand it. My mom’s is kind of, not really that, . . . can’t speak English that well. She just speaks Korean most of the time. She tries but she wanted us to learn Korean. She never really tried to learn English. She wants to, but she thought it would be more helpful if she spoke Korean so she could learn it. INTERVIEWER: But you don’t worry about her going out and around? JOON: No, she can communicate. INTERVIEWER: I see. How do you feel about the news? JOON: In general? INTERVIEWER: Do you think it’s important to keep up to date? Do you try to keep up to date with the news? Do you have time? JOON: I think it’s definitely important to keep up but I kind of . . . in and out. Sometimes I’ll pay more attention and other times I won’t. INTERVIEWER: When you do pay attention, what kind of sources do you use? JOON: I’ll watch local news and I don’t watch CNN constantly or anything like that. I’ll watch local news, local happenings and all that. INTERVIEWER: Newspapers? JOON: Yeah, up here they have The Alligator so I’ll read that in the morning. INTERVIEWER: I see. How does your family keep up with the news? JOON: I don’t know about my sisters, but my parents they try to watch the news especially now since they’ve got Korean television in the house. INTERVIEWER: Satellite? JOON: Yeah satellite. So they’re watching Korean news all the time. Seeing what’s happening over there.

INTERVIEWER: Do you know what they watch? MBC, KBS, SBS? JOON: The satellite they have is only one channel that’s mixed. I think it’s . . . I’m not sure. INTERVIEWER: Don’t feel embarrassed if you don’t know. I lived there for four years. I remember the different channels. It’s OK if you don’t know the channels. JOON: (Laughter) INTERVIEWER: How do your friends keep up with the news? Korean or American friends. Do you think they’re the same as you? JOON: Well my high school friends . . . since I was in the IB program. They were pretty smart. They kept up with the news a lot. Some of them were really educated in political happenings. INTERVIEWER: What are their sources? TV news, Internet or newspapers? JOON: Probably the Internet. I had an Iranian friend and I don’t know where he got most of his sources but he had some interesting information. But I think mostly Internet, family members. INTERVIEWER: Family members. That’s a good point. That you do get your news from other people and you still consider it news. How do you feel about keeping up with the news about Korea personally? JOON: Personally? I’m not really interested in what’s happening over there. The major events I’ll tune into but weather-wise. I’ll know they have bad weather at certain times, but I’m not really. . . . INTERVIEWER: If you are seeking our Korean news, what kind of sources do you use for that? JOON: Usually I’ll just go on the Internet. Korean web sites or something like that. INTERVIEWER: Korean language or English? JOON: Korean language. INTERVIEWER: Maybe your Korean is pretty good. JOON: (laughter) Personally I just find Korean music and Korean sports. I just pay attention to some of that. INTERVIEWER: That’s good. JOON: Especially Korean music. If the news comes put in the entertainment world over there I’ll probably find out about it. INTERVIEWER: Were you there when I was telling your friend when I was a teacher at Dongguk and Kang Ta was one of my students? He never showed. JOON: (Laughter) Yeah. INTERVIEWER: So you do keep up with Korean bands. You know who’s current. Is H.O.T. still hot? JOON: They’ve broken up. INTERVIEWER: No. I didn’t know that. They were the big ones when I first got to Korea. JOON: They were. INTERVIEWER: They were kids. JOON: They’re all doing their own music now. INTERVIEWER: What about So Tae Ji? Do you know him? JOON: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Did he ever go back to Korea?

JOON: He made two solo albums. He was the first guy I really got into. INTERVIEWER: He was really popular when I first got there then he left. JOON: He’s basically the most influential musician in Korea INTERVIEWER: What about do you think of the boy band trend over there? JOON: I think the face has changed a little. They all have a boy band sound but mix it with another style. INTERVIEWER: Where do you buy your music? Online? JOON: Online most of the time. Sometimes my uncles will send me CDs. INTERVIEWER: From New York? Yeah they’ve got everything up there JOON: They sure have. INTERVIEWER: How do you feel about watching TV? Do you watch a lot of TV or not a whole lot? JOON: I like to watch TV. INTERVIEWER: What kind of programs do you watch? JOON: It depends. I’ll watch anything that’s interesting to me. It could be something on PBS to MTV or whatever. INTERVIEWER: Sure. Do you watch TV with other people? With roommates? JOON: Well we recently got cable TV so last semester we didn’t have TV at all. This semester we’re kind of . . . we just watch TV together. INTERVIEWER: Do you take special notice of Koreans when you encounter them in the media? JOON: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: For example if you see someone on TV and you recognize their features as Korean. “Hey I think that guy’s Korean” or they’re speaking Korean but they don’t identify the person as Korean. Do you recognize that immediately? JOON: I’ll try to . . . even when I’m watching with other Korean friends. We’ll say “Oh yeah he looks Korean” or “ Did you hear . . . they’re speaking Korean” INTERVIEWER: How does that make you feel when you see that? JOON: You get a little excited. Like “Oh we’re getting a bit of exposure here.” INTERVIEWER: Do you think they often represent Koreans well in the media or not so well? JOON: It depends. Mostly you’ll usually see news reports on North Korea. So it’s more like. . .in movies when they say the Koreans, they usually talk about North Koreans and how they’re communist. It’s kind of a bad representation. INTERVIEWER: How often do you watch movies? JOON: Recently up in college I’ve been watching a lot. My roommates especially they love to watch movies. They’ll rent from blockbuster all the time. INTERVIEWER: What kind of movies do you watch? JOON: Anything and everything. Action. INTERVIEWER: Mostly do you go to the movies or watch movies with Korean- Americans? Other friends? JOON: Recently, but I’ll go to a movie with whoever wants to watch something. INTERVIEWER: How do you feel about using the Internet for news? JOON: I think it’s very helpful. You can get anything about Korean music on TV here. Online is where I get most of my information from. INTERVIEWER: Do you visit any particular web sites to access your information?

JOON: There’s this one site that’s really good for Korean music that I go to all the time. INTERVIEWER: What’s that called? JOON: SOOMPI.com. The person that runs the web site does music reports and music reviews. INTERVIEWER: Is that Korean-American? JOON: Yeah Korean-American. So it’s all in English. INTERVIEWER: Out of LA or New York? JOON: Not sure. INTERVIEWER: Mostly music sites. Do you have bookmarked any other Korean ethnic media or regular web sites . . . MSNBC . . . or CNN? JOON: I’ll have those on my favorites. Usually I’ll go there and watch the Korean TV programs that they broadcast online. INTERVIEWER: Really? They broadcast TV programs online? Like dramas? JOON: Dramas, the news, the game shows. INTERVIEWER: Do you like the Korean dramas? JOON: Some of them I’ll get into but mostly it’s the girls that get into them more. INTERVIEWER: I heard the girls get together. JOON: Some of them pretty good but most of them are kind of sappy. So you kind of don’t say you watch them. INTERVIEWER: They’re different than American soap operas for sure. JOON: It’s funny comparing them. INTERVIEWER: Korean dramas are much more conservative. JOON: Yeah but they’ve been changing a little though. INTERVIEWER: Oh really? JOON: They’ve actually been kissing now. INTERVIEWER: How often do you read Korean newspapers, Korean-language newspapers or even Korean-American newspapers in English? JOON: I haven’t really read them much. INTERVIEWER: Do your parents subscribe to any of them? JOON: Yeah my parents subscribe to a Korean-American newspaper. But it’s all in Korean so. . . . INTERVIEWER: Do you pick it up sometimes? JOON: Yeah sometimes I’ll look through it. They subscribe to a Korean-American magazine. So I’ll just flip through it. INTERVIEWER: But you get more of your stuff from the Internet do you think? JOON: Yeah English is just more comfortable. So I’ll try to go to a site that has more English. INTERVIEWER: Or one with both? JOON: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: How do feel about talking about the news with your friends and what kind of things do you talk about when you do talk about the news? Whether its American news or Korean news. . . . JOON: Mostly it’s debate and a lot or my friends are more politically minded. It’s about different political parties and what they do. We’ll get into long debates about them. It gets ridiculous. . . . (Laughter)

INTERVIEWER: What about Korean politics? Do you talk about that with your Korean friends? JOON: I’m kind of embarrassed but I don’t really know much about Korean politics. INTERVIEWER: Do you think Korean-American kids’ parents are far more interested in that than your generation? JOON: Definitely. My parents keep up most of the time. We talk about it amongst ourselves. INTERVIEWER: But they’re not Korean citizens and they can’t even vote, but they still have their opinions? I guess I’m the same. I haven’t voted in Canada for a long time but I still have my opinions. Did you know I was Canadian? JOON: No, I didn’t. I met a person who was Korean-Can. . . . She was from Canada. INTERVIEWER: There are lots of Koreans in Canada. JOON: That’s what I’ve heard. INTERVIEWER: When you talk about Korean news, what kind of issues come up? You said politics not so much, but if you do talk about things going on in Korean, what are they? You said earlier North Korean, what are other things that come up when you talk about Korean issues? JOON: I guess most of the major issues are more about North Korea and economic conditions—South Korean economic condition right now. INTERVIEWER: Not so good? JOON: Not that good right now. Recently it’s been mostly World Cup and they’re hosting it. INTERVIEWER: Wow . . . yeah. Do you wish you could go? JOON: Yeah I’ve been pressuring my parents to go this summer but I don’t think it’s going to happen. INTERVIEWER: No luck? JOON: I’ve been pressuring the last two years but . . . (laughter) INTERVIEWER: Anything else that comes up when you talk about Korean issues? Entertainment news or anything like that? JOON: Sometimes people bring up issues on entertainment-wise. Like who’s dating who. What happened to . . . INTERVIEWER: That’s normal . . . When you talk about news with your parents what do you normally talk about? American news or Korean news? JOON: Mostly I’ll talk to them about major happenings. Like recently with September 11. I’ll talk to them about that. INTERVIEWER: Were you interested in finding out the response to September 11 through Korean media? JOON: From what I heard, my parents said they broadcasted it. My parents said they broadcasted it on the Korean networks and they giving reports about that. That’s where they heard it from first. INTERVIEWER: Oh really? JOON: Actually, they don’t really watch the American news much now because they have the satellite. INTERVIEWER: Interesting. What are your feelings on American coverage of Korean or Korean-American issues? Is it adequate? Is it representative? JOON: Hmm. . . .

INTERVIEWER: Do you think the American media could improve that? JOON: Mostly news is . . . they focus on happening that are usually negative so . . . I mean I don’t think they try to do it on purpose. It’s just natural I guess. I feel since it’s kind of a small country they don’t really cover a lot of happenings. Only China and Japan. INTERVIEWER: Do you remember the ’88 Olympics? JOON: Not really. I was little. My parents told me a bit about it. INTERVIEWER: What are your views on the representations of Koreans in American TV programming. We’ve talked about it a little bit, but take it a little bit further. JOON: Mostly I see a stereotypical Korean. They’ll be the smart ones or the ones that are really good at math. INTERVIEWER: Do you think those are stereotypes? JOON: Yeah. Usually you see . . . mostly it’s a comedy show. You don’t usually see a major Korean person represented in a show. I think that’s changing a little bit these days. You see a little bit more Korean actors coming in. INTERVIEWER: Do you recognize them? Are there any famous Korean actors now in America? JOON: Well there . . . usually if a Korean actor comes out it’s big news. Even sports stars . . . INTERVIEWER: Chan Ho Park and Se-Ri Park? JOON: The first person, Korean, I saw on TV was Margaret Cho. She’s a comedienne. INTERVIEWER: What did you think of All-American Girl? JOON: I started watching because she was Korean. Korean-American. INTERVIEWER: Do you think it was a good representation of Korean life or not so accurate? JOON: I think it was skewed. INTERVIEWER: You think it was skewed. . . . JOON: Yeah, I think there are aspects that were kind of redone so it would be marketable to the American audience. INTERVIEWER: Like crickets? Koreans don’t keep crickets? JOON: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Someone told me once they didn’t take their shoes off in the house. JOON: Yeah. Stuff like that. INTERVIEWER: Pretty well every Korean home you’ve been to in America, do they take off their shoes? JOON: Yeah mostly. It’s kind of like habit. If I go to a Korean person’s house I’ll take off my shoes. Even if I go to a friend’s house who’s not Korean I’ll ask first. Out of habit. INTERVIEWER: What do you think of the representation of Koreans in movies. Can you think of any situations movies where there were Korean people? JOON: Well, um . . . Koreans as North Koreans. Something like that. Mostly it’s a stereotypical type. If they’re representing Koreans in America it’ll be a Korean gang or something like that. Recently on the movie Fast and the Furious there was a Korean guy in that. INTERVIEWER: Oh really? JOON: Yeah, he played the Asian gangster. Asian mob or whatever.

INTERVIEWER: My husband told me in Tampa it was a lot of the Asian kids who had the Honda Civics? JOON: (Laughter). Yeah, Asians in general they like the souped-up cars. Especially in America. Some Korean-American . . . some of them are what we call . . . like a gang- pae. INTERVIEWER: Gang-pae. JOON: They’re the ones that look bully-ish and drive the souped-up cars and all that. INTERVIEWER: Not all Koreans. JOON: They attract more attention. INTERVIEWER: Are there some of them in Gainesville? JOON: Yeah there are . . . yeah. INTERVIEWER :Do you know some gang-pae type guys? JOON: Uh-huh. I’m friends with a couple of them. INTERVIEWER: What identity do you consider yourself? JOON: Nationality? INTERVIEWER: No, because you’d automatically be American. You’re an American citizen. If someone says “What are you?” JOON: I’ll usually say I’m Korean first off. Korean-American basically. INTERVIEWER: So do you consider yourself American? Do you consider yourself Korean? JOON: I think it’s a dual relationship. When I was younger I was like “Oh yeah I’m American. I was born here.” As you grow up you develop more of a . . . pride I guess you could say. INTERVIEWER: Identity. JOON: Yeah. You just know “Oh yeah, my parents are Korean” so . . . and maybe they try to say when you’re younger they try to convince you, you’re. . . . INTERVIEWER: They say, “Don’t forget you’re Korean”? JOON: They always say that. INTERVIEWER: What does that mean when you’re parents say, “Don’t forget you’re Korean”? JOON: I think it means just don’t forget who you are and what you came from and where your father is from. . . . INTERVIEWER: Traditions? JOON: Yeah, traditions and customs that we taught you. And remember and pass them on so Korean culture won’t die out. INTERVIEWER: Your parents still feel that’s important here? JOON: Yeah especially in America I think. I guess that’s one of the bigger reasons that they want . . . dating . . . a Korean girl so that you can share and pass them on to your kids. So. . . . INTERVIEWER: Do you consider yourself Korean-American more than American or Korean? JOON: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: How do you feel about the Fourth of July? JOON: Here or over there? INTERVIEWER: Here. Do you celebrate it?

JOON: I’ll celebrate it. I’ll get together with my family and we’ll do fireworks and . . . I mean . . . Usually on the Fourth of July . . . It’s kind of like a special day because well . . . sad special, I guess, because my grandfather died July fourth. INTERVIEWER: I see. . . . JOON: So they live in [name of city] so . . . Now since he died we go there every Fourth of July and get together with five uncles and five aunts. INTERVIEWER: So if I’m not mistaken there’s a special traditional ceremony that goes on . . . that’s different than Americans. Americans might remember the passing of their parents or something on a certain date but they don’t do anything real special. What do you guys do? JOON: I haven’t really been taught the traditions and customs regarding it. INTERVIEWER: But you’ve been there to see some of it? . . . JOON: Yeah . . . like I think since my grandfather, usually in Korean culture the elderly, the more elderly people the more respect you’re shown, you show them. The higher up they are in the hierarchy, I guess in the family. It’s just out of respect that we get together and just remember them. INTERVIEWER: So do you eat special food, special dinner? JOON: My aunts, my grandmother and my mom will get together and make this fabulous meal. They’ll go all out. INTERVIEWER: Dduk? [rice cake] JOON: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Do you eat the green dduk during that time? JOON: Yeah. I like Korean snacks. INTERVIEWER: Korean snacks? Does your mom send you some or do you go to the Korean store here and buy them sometimes? JOON: Usually I’ll go to the Korean store with some friends. INTERVIEWER: What do you buy there when you buy Korean food? JOON: If we’re out of rice, we’ll buy rice there. INTERVIEWER: You don’t want to buy regular rice? JOON: We ran out of rice recently and my roommate bought just American rice because it was a little cheaper so. . . . It just didn’t taste the same. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. JOON: We’ll go there and buy snacks. INTERVIEWER: What about Sae-u gang? [shrimp chips] Do you like those? JOON: Especially when I was younger my parents would buy those. INTERVIEWER: Did you ever give them to your American friends? Let them try it out or eat it at home? JOON: Eat it at home. INTERVIEWER: Never had enough left over . . . What do you think they would say? JOON: (Laughter) Yeah. When I was younger sometimes my parents would pack stuff like Korean snacks. I’d just give it to them and say “Look try this! It’s really good.” It was kind of mixed sometimes. INTERVIEWER: As long as it wasn’t o-jing-oh. [squid] Do you like that? JOON: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Like at the Korean movie theatres. Did you see that when you were there?

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JOON: No, it was too crowded. I’m dying to go back to see what’s changed. INTERVIEWER: Are you? Would you move to Korea for a short time . . . or. . . . JOON: Probably for a short time. I think growing up in America you kind of . . . you just . . . feel more comfortable here. INTERVIEWER: Do you know very many Chemi Kyopo . . . ones who came here later? One-point five generation? Do you know that term? JOON: Yeah, they had a Korean drama called that. INTERVIEWER: Really? JOON: That was a while ago. INTERVIEWER: So do you? JOON: My roommates are. INTERVIEWER: Are they older than you? JOON: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Do you call them hyoung? [big brother from a male] JOON: No . . . (laughter) I remember growing up . . . I never grew up with an older brother type of figure so I never really got used to calling anyone hyoung. I grew up with two sisters and they called me oppa,[big brother from a female] so I would say oppa automatically. INTERVIEWER: Your little sister calls you oppa right? JOON: Yeah INTERVIEWER: Do you call your big sister nuna? [big sister from a male] JOON: Yeah. I don’t call her by her first name. She gets mad if I call her by her first name. INTERVIEWER: That’s funny. JOON: Sometimes I’ll say nuna to other people, but hyoung is kind of . . . I’m not used to it yet so. . . . INTERVIEWER: Yeah. JOON: If they tell me to call them that I have no problem with it, but. . . . INTERVIEWER: Sure. But it’s not a natural habit? JOON: Yeah. . . . INTERVIEWER: A few questions to finish up. How do you feel celebrate about Chusok or Solnal and tell me what they mean to you being Korean-American? JOON: Chusok . . . my parents, well when we were younger. We’ll celebrate Chusok by going to church and they’ll make dduk and all this food. And we’ll eat it there. Other than that we didn’t talk much about it. INTERVIEWER: Do you know what it means? JOON: Yeah it’s like Thanksgiving. My parents will mention Korean New Year and stuff like that. Maybe they’ll cook me something. But other than that it’s just another day. INTERVIEWER: Do you celebrate your lunar or solar birthday or both? JOON: I’m not sure which one I celebrate. . . . INTERVIEWER: The American one? JOON: Yeah the American one. INTERVIEWER: Anything else you want to add about being Korean-American? JOON: Living here . . . usually if you see another Korean person on the street and you’ll talk or introduce yourself. There’s a lot of perks. Through high school I traveled a lot because I was involved in the band. They were pretty big and well known.

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INTERVIEWER: What do you play? JOON: The trombone. We traveled to Arizona, Louisiana. Last year, my senior year we went to Hawaii. INTERVIEWER: There are lots of Koreans there. JOON: Yeah there’s a lot of Koreans there. There’s lots of Korean restaurants there. INTERVIEWER: Did you go to the Korean restaurants? JOON: Yeah I went. They also have this international flea market thing. Korean people would be selling stuff. If I Knew they were Korean I would talk to them in Korean and automatically . . . Koreans are like that. If you see another Korean person, especially in America, they’ll give discounts. Automatically . . . My friends would try to get me to get them low prices. INTERVIEWER: Great. Thanks for your time.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Bridget McGrath was born January 6, 1972, in Placentia, Newfoundland, Canada.

She graduated from Fredericton High School in Fredericton, New Brunswick, Canada, in

1990 and began her studies at the University of New Brunswick that same year. Ms.

McGrath was graduated from UNB in 1995 with a Bachelor of Arts in French Literature and Anthropology. She then devoted four years in South Korea to teaching as a university English instructor. She and her husband, Kenneth Book, live in Columbia,

South Carolina, and are expecting their first child in August 2002.

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