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The Child Trust Fund in the UK Policy Challenges and Potential Responses

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The Child Trust Fund in the UK Policy Challenges and Potential Responses The Child Trust Fund in the UK Policy Challenges and Potential Responses Rajiv Prabhakar London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine 2009 CSD Working Papers No. 09-56 Campus Box 1196 One Brookings Drive St. Louis, MO 63130-9906 (314) 935.7433 csd.wustl.edu T HE C HILD T RUST F UND IN THE UK The Child Trust Fund in the UK: Policy Challenges and Potential Responses The United Kingdom introduced the Child Trust Fund (CTF) policy, a children’s savings policy, in 2002. A focus group study conducted on parental attitudes to the CTF (Prabhakar, 2006, 2007) identified main reasons why CTF accounts were left unopened. This paper explores different ways that non-opening of accounts might be reduced. One strategy draws upon recent developments in behavioral economics and points to different ways that the CTF may be designed. An alternative strategy emphasises the role of financial education of parents as a way of addressing their concerns and increasing the opening rates of these accounts. The paper also considers another issue raised during the focus groups, namely parental unhappiness with the treatment of older siblings denied a CTF. This is part of a broader concern about the additional help that may be needed for children from particular backgrounds. Key words: Child Trust Fund; Child Development Fund; children’s savings; financial education; behavioral economics; focus group study; social policy Introduction The Labour government in the UK has recently introduced the Child Trust Fund (CTF) policy. All babies born from September 2002 receive either a £250 or £500 endowment from government, with children from low-income families qualifying for the higher endowment. These endowments are placed by parents into special accounts and are locked for 18 years. Three main types of account are available, namely interest-bearing, share and stakeholder (which combines share with interest bearing). Accounts are provided through open competition between banks and building societies. Only if parents do not open an account within a year of receiving their CTF does government step in and open an account on the child’s behalf (from a rotating list of providers). During the lifetime of the account, up to £1,200 can be saved each year into the CTF. Once the account matures, the young person is free to spend their CTF as they please (HM Treasury, 2003). In 2006, the then Chancellor Gordon Brown announced that an additional £250 or £500 top-up payment would be paid by government when the child turns 7 (HM Treasury, 2006). Parents are central to this policy. They are supposed to open an account and choose the type of account to open for their child. They will also make key decisions about saving as well as provide guidance to their child as he or she grows up. However, early signs suggest important issues confront parents over this policy. Official figures reveal that from January 2005 to September 2007, on average 26% of parents did not open an account for their child (HM Revenue and Customs 2009). A breakdown of the opening of accounts by Westminster parliamentary constituencies raises further issues. In particular, opening rates appear to be higher in richer constituencies than poorer inner city areas. For example, official statistics reveal that the percentage of accounts opened by parents for children born on or before 5 April 2007 in affluent areas such as Henley, Guildford and Harrogate and Knaresborough are 85%, 83% and 82.4%. In contrast, the percentage of opened accounts by parents in poorer areas such as Glasgow North East, Liverpool Walton and Bradford CENTER FOR SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 1 WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY IN ST. LOUIS T HE C HILD T RUST F UND IN THE UK are 55%, 58.5% and 58.7% (HM Revenue and Customs 2008a). This suggests that particular issues face parents in poorer areas. A focus group study that I conducted on parental attitudes to the CTF identified problems with information received from financial providers as one of the main reasons why CTF accounts were left unopened (Prabhakar 2006; 2007). Concerns were expressed about both the quality and quantity of information received from providers. In this paper I build on this finding by exploring different ways that non-opening of accounts might be reduced. One strategy draws upon recent developments in behavioral economics and points to different ways that the CTF may be designed. An alternative strategy emphasises the role of financial education of parents as a way of addressing their concerns and increasing the opening rates of these accounts. I also consider another issue raised during my focus groups, namely parental unhappiness with the treatment of older siblings denied a CTF. This is part of a broader concern about the additional help that may be needed for children from particular backgrounds. This paper is organised as follows. First, I sketch brief details of my focus group study, highlighting details about the methods used as well as the key findings for further research. Second, I investigate in greater depth the issues raised during this focus group study. I look at the issue of those parents who fail to open an account as well as possible steps to provide extra help for particular individuals or groups. A conclusion summarises the ground covered in this paper. Description of Focus Group Study My study was based on 7 focus groups in England convened in January and February 2006. About 8 parents attended each group, with 58 participants in all. The study covered parents who receive the standard £250 voucher as well as those who qualify for the higher £500 payment. About a third of participants had the higher £500 payment. Most participants were female although there were also some male respondents. Individuals were each paid a £20 incentive payment for taking part in the discussion. The discussions lasted about one hour. The focus groups were all based at Sure Start centres, which are similar to the Head Start programme in the United States. Sure Start centres are based in deprived neighbourhoods and provide support for local families. Sure Start offered a way of accessing parents who qualify for the £500 payment without too much intrusion. I found that while parents broadly welcomed this policy, they nevertheless highlighted two key problems with current policy (Prabhakar 2006; 2007). First, difficulties faced in opening CTF accounts. Those parents who had not opened a CTF reported that the main reason why they had not done this was because of confusion over the information received from financial providers. They said that the first year of their baby’s life was a busy time and they felt overwhelmed by the information received from competing providers. Those who opened accounts also reported dissatisfaction with the information received from providers about CTF accounts. Second, there was unhappiness about the treatment of older siblings who did not qualify for a CTF. There was a strong desire among parents to treat all their children equally, and there was unhappiness about older siblings who did not qualify for a CTF. People knew that policy had to start somewhere, and recognised that as time progresses this problem would erode (as all siblings would eventually qualify for a CTF). Nevertheless, the CTF contributed to a perceived unjustness without CENTER FOR SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 2 WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY IN ST. LOUIS T HE C HILD T RUST F UND IN THE UK some measure to help older siblings without a CTF. In fact, this is part of a wider concern about the additional help that might be needed by certain individuals or groups. I now address possible responses to the issues raised by my focus group study. I look at responses to the non-opening of CTF accounts as well as additional help that might be provided to specific groups. I also highlight the steps the Labour government is currently taking on these points. This paper charts the way that the CTF might evolve as well as the changes to policy that are already occurring. Investigation of Issues Non-opening of CTF accounts The non-opening of CTF accounts by parents is often seen to be a policy problem (BBC News 2006; Ellson 2007). However, perhaps the first question to ask is why this is the case. One view may be that non-opening might simply be a rational calculation of the costs and benefits of opening an account. In particular, the first year of a baby’s life is often a time-consuming period of a parent’s life. A parent might reason that the time spent searching for opening a CTF account may be better spent on other activities given that the government will open a CTF after a year. The current default for the CTF allows those parents who calculate that it is better for them to open an account themselves to do so, while allowing others to defer this decision to the government. On this view, non-opening of accounts is not in itself a problem but rather indicates the spread of the different parental responses towards the merits of personal versus government intervention. The above assumes that the decision whether or not to open an account is the outcome of a rational choice made by parents. If we depart from this assumption, then non-opening might be considered a problem. Evidence gathered during my focus group study suggested that parents do not open an account because they feel overwhelmed by the complexity of financial information that they face. Parents here face barriers in their capacity to make informed choices. Higher rates of non-opening in poorer Westminster constituencies suggest that additional barriers are faced by parents in those areas and that non-opening is not simply the outcome of rational decision-making.
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