Monopoly Power: Use, Proof and Relationship to Anticompetitive Effects in Section 2 Cases
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Hearing on Oligopoly Markets, Note by the United States Submitted To
Unclassified DAF/COMP/WD(2015)45 Organisation de Coopération et de Développement Économiques Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development 12-Jun-2015 ___________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________ English - Or. English DIRECTORATE FOR FINANCIAL AND ENTERPRISE AFFAIRS COMPETITION COMMITTEE Unclassified DAF/COMP/WD(2015)45 HEARING ON OLIGOPOLY MARKETS -- Note by the United States -- 16-18 June 2015 This document reproduces a written contribution from the United States submitted for Item 5 of the 123rd meeting of the OECD Competition Committee on 16-18 June 2015. More documents related to this discussion can be found at www.oecd.org/daf/competition/oligopoly-markets.htm. English English JT03378438 Complete document available on OLIS in its original format - This document and any map included herein are without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory, to the delimitation of English Or. international frontiers and boundaries and to the name of any territory, city or area. DAF/COMP/WD(2015)45 UNITED STATES 1. Following on our submissions to previous OECD roundtables on oligopolies, notably the 1999 submission of the U.S. Department of Justice and the U.S. Federal Trade Commission on Oligopoly (describing the theoretical and economic underpinnings of U.S. enforcement policy with regard to oligopolistic behavior),1 and the 2007 U.S. submission on facilitating practices in oligopolies,2 this submission focuses on certain approaches taken by the Federal Trade Commission (“FTC”) and the U.S. Department of Justice Antitrust Division (“DOJ”) (together, “the Agencies”) to prevent the accumulation of unwarranted market power and address oligopoly issues. 2. Pursuant to U.S. -
Resale Price Maintenance in China – an Increasingly Economic Question
Resale Price Maintenance in China – an increasingly economic question Three recent decisions in China suggest that Resale Specifically, the Court was clear that since RPM was Price Maintenance cases will not be decided solely on a defined in the law as a “monopoly agreement”, it must be legal consideration but will also turn on the economic expected to have the impact of eliminating or restricting context of the agreements in question. competition in order to be found illegal. To determine whether the agreement had the impact of eliminating or Resale Price Maintenance (RPM) is a contractual restricting competition, the Court proposed four constituent commitment imposed by a supplier on its distributors not to economic questions: sell its product for less (or more) than a given price. It is very 1. Is competition in the relevant market “sufficient”? common in distribution contracts throughout the world, 2. Does the defendant have a “very strong” market especially in China because of the control that RPM position? provides over resale quality and the distribution chain. 3. What was the motive behind the RPM agreements? RPM is a particularly contentious area of competition law 4. What was the competitive effect of the RPM? since RPM clauses can be both beneficial and harmful to competition depending on the context in which they are implemented. For example, RPM may facilitate unlawful Specifically, the Court suggested that if competition in the collusion between suppliers by allowing them to control and market was sufficient then it would not have found the RPM monitor the final retail price. RPM may also be forced on agreement illegal. -
Chapter 5 Perfect Competition, Monopoly, and Economic Vs
Chapter Outline Chapter 5 • From Perfect Competition to Perfect Competition, Monopoly • Supply Under Perfect Competition Monopoly, and Economic vs. Normal Profit McGraw -Hill/Irwin © 2007 The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., All Rights Reserved. McGraw -Hill/Irwin © 2007 The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., All Rights Reserved. From Perfect Competition to Picking the Quantity to Maximize Profit Monopoly The Perfectly Competitive Case P • Perfect Competition MC ATC • Monopolistic Competition AVC • Oligopoly P* MR • Monopoly Q* Q Many Competitors McGraw -Hill/Irwin © 2007 The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., All Rights Reserved. McGraw -Hill/Irwin © 2007 The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., All Rights Reserved. Picking the Quantity to Maximize Profit Characteristics of Perfect The Monopoly Case Competition P • a large number of competitors, such that no one firm can influence the price MC • the good a firm sells is indistinguishable ATC from the ones its competitors sell P* AVC • firms have good sales and cost forecasts D • there is no legal or economic barrier to MR its entry into or exit from the market Q* Q No Competitors McGraw -Hill/Irwin © 2007 The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., All Rights Reserved. McGraw -Hill/Irwin © 2007 The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., All Rights Reserved. 1 Monopoly Monopolistic Competition • The sole seller of a good or service. • Monopolistic Competition: a situation in a • Some monopolies are generated market where there are many firms producing similar but not identical goods. because of legal rights (patents and copyrights). • Example : the fast-food industry. McDonald’s has a monopoly on the “Happy Meal” but has • Some monopolies are utilities (gas, much competition in the market to feed kids water, electricity etc.) that result from burgers and fries. -
Parker Brothers Real Estate Trading Game in 1934, Charles B
Parker Brothers Real Estate Trading Game In 1934, Charles B. Darrow of Germantown, Pennsylvania, presented a game called MONOPOLY to the executives of Parker Brothers. Mr. Darrow, like many other Americans, was unemployed at the time and often played this game to amuse himself and pass the time. It was the game’s exciting promise of fame and fortune that initially prompted Darrow to produce this game on his own. With help from a friend who was a printer, Darrow sold 5,000 sets of the MONOPOLY game to a Philadelphia department store. As the demand for the game grew, Darrow could not keep up with the orders and arranged for Parker Brothers to take over the game. Since 1935, when Parker Brothers acquired the rights to the game, it has become the leading proprietary game not only in the United States but throughout the Western World. As of 1994, the game is published under license in 43 countries, and in 26 languages; in addition, the U.S. Spanish edition is sold in another 11 countries. OBJECT…The object of the game is to become the wealthiest player through buying, renting and selling property. EQUIPMENT…The equipment consists of a board, 2 dice, tokens, 32 houses and 12 hotels. There are Chance and Community Chest cards, a Title Deed card for each property and play money. PREPARATION…Place the board on a table and put the Chance and Community Chest cards face down on their allotted spaces on the board. Each player chooses one token to represent him/her while traveling around the board. -
Market Failure Guide
Market failure guide A guide to categorising market failures for government policy development and evaluation industry.nsw.gov.au Published by NSW Department of Industry PUB17/509 Market failure guide—A guide to categorising market failures for government policy development and evaluation An external academic review of this guide was undertaken by prominent economists in November 2016 This guide is consistent with ‘NSW Treasury (2017) NSW Government Guide to Cost-Benefit Analysis, TPP 17-03, Policy and Guidelines Paper’ First published December 2017 More information Program Evaluation Unit [email protected] www.industry.nsw.gov.au © State of New South Wales through Department of Industry, 2017. This publication is copyright. You may download, display, print and reproduce this material provided that the wording is reproduced exactly, the source is acknowledged, and the copyright, update address and disclaimer notice are retained. To copy, adapt, publish, distribute or commercialise any of this publication you will need to seek permission from the Department of Industry. Disclaimer: The information contained in this publication is based on knowledge and understanding at the time of writing July 2017. However, because of advances in knowledge, users are reminded of the need to ensure that the information upon which they rely is up to date and to check the currency of the information with the appropriate officer of the Department of Industry or the user’s independent advisor. Market failure guide Contents Executive summary -
The United States Has a Market Concentration Problem Reviewing Concentration Estimates in Antitrust Markets, 2000-Present
THE UNITED STATES HAS A MARKET CONCENTRATION PROBLEM REVIEWING CONCENTRATION ESTIMATES IN ANTITRUST MARKETS, 2000-PRESENT ISSUE BRIEF BY ADIL ABDELA AND MARSHALL STEINBAUM1 | SEPTEMBER 2018 Since the 1970s, America’s antitrust policy regime has been weakening and market power has been on the rise. High market concentration—in which few firms compete in a given market—is one indicator of market power. From 1985 to 2017, the number of mergers completed annually rose from 2,308 to 15,361 (IMAA 2017). Recently, policymakers, academics, and journalists have questioned whether the ongoing merger wave, and lax antitrust enforcement more generally, is indeed contributing to rising concentration, and in turn, whether concentration really portends a market power crisis in the economy. In this issue brief, we review the estimates of market concentration that have been conducted in a number of industries since 2000 as part of merger retrospectives and other empirical investigations. The result of that survey is clear: market concentration in the U.S. economy is high, according to the thresholds adopted by the antitrust agencies themselves in the Horizontal Merger Guidelines. By way of background, recent studies of industry concentration conclude that it is both high and rising over time. For example, Grullon, Larkin, and Michaely conclude that concentration increased in 75% of industries from 1997 to 2012. In response to these and similar studies, the antitrust enforcement agencies recently declared that their findings are not relevant to the question of whether market concentration has increased because they study industrial sectors, not antitrust markets. Specifically, they wrote, “The U.S. -
Buyer Power: Is Monopsony the New Monopoly?
COVER STORIES Antitrust , Vol. 33, No. 2, Spring 2019. © 2019 by the American Bar Association. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. This information or any portion thereof may not be copied or disseminated in any form or by any means or stored in an electronic database or retrieval system without the express written consent of the American Bar Association. Buyer Power: Is Monopsony the New Monopoly? BY DEBBIE FEINSTEIN AND ALBERT TENG OR A NUMBER OF YEARS, exists—or only when it can also be shown to harm consumer commentators have debated whether the United welfare; (2) historical case law on monopsony; (3) recent States has a monopoly problem. But as part of the cases involving monopsony issues; and (4) counseling con - recent conversation over the direction of antitrust siderations for monopsony issues. It remains to be seen law and the continued appropriateness of the con - whether we will see significantly increased enforcement Fsumer welfare standard, the debate has turned to whether the against buyer-side agreements and mergers that affect buyer antitrust agencies are paying enough attention to monopsony power and whether such enforcement will be successful, but issues. 1 A concept that appears more in textbooks than in case what is clear is that the antitrust enforcement agencies will be law has suddenly become mainstream and practitioners exploring the depth and reach of these theories and clients should be aware of developments when they counsel clients must be prepared for investigations and enforcement actions on issues involving supply-side concerns. implicating these issues. This topic is not going anywhere any time soon. -
Official Journal of the European Communities on the Definition Of
9 . 12 . 97 [ EN ] Official Journal of the European Communities C 372/ 5 COMMISSION NOTICE on the definition of relevant market for the purposes of Community competition law (97/C 372/03 ) ( Text with EEA relevance ) I. INTRODUCTION 3 . It follows from point 2 that the concept of 'relevant market' is different from other definitions of market often used in other contexts . For instance , companies often use the term 'market' to refer to the area 1 . The purpose of this notice is to provide guidance as where it sells its products or to refer broadly to the to how the Commission applies the concept of industry or sector where it belongs . relevant product and geographic market in its ongoing enforcement of Community competition 4 . The definition of the relevant market in both its law, in particular the application of Council Regu product and its geographic dimensions often has a lation No 17 and (EEC ) No 4064/ 89 , their decisive influence on the assessment of a competition equivalents in other sectoral applications such as case . By rendering public the procedures which the transport, coal and steel , and agriculture , and the Commission follows when considering market defi relevant provisions of the EEA Agreement ('). nition and by indicating the criteria and evidence on Throughout this notice , references to Articles 85 and which it relies to reach a decision , the Commission 86 of the Treaty and to merger control are to be expects to increase the transparency of its policy and understood as referring to the equivalent provisions decision-making in the area of competition policy . -
Resale Price Maintenance: Economic Theories and Empirical Evidence
"RESALE PRICE MAINTENANCE: ECONOMIC THEORIES AND EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE Thomas R. Overstreet, Jr. Bureau of Economics Staff Report to the Federal Trade Commission November 1983 RESALF. PRICE INTF.NANCE: ECONO IC THEORIES AND PIRICAL EVIDENCE Thomas R. Overstreet, Jr. Bureau of Economics Staff Report to the Federal Trade Commiss ion November 1983 . FEDERAL TRDE COM~ISSION -f. JAMES C. ~ILLER, III, Chairman MICHAEL PERTSCHUK, Commissioner PATRICIA P. BAILEY, Commissioner GEORGE W. DOUGLAS, Commissioner TERRY CALVANI, Commi S5 ioner BUREAU OF ECONO~ICS WENDY GRA~, Director RONALD S. BOND, Deputy Director for Operations and Research RICHARD HIGGINS, Deputy Director for Consumer Protection and Regulatory Analysis JOHN L. PETE , Associate Director for Special Projects DAVID T. SCHEFF N, Deputy Director for Competition and Anti trust PAUL PAUTLER, Assistant to Deputy Director for Competition and Antitrust JOHN E. CALFEE, Special Assistant to the Director JAMES A. HURDLE, Special Assistant to . the Director THOMAS WALTON, Special Assistant to the Director KEITH B. ANDERSON, Assistant Director of Regulatory Analysis JAMES M. FERGUSON, Assistant Director for Antitrust PAULINE IPPOLITO, Assistant Director for Industry Analysis WILLIAM F. LONG, ~anager for Line of Business PHILIP NELSON, Assistant Director for Competition Analysis PAUL H. RUBIN, Assistant Director for Consumer Protection This report has been prepared by an individual member of the professional staff of the FTC Bureau of Economics. It rsfle cts solely the views of the author, and is not intended to represent the position of the Federal Trade Commission, or necessarily the views of any individual Commissioner. -ii - fI. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank former FTC Commissioner David A. -
Antitrust for Consumers and Workers: a Framework for Labor Market Analysis in Merger Review
ANTITRUST FOR CONSUMERS AND WORKERS: A FRAMEWORK FOR LABOR MARKET ANALYSIS IN MERGER REVIEW By: Lauren Sillman* I. INTRODUCTION Antitrust traditionally has not been a friend of labor. Twelve of the first thirteen prosecutions under the Sherman Act—the foundational antitrust statute passed in 1890—targeted labor unions.1 Dismayed by such subversion of the statute’s original purpose, Congress intervened and exempted labor organizing from antitrust enforcement in the Clayton Act of 1914.2 Ever since, the relationship between antitrust law and the welfare of workers has largely been one of indifference. Anticompetitive behavior that would have drawn the ire of enforcement agencies if executed in product markets has been tacitly condoned in labor markets. While neglect may be preferable to outright hostility, neither is necessary. The antitrust statutes and economic theory provide a strong basis for using antitrust enforcement to promote more competitive labor markets in the interest of workers. A détente is especially desirable today in light of the severe stagnation in American wages. In the past thirty-five years, U.S. gross domestic product has all in all grown but the purchasing power of the average worker has barely changed.3 Labor’s share of national income declined precipitously in the 2000s, and in the five years after the Great Recession it was lower than at any point since World War II.4 Because most people get most of their income from * Antitrust Associate, Clifford Chance LLP; J.D., Georgetown University Law Center; B.A., University of Iowa. I would like to thank Professor Steven Salop for his wisdom, support, and guidance. -
Statement of the Federal Trade Commission
STATEMENT OF THE FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION In the Matter of Caremark Rx, Inc./AdvancePCS File No. 031 0239 The Federal Trade Commission has closed its investigation of Caremark Rx, Inc.’s proposed acquisition of AdvancePCS. The transaction involves two of the largest providers of prescription benefit management (“PBM”) services in the United States. PBMs administer prescription benefits for most U.S. consumers under contracts with health plans or directly with employers. As part of the Commission’s continuing effort to provide transparency to its decision-making process,1 and to provide guidance about the application of the antitrust laws to mergers in this market, the following statement will outline the reasons for our decision to close the investigation. The Commission’s most recent investigations of the PBM industry include two matters that resulted in consent orders.2 Each of those matters involved the acquisition by a pharmaceutical manufacturer of a PBM (as opposed to the present situation – the acquisition by one PBM of another). In those two cases, the Commission’s complaint identified “the provision 1See, e.g., Statement of the Federal Trade Commission, AmeriSource Health Corporation/Bergen Brunswig Corporation (Aug. 24, 2001), available at www.ftc.gov/os/2001/08/amerisourcestatement.pdf; Concurring Statement of Commissioner Mozelle W. Thompson, AmeriSource Health Corporation/Bergen Brunswig Corporation (Aug. 24, 2001), available at www.ftc.gov/os/2001/08/amerisourcethompsonstatement.pdf; Statement of the Federal Trade Commission Concerning Royal Caribbean Cruises, Ltd./P&O Princess Cruises plc and Carnival Corporation//P&O Princess Cruises plc (Oct. 4, 2002), available at www.ftc.gov/os/2002/10/cruisestatement.htm; Dissenting Statement of Commissioners Sheila F. -
A Critique of the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index's Use
Pace Law Review Volume 34 Issue 2 Spring 2014 Article 8 April 2014 When Bigger Is Better: A Critique of the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index’s Use to Evaluate Mergers in Network Industries Toby Roberts Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/plr Part of the Antitrust and Trade Regulation Commons, and the Business Organizations Law Commons Recommended Citation Toby Roberts, When Bigger Is Better: A Critique of the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index’s Use to Evaluate Mergers in Network Industries, 34 Pace L. Rev. 894 (2014) Available at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/plr/vol34/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law at DigitalCommons@Pace. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pace Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Pace. For more information, please contact [email protected]. When Bigger Is Better: A Critique of the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index’s Use to Evaluate Mergers in Network Industries Toby Roberts* I. Introduction The Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (“HHI”) operates under a very simple premise: industry behavior strongly correlates with industry structure; the larger a firm is within its industry, the more likely it is to engage in supracompetitive pricing or other anticompetitive conduct.1 For more than 30 years, antitrust regulators have used the index to gauge whether prospective mergers would produce a firm of such magnitude that it would adversely impact societal welfare. When an HHI analysis of an impending merger suggests that a potentially harmful increase in concentration will result, the companies involved must demonstrate that the merger has other characteristics that mitigate its impact on prices in order to gain regulatory approval.2 * Staff attorney at the California Court of Appeal and former law clerk at the United States District Court for the Central District of California and the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.