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The Convergence Between Cultural Psychology and Developmental Science: Acculturation as an Exemplar

Seth J. Schwartz

Ágnes Szabó

Alan Meca Old Dominion University, [email protected]

Colleen Ward

Charles R. Martinez Jr.

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Original Publication Citation Schwartz, S. J., Szabó, Á., Meca, A., Ward, C., Martinez, C. R., Jr, Cobb, C. L., Benet-Martínez, V., Unger, J. B., & Pantea, N. (2020). The convergence between cultural psychology and developmental science: Acculturation as an exemplar. Frontiers in psychology, 11, 887. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2020.00887

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Psychology at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Psychology Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Authors Seth J. Schwartz, Ágnes Szabó, Alan Meca, Colleen Ward, Charles R. Martinez Jr., Cory L. Cobb, Verónica Benet-Martínez, Jennifer B. Unger, and Nadina Pantea

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REVIEW published: 12 May 2020 doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2020.00887

The Convergence Between Cultural Psychology and Developmental Science: Acculturation as an Exemplar

Seth J. Schwartz1*, Ágnes Szabó2, Alan Meca3, Colleen Ward1, Charles R. Martinez Jr.4, Cory L. Cobb4, Verónica Benet-Martínez5, Jennifer B. Unger6 and Nadina Pantea7

1 Leonard M. Miller School of Medicine, University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL, United States, 2 School of Health, Victoria University of Wellington, Wellington, New Zealand, 3 Department of Psychology, Old Dominion University, Norfolk, VA, United States, 4 College of Education, The University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX, United States, 5 ICREA and Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, Spain, 6 Keck School of Medicine, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA, United States, 7 School of Psychology, Universitatea Babes˛-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romania

The present article proposes an integration between cultural psychology and developmental science. Such an integration would draw on the cultural-psychology Edited by: principle of culture–psyche interactions, as well as on the developmental-science Marina M. Doucerain, ↔ Université du Québec à Montréal, principle of person context relations. Our proposed integration centers on Canada acculturation, which is inherently both cultural and developmental. Specifically, we Reviewed by: propose that acculturation is governed by specific transactions between the individual Gordon Sammut, and the cultural context, and that different types of international migrants (e.g., legal University of Malta, Malta Jessica Dere, immigrants, undocumented immigrants, refugees, asylum seekers, crisis migrants) University of Toronto Scarborough, encounter quite different culture–psyche interactions and person↔context relations. Canada We outline the ways in which various acculturation-related phenomena, such as *Correspondence: Seth J. Schwartz acculturation operating at macro-level versus micro-level time scales, can be viewed [email protected] through cultural and developmental lenses. The article concludes with future directions in research on acculturation as an intersection of cultural and developmental processes. Specialty section: This article was submitted to Keywords: cultural psychology, developmental science, acculturation, international migration, mutual Cultural Psychology, constitution, person↔context relations a section of the journal Frontiers in Psychology Received: 15 July 2019 INTRODUCTION Accepted: 09 April 2020 Published: 12 May 2020 Cultural psychology has been well established as a scientific discipline for several decades. Although Citation: the term ‘cultural psychology’ was first introduced by DeVos and Hippler in 1969, its theoretical and Schwartz SJ, Szabó Á, Meca A, historical roots go as far back as the 1920s, when the Vygotsky-Luria Circle, an interdisciplinary Ward C, Martinez CR Jr, Cobb CL, group of psychologists, physicians, and educators, was established. Their collaboration centered Benet-Martínez V, Unger JB and around the idea of an integrative psychological theory based on the premise that mind, body, and Pantea N (2020) The Convergence culture were inseparable and that their development was fundamentally shaped by the individual’s Between Cultural Psychology and Developmental Science: socio-cultural context. Although the goal of creating a unified theory never came to fruition, the Acculturation as an Exemplar. legacy of the Vygotsky-Luria Circle inspired and influenced many schools of thought, including the Front. Psychol. 11:887. development of the field of cultural psychology in the 1970s. Nonetheless, there remains a need to doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2020.00887 integrate developmental science principles into cultural psychology.

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As such, the present article is intended to briefly review especially in an increasingly global and diverse era when people cultural psychology as a field and to integrate cultural psychology from different cultures come into contact on a daily basis. with developmental science. As we state in more detail below, Morris et al.(2015) argue that the main problem with the cultural psychology is inherently a developmental discipline, “operating system” metaphor is the underlying assumption that and developmental science is inherently cultural. We use multiple cultural systems cannot co-exist within an individual acculturation – which is defined as both a cultural and a without difficulty. As most computers are unable to run two developmental process (Berry, 2017) – as an exemplar to operating systems simultaneously, if culture was indeed like an illustrate how cultural psychology and developmental science operating system, it would be very challenging, if not impossible, might be integrated. We seek to elucidate precisely what is for individuals to navigate and exist within multiple cultural cultural and what is developmental about acculturation and frameworks. However, a large body of research undertaken with similar phenomena. We do not believe that the cultural and immigrants and ethnic minorities shows that this is not the case developmental components can (or should) be separated, but we at all (Hong et al., 2000; Nguyen and Benet-Martínez, 2013). do believe that each set of components should be enumerated. Instead, Morris et al.(2015) propose that “cultural knowledge Doing so may help to pose important questions and directions is more like a set of apps that users select or even download for the fields of cultural and developmental science, and for unwittingly in the course of exploring the web” (p. 639). the constructs that represent their intersection. We will focus Specifically, just as users open apps for specific purposes (e.g., primarily on international migration, given that acculturation word processing, email, statistical analyses), individuals activate applies largely to migrants and their immediate descendants. This cultural knowledge – purposefully or otherwise – based on the article is organized into four primary sections: key postulates specific surroundings and contexts in which they find themselves of cultural psychology, key postulates of developmental science, or with which they seek to engage. Cultural knowledge or acculturation as an exemplar of the intersection of cultural schemas as a set of “apps” can thus frame, transform, and regulate psychology and developmental science, and future directions for all aspects of psychological functioning when they are activated acculturation research. and are relevant to the situation at hand. Which apps will affect how we think, feel, and behave depends on the types of schemata and knowledge we have acquired within and across cultures KEY POSTULATES OF CULTURAL through the process of acculturation. PSYCHOLOGY This inherent interconnectedness is analogous to the person↔context relations postulate from developmental science Cultural psychology focuses primarily on understanding the (Lerner and Overton, 2008). Culture and context provide ways in which cultural processes and human psychological opportunities for different experiences to emerge and shape functioning interplay and shape each other (Shweder, 1991). An psychological processes in unique ways. Culture molds the way important point of distinction of cultural psychology from other we see the world and think, the ways in which we relate to branches of psychology, and from cross-cultural psychology others, and even our biology. For example, Park and Huang in particular, lies in its relativist approach (Heine and Ruby, (2010) review research indicating that the brain regions activated 2010). Cultural psychologists do not pursue cultural comparisons when people are asked to think about their mother differed with the main objective of finding universals. On the contrary, between North American and East Asian cultural contexts – they are interested in uncovering how cultural practices or suggesting that cultural differences in the importance and role shared traditions interact to shape psychological functioning of family become imprinted in the brain. At the same time, in distinctive ways. Their investigations are informed by an cultural traditions, values, and practices evolve along with the underlying assumption that the same cultural processes might changing needs of communities. Some of these changes might serve different purposes in different contexts (Rogoff, 2003). evolve slowly and organically over time (e.g., practices around Cultural psychology posits that human experience is the celebrating weddings), whereas others might require more direct product of the reciprocal interaction between culture and psyche. action (e.g., achieving marriage equality for same-sex couples). This premise, however, has become increasingly complex to There are many examples of people successfully challenging study within diverse sociocultural contexts, where psychological cultural norms and initiating social change through advocacy. functioning and human development are simultaneously In developmental science, this mutuality has also been influenced by multiple cultural realities. This principle is aptly understood within the framework of co-constructionism. Co- illustrated by how our understanding and conceptualization construction postulates that while psychological processes exist of culture have evolved in response to the ethno-cultural and at the individual level, they have a socio-cultural origin and are linguistic diversification of contemporary societies. constructed through interaction with the broader environmental Culture was once commonly defined as a system of context (Valsiner, 1996). Actions, thoughts, feelings cannot understandings shared by a group of people and described as be interpreted in a vacuum; they only become meaningful an operating system that is “invisible and unnoticed, yet playing through context and culture. Further, culture is not just an an extremely important role in development and operation” independent variable that affects psychological functioning or (Matsumoto, 2001, p. 3). However, this depiction of culture has development in a unidirectional way – and neither are people been increasingly criticized by cultural psychologists, because it passive recipients of cultural influences. Individuals play an active provides a rather uniform and static view of cultural processes, role in their development by constructing and reconstructing

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cultural processes through interactions, interpretations, and traditions that promote self-reliance, self-focus, and prioritizing internalization. Cultural theories have long been influential to one’s own needs over those of family members and other the study of human development, starting with the psycho- close social ties. In contrast, collectivism encompasses cultural cultural model introduced by Whiting(1977) and its extensions practices such as deference to family members, conceptualizing into ecological-cultural approaches (Super and Harkness, 1986; oneself as inherently connected to others, and cooperation. It is Weisner, 2002), or concepts of developmental niche (Super important to note that individualism and collectivism are not and Harkness, 1986), zone theory (Valsiner, 1987), and micro- opposites (Oyserman et al., 2002; Taras et al., 2014). Likewise, niche (Worthman, 2010). One common element in all of independent and interdependent self-construals are not mutually these approaches is the underlying principle that development exclusive (Markus and Kitayama, 2003). For example, people can is a result of co-construction between person and culture be highly competitive at work but highly interdependent and (Cole, 1996). A majority of the work in cultural-developmental cooperative in their family lives; or they can cooperate with others science has been focused on understanding patterns of child in pursuing personal goals. People living in the same context can development in cultural contexts. Cultural theory is seldom engage in a multitude of cultural practices and daily experiences, applied to development beyond childhood and adolescence (for which creates further variability and diversity within populations an exception, see work on adult learning; Billett, 1998) and has (Markus and Kitayama, 2010). not yet been integrated with life-course developmental theories. Although there is increasing research outside of the Western A second tenet of cultural psychology emphasizes that world, a major criticism of cultural psychology is its tendency to psychological processes are culturally patterned. This relativist study participants with particular characteristics. Most of what approach views experiences and behavior as embedded within we know about the interplay between culture and psychological culture, and posits that the function of psychological processes functioning is based on studies conducted with samples in is relative to the context in which those processes occur. The Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic contexts relativist approach does not necessarily imply that cultural (Arnett, 2008; Henrich et al., 2010). In addition to the psychologists reject universals. In fact, some would argue that range of under-represented cultural contexts, multicultural the cultural grounding of human experience is what is universal individuals (immigrants, ethno-cultural and racial minorities) in psychological functioning (Markus and Kitayama, 2010). are particularly under-explored. We argue that this is a missed One of the most well-known examples of this grounding is opportunity for cultural psychology to study not only how the ways in which cultural practices enable the development psychological processes are shaped by multiple cultural influences and maintenance of independent versus interdependent self- simultaneously, but also the ways in which novel and hybrid construals (Markus and Kitayama, 1991). An independent self cultural processes evolve from the experience of living at the is rooted in personal attributes and characteristics, the unique intersection of cultures and contexts. configuration of which provides the person with a sense of In an increasingly global world, intercultural contact has individuality. Consequently, thoughts, feelings and actions are a great potential to become a central concept for cultural mainly determined by the person’s needs, goals, and desires. psychology. Within one’s own cultural (or sub-cultural) context, An interdependent self, on the other hand, is embedded within one’s behavior patterns may seem normative. For example, and defined by a network of social relationships. The self is not many Americans value self-enhancement and an orientation seen as a unique entity, and identity is derived from meaningful toward personal success (Bowman et al., 2009), and many social connections. In this configuration of the self, thoughts, Koreans and Chinese value familial honor and subjugating feelings and actions are mainly determined by the needs, goals, oneself to the needs of one’s family (Yeh and Bedford, 2004). and desires of meaningful others. These values, and the motivation and behaviors associated with Markus and Kitayama(1991, 2003) have argued that them, may not be noticeable when one is within one’s cultural this distinction cannot simply be reduced to differences in group where most people share these beliefs. Intercultural what people value, but that such differences translate into contact – communication between individuals and groups distinctive psychological processes. They reflect different modes from different cultural backgrounds or contexts – brings of being and constructing reality through engagement with out the cultural relativity of one’s values and behaviors. For cultural practices. Cross et al.(2011) reviewed 20 years of example, Vollhardt(2010) found that, compared to Germans empirical research on self-construals. Although the available who had not hosted international exchange students, German evidence is limited in some areas, studies converge to link individuals who had recently hosted an international exchange independent and interdependent self-construals to specific student were more likely to use culturally sensitive (rather aspects of cognition (e.g., low versus high context sensitivity), than xenophobic) framing to explain the behaviors of people motivation (e.g., promotion versus prevention focus), emotion from other cultural contexts. Similarly, research supporting (e.g., wellbeing derived from self-esteem versus wellbeing derived intergroup contact theory (Pettigrew et al., 2011), in which some from harmonious relationships), and behavior (e.g., direct versus intercultural contact research is grounded, holds that contact indirect communication style). with people from other groups – in this case cultural groups other A number of cultural processes are assumed to underlie than one’s own – increases tolerance and decreases prejudice. variability in self-construals. Among the most prominent A reasonable explanation for these findings is that intercultural of these dimensions is individualism-collectivism (Triandis, contact increases awareness of cultural relativity (i.e., that the 1995). Individualism encompasses cultural practices, values and assumptions underlying one’s own cultural system are not the

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only correct assumptions, and that other cultural systems and in the multiple and integrated levels of organization that assumptions may also be valid). comprise development and its ecology, rather than an exclusive The ways in which cultural contexts frame human property of the individual or of the environment. Within this functioning, and the ways in which collective human action metatheoretical perspective, development can best be understood can transform cultural contexts, represent the primary areas of as a complex developmental system and emerges through bi- inquiry within cultural psychology (Adamopoulos and Lonner, directional relationships across multiple levels of organization 2001). However, what we learn about the embeddedness of (e.g., biological, psychological, and social ecological levels) that human experience within cultural contexts is generally taken are structurally and functionally integrated (Lerner, 2012). from cross-sectional surveys, descriptive and observational Like other systems (e.g., biological systems, social systems), studies, or lab-based experiments. We know that neither culture developmental systems are hypothesized to operate based on a set nor human experience are static. Individuals grow and change of lawful properties. Among these is that the various components over time, and cultural contexts evolve (Varnum and Grossmann, of the system – such as person and context – mutually influence 2017). Matsumoto(2002) reviews the ways in which Japanese one another. Indeed, RDS rejects Cartesian polarities or false society, for example, has become increasingly individualistic dichotomies (e.g., nature vs. nurture), including the dichotomy since the 1970s and 1980s. Jones(2014) chronicles the political of person versus context. Instead, it conceptualizes the unit of upheaval in post-Soviet Georgia following the collapse of the development as the embodied person-in-context and the unit Soviet Union in 1991. Venezuela, once one of the wealthiest of analysis as the bidirectional relation between person and countries in Latin America, now suffers from such economic context (person ↔ context) (Gestsdóttir and Lerner, 2008). As desperation that educated professionals are emigrating en an example, the family context shapes children’s outcomes, such masse to the United States, Spain, Italy, and neighboring Latin that children from supportive and nurturing families generally American countries (Tarver, 2018). Researchers studying people evidence more favorable outcomes (e.g., higher self-esteem, lower residing in these countries in the 1990s would be examining a depressive symptoms and risk taking behavior) compared to different cultural context than they would had they conducted children from conflictual or distant families (e.g., Davis-Kean, similar research in the same contexts 20 years later. 2005). At the same time, because the person is a co-equal These examples highlight the need for understanding contributor, a developmental systems perspective holds that the people’s changing lives within changing structural, social person is an active agent, rather than a passive recipient of and cultural contexts. Toward this end, there is a need for environmental influences. As argued by Erikson(1950), Lerner cultural psychology to increasingly draw on life course and et al.(2001), and Côté and Levine(2002), among others, there developmental perspectives. Integrating principles from cultural are important individual differences in terms of the extent to and developmental science is not a new idea. Developmental which people initiate transactions with their social and cultural perspectives have always been ingrained within cultural environments. Individuals can draw on their own internal psychology and, in fact, the most important contributions to resources, such as agency and self-determination, to act upon theory and research in cultural psychology have come from their environments. developmental scientists, such as Barbara Rogoff, Michael Cole, In summary, within an RDS perspective–which implies Joan Miller, Patricia Greenfield, and Jaan Valsiner. person↔context interplay – people influence, and are influenced by, their contexts. As applied to acculturation and international migration, migrants can seek out opportunities within their KEY POSTULATES OF specific context to engage with their new cultural environment DEVELOPMENTAL SCIENCE and to integrate elements of this new cultural system with their cultural heritage (e.g., Tadmor et al., 2009; Repke and Developmental science is a vast field that extends across Benet-Martínez, 2018; Meca et al., 2019). Migrants who adopt many levels of analysis ranging from the role genes play in such an agentic and self-directed approach will likely evidence maturation to how the broader ecology (e.g., community and more favorable psychosocial outcomes compared to those who neighborhood) impacts development. Many human experiences do not engage with the destination society or who do not and constructs change over the life course – from brain retain their cultural heritage (Nguyen and Benet-Martínez, 2013; structure and function (DeHaan and Gunnar, 2009) to peer Berry, 2017). As we will note later in this article, many of the relationships (Rubin et al., 2009) and ethnic identification conclusions from developmental and cultural psychology are (Rivas-Drake et al., 2014). However, there are a number of convergent and compatible. developmental postulates on which we can draw to derive The remaining properties of developmental systems stem a developmental framework for acculturation and similar from these foundational characteristics. To begin with, cultural/developmental constructs. These postulates include development is irreversible because the specific circumstances developmental systems, person↔context relations, equifinality, that contributed to a specific developmental pathway are unlikely multifinality, and irreversibility, among others (see Lerner and to be undone. As a result of the vast complexity across multiple Overton, 2008; Overton, 2015; Cicchetti, 2016, for reviews). levels of organization (e.g., biological, psychological, and social All of these properties, however, stem from a relational ecological levels) that are structurally and functionally integrated, developmental systems (RDS; Overton, 2015) perspective that equifinality and multifinality represent complementary depicts human development as a property of systematic change properties of conceptualizing development. Equifinality occurs

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when two people arrive at the same developmental milestone might be examined with the developmental study of culture despite different starting points – such as one adolescent and the cultural study of development, here we will focus consistently achieving excellent grades in school and another on acculturation. As applied to international migration, adolescent becoming a high achiever despite early academic acculturation refers to cultural adaptation occurring following difficulties. Multifinality occurs when two people have the same immigration (e.g., language learning, acquisition of attitudes starting point but evidence different change trajectories. For and values reflective of the destination society, and expansion example, two adolescents may be exceptional students in middle of one’s sense of self to include the destination society as well school, but one of them remains a high achiever whereas the as the society of origin). A Turkish person relocating to The other decreases in academic achievement. Netherlands, for example, might learn the Dutch language and From a developmental science perspective, change and become bilingual, might adopt some individualistic Dutch values, the capacity for change (i.e., plasticity) is an inherent aspect of the and might come to view herself as Turkish-Dutch. Acculturation developing system (Lerner and Overton, 2008) – given that the is inherently both cultural and developmental – it represents system is nested within a specific and changing historical context. cultural change over time that occurs when two or more cultural As a result, developmental processes are also malleable. That groups (or their members) come into contact (Berry, 2017). is, developmental scientists emphasize that interventions can be As a process of adaptation over time, acculturation is used to redirect individuals and groups onto a different trajectory inherently developmental and represents an intersection between (e.g., Gifford-Smith et al., 2005). Such interventions may involve cultural psychology and developmental science (Sam and changing people’s social contexts, providing individuals with new Berry, 2010). Indeed, just likely any other developmental skills and competencies, or both. For example, there is a great deal process, acculturation emerges through bidirectional interactions of literature indicating that family strengthening programs can between individuals and their changing ecology (e.g., family, help to improve adolescents’ social and relational functioning and peers, school.). For example, an extensive body of research to reduce depressive symptoms, disruptive behavior problems, has emphasized that caregivers (and other family members) and obesity (e.g., Kaslow et al., 2012; Marsh et al., 2013). Similarly, undertake active efforts to socialize youth toward the values and programs that teach skills to children and increase contextual behaviors of their own ethnic heritage (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2006, support (e.g., positive parent and teacher behaviors) can help to 2014; Schwartz et al., 2007). Moreover, parent–child differences promote positive outcomes many years later, such as high school in acculturation can compromise family processes and can create completion and gainful employment (Hawkins et al., 2005). culturally related stress and mental health outcomes (Portes and Rumbaut, 2014; Schwartz et al., 2016). Additionally, because acculturation is inherently a THE INTERSECTION OF CULTURAL developmental process, a cross-sectional snapshot taken at any point during the process would paint an incomplete picture PSYCHOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENTAL at best, and might mischaracterize the process at worst (Schwartz SCIENCE: ACCULTURATION AS AN and Unger, 2017). Methodologically speaking, Maxwell and EXEMPLAR Cole(2007) review ways in which cross-sectional findings can bias the conclusions that would be reached using longitudinal Although cultural psychology is based in part on developmental designs. Theoretically speaking, cross-sectional research on principles, a key feature that is missing from much cultural acculturation may be misleading because different individuals psychology research today is an explicit integration of may be at different points in the acculturation process – and as a developmental theory and methodology that enable process- result, we do not know whether the patterns observed represent and change-oriented research on cultural and psychological individual differences in timing (e.g., one individual is further phenomena. Most cultural research has been either cross- along in the acculturation process, but the other individual sectional or experimental, and as Cohen(2010) notes, cultural will catch up later) or in approach (e.g., the two individuals processes are often inferred from the country/ies studied – such being compared have adopted qualitatively different styles of as the assumption that East Asian cultural contexts are primarily acculturation, and these style differences would continue to be collectivist (prioritizing the group over the individual) whereas observed over time). North American cultural contexts are primarily individualist One clear observation we can make is that the “worldviews” of (prioritizing the individual over the group). developmental and cultural psychology – at least as these fields Some developmental psychologists have called for bear on the study of migration and acculturation – are quite incorporating culture into the study of human development different. Across multiple levels of organization (e.g., biological, (e.g., Miller, 2005; Causadias, 2013; Nielsen and Haun, 2015). psychological, and social ecological levels) that are structurally In this article, we build on these arguments and will also pursue and functionally integrated, developmental science is concerned the reciprocal argument – that developmental approaches primarily with change processes, change patterns, and ways to and methods need to be more explicitly incorporated into intervene to redirect change processes so as to produce more the study of culture. At the same time, we emphasize the adaptive or favorable outcomes. Cultural psychology focuses on important role that the integration of the study of culture the ways in which cultural processes shape cognition, motivation, can have on the advancement of our understanding of emotion, and behavior, and the conditions that lead to different developmental phenomena. Although a wide range of constructs patterns of functioning across contexts.

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Despite these differences between fields, there may be three specific content domains in which acculturation processes important points of convergence that can be leveraged to devise could be assumed to operate. These domains were practices, an integrative perspective on migration and acculturation. As values, and identifications. Schwartz et al.(2010) reviewed noted at the beginning of this article, with regard to migration, evidence indicating that behavioral acculturation (e.g., language acculturation represents an important point of confluence acquisition and retention), individualist and collectivist values, between cultural and developmental science. Acculturation is and ethnic and national identity may or may not overlap. inherently a cultural construct because it refers to an interplay Portes and Rumbaut(2014), for instance, provide several between culture and person – i.e., the dynamics that result examples of Asian immigrant adolescents who have lost (or when migrants and members of destination cultural groups never acquired) proficiency in their families’ native languages but come into contact with one another (Brown and Zagefka, who nonetheless endorse strong heritage-cultural identities and 2011). It is also intrinsically a developmental phenomenon endorse Asian values (e.g., filial piety, deference to parents, saving because it refers to changes in individuals’ and groups’ cultural face). In an empirical examination, Lee et al.(2020) found that, behaviors, values, and identifications over time (Sam and Berry, among a sample of recently immigrated Hispanic adolescents in 2010) – and these changes impact a variety of developmental Miami and Los Angeles, practices tended to change first, followed processes and outcomes. by identifications and then values. Of course, given the idiosyncratic nature of culture–psyche Acculturation Theory and Research and person↔context relations, destination-society individuals Although multiple perspectives on acculturation have been will likely adopt their own specific and idiosyncratic reactions proposed, Berry’s (2017) approach has been the most prominent to migrants and migrant cultures. Haugen and Kunst(2017), within psychology and related fields. Berry conceptualized for example, examined acculturation to migrant cultures heritage-culture retention and destination-culture acquisition among a sample of Norwegians. These authors extracted as the dimensions underlying acculturation. He proposed integrated, separated, and undifferentiated clusters, where four acculturation orientations: separated (retains the heritage integrated individuals were eager to engage with migrants, culture and rejects the destination culture), assimilated (discards separated individuals tended to avoid and reject migrant cultures, the heritage culture and acquires the destination culture), and undifferentiated individuals scored midway between the integrated/bicultural (retains the heritage culture and acquires other two clusters. Not surprisingly, separated individuals were the destination culture), and marginalized (discards the heritage most likely to perceive that Norwegian national identity was culture and rejects the destination culture). Berry’s model has threatened by the presence of migrants. In general, non-migrant largely been validated in cross-sectional studies (e.g., Chia and individuals who identify most strongly with their country of Costigan, 2006; Schwartz and Zamboanga, 2008; Des Rosiers residence, and who adopt an essentialist view of the nation (i.e., et al., 2013) – the separated and assimilated categories have only individuals with certain demographic profiles can be true emerged, along with multiple variants of biculturalism. In those members of the nation), tend to hold the most strongly negative studies where the marginalized category has emerged, it has attitudes toward migrants (Pehrson et al., 2009). represented an extremely small segment of the sample. A third extension of Berry’s model involves demarcating In keeping with acculturation as a cultural and developmental between public and private acculturation (Arends-Tóth and process, some studies have also tested Berry’s model van de Vijver, 2007). Such demarcation is important because longitudinally. These studies were less likely to identify all four of the culture–psyche and person↔context relations that govern the hypothesized categories. In a sample of Mexican American interactions with others in public settings are likely quite different juvenile offenders in Arizona, Knight et al.(2009) extracted latent from those that govern interactions within private settings. growth trajectory classes representing bilingualism (linguistic Migrants may adopt destination-cultural practices at work or biculturalism), primarily English speakers, and monolingual school but engage primarily in heritage-cultural behaviors at English speakers (where the second and third categories home, especially with their children (Gonzalez et al., 2016). represent variants of linguistic assimilation). Matsunaga et al. There are established literatures on cultural frame switching (2010), using measures of language use (English and Spanish) and cultural mixing, focusing on the ways in which children and ethnic identification among a sample of Mexican Americans, from migrant families are exposed to their heritage and identified four latent profiles over time – three of which destination cultural systems at home (e.g., Martin and Shao, represented forms of biculturalism and one of which appeared to 2016). There are, however, developmental distinctions in the resemble assimilation. ways in which these cultural frame switching and mixing processes operate (Portes and Rumbaut, 2014): for people Extensions of Berry’s Model who migrated as older adolescents or adults, there is often a A number of extensions of Berry’s acculturation model have sharp demarcation between the cultural expressions used in been proposed. These models help to flesh out the specific private versus in public. However, for people who migrated cultural and developmental processes and contents that intersect as children, or who were born in the destination country, the under the auspices of acculturation – as well as on the demarcation between how one behaves in public versus private inherent complexity involved in these intersections. For example, spheres may be far less apparent. Indeed, it is possible that whereas Berry was largely silent on the specific areas in individuals raised in both cultural contexts (e.g., heritage at which acculturation occurs, Schwartz et al.(2010) delineated home and destination in public) may switch effortlessly, and

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frequently, between these cultural systems within a variety of intervals). At the macro level, Schwartz et al.(2015) found social contexts. that, among a sample of recently arrived Hispanic adolescents in Miami and Los Angeles, acculturative change tended to be characterized by increases in Hispanic and US practices, Developmental Understandings values, and/or identifications. Youth who increased on all of Acculturation six acculturative components across time reported the most Developmental extensions of Berry’s (2017) work make clear favorable psychological functioning (self-esteem, optimism, low that acculturation is far more nuanced and complex than the depressive symptoms) and relationships with parents. Findings original Berry model would suggest. Specifically, acculturation is at the micro level (Schwartz et al., under review) with Hispanic likely to be regulated by person↔context interplay and by wider college students in Miami indicated that daily changes were social-ecological influences (Meca et al., 2019), as developmental characterized as fluctuations (i.e., movement both up and down scientists (e.g., Lerner and Overton, 2008) would suggest. From across days) in all six acculturative components, and that these an integrated developmental/cultural psychology perspective, fluctuations – especially fluctuations in US national identity and the ways in which individual people and groups acculturate in collectivist values – were most deleterious for well-being, are multicausal – based on interactions between migrants and internalizing symptoms, and externalizing problems at the end destination-society individuals as well as on social-ecological of the 12-day study period. contexts such as family, neighborhood, political climate, and It can therefore be surmised that, across longer periods of historical receptivity of the destination society toward migrants time (i.e., months or years), increases (or decreases) in indices (see Fuller and García Coll, 2010, for a review). Acculturation of acculturation can be expected, and especially among migrant also affects other developmental processes, including personal youth, increases in acculturation indices may be associated with identity (Meca et al., 2017a,b) and family functioning (Schwartz positive well-being. Such change patterns may be most likely to et al., 2015). Further, the social-ecological conditions that guide take the form of biculturalism for migrant children, adolescents, acculturation can (and often do) change over chronological and young adults – age groups who are apt to be exposed and generational time – such that the receiving context in a considerably to both private (heritage) and public (destination) given country or region is likely different following a change cultural systems. Across short periods of time, however – such as in government, as economic conditions shift, and as political days or weeks – change in acculturative processes are more likely movements gain or erode rights and recognition for various to lead to negative psychosocial outcomes. One conclusion that segments of the population (Meca et al., 2019). Contexts of can be drawn is that gradual change in acculturative processes reception also likely change as the children and grandchildren may be most adaptive, and that sharp or sudden changes or of previous waves of migrants become part of the destination fluctuations may be destabilizing and upsetting. It is possible cultural group (van Oudenhoven and Ward, 2013). that the person↔context relations that drive longer-term changes Within a given cultural context and time, there is a great in acculturation are more stable, whereas the person↔context deal of diversity in the ways in which migrants acculturate. relations that drive daily changes are less so. Within the same socio-cultural context, some migrants may engage more with the destination cultural system, and others Types of Migrants may engage less. A similar statement can be made regarding Contemporary theories of acculturation stipulate that retention of migrants’ cultural heritage. One trend that has acculturative processes – and therefore culture–psyche been reported across a range of studies and contexts is that interactions and person↔context relations – operate quite young migrants – children, adolescents, and young adults – are differently across various types of migrants. Steiner(2009); especially likely to be bicultural (e.g., Berry et al., 2006; Chia Berry(2017), and Salas-Wright and Schwartz(2019) have and Costigan, 2006; Schwartz and Zamboanga, 2008; Nguyen and enumerated several migrant types – namely legal immigrants, Benet-Martínez, 2013). Young migrants likely engage strongly undocumented immigrants, refugees, and crisis migrants. Briefly, with both their heritage and destination cultural systems, because legal immigrants move by choice and with valid documentation they likely have been educated in the destination society and for long-term stay in the destination country; undocumented likely have older family members (e.g., parents, aunts/uncles, immigrants cross national borders illegally or overstay their grandparents) who are oriented primarily toward the family’s visa; refugees are displaced by wars, natural disasters, despotic cultural heritage. Further, acculturation levels and profiles change governments, famines, droughts, and other catastrophic events over both “macro” (months and years) and “micro” (days and and are involuntary settled in other countries by international weeks) spans of time. Although research on acculturation at the aid agencies; asylum seekers move voluntarily but under duress, micro level is only beginning, it appears that micro and macro and request emergency permission to enter or remain in a new level acculturation processes may be characterized by different country; and crisis migrants do not fit neatly within any of patterns and correlates. Indeed, a key principle of developmental the other categories. Some may seek asylum, whereas others science is that the same process can operate differently across immigrate illegally and still others may classify as refugees. The different time scales (e.g., days and weeks versus months and Syrian migration to Europe and the Venezuelan migration to the years; Lichtwarck-Aschoff et al., 2008; Lerner et al., 2009). United States and to other South American countries represent Schwartz et al.(2015, 2019) conducted studies both at the examples of crisis migration. As Salas-Wright and Schwartz macro level (6-month time intervals) and micro level (daily (2019) note, crisis migration is characterized by a number of

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readily recognizable features: (a) the move is unplanned or hastily categories of migrants – and especially (a) between legal and planned; (b) the flow of migrants is large, and many migrants undocumented immigrants and (b) between “unwanted” or arrive in the destination countries within a relatively short time “threatening” migrants (e.g., crisis migrants, undocumented span; (c) the migrant flow originates from a single country or immigrants, and refugees) and other types of migrants. It is region, but migrants settle in a variety of destinations (usually possible, for example, that undocumented immigrants may be the nations that are willing to accept them); and (d) migrants scorned if they attempt to publicly identify with the nation arrive with considerable traumatic exposure and mental health where they reside (Staerklé et al., 2010). Legally admitted burdens. It stands to reason that these various migrant types immigrants, on the other hand, may be encouraged to identify would experience quite different culture–psyche interactions and publicly with their nation of residence (Kessler et al., 2010). person↔context relations. We discuss some of these differences Unwanted or threatening migrants may be deliberately excluded in the next section, where we propose ways to incorporate or rejected from the destination society, as well as blamed for fundamental cultural-psychology and developmental-science that society’s social ills and problems (Chavez, 2013). As a result, principles into acculturation theory and research. the opportunities available to undocumented immigrants and to some refugee and crisis migrant groups may be limited by constraints imposed by the destination society. INCORPORATING KEY Need for Pre-migration Timepoints DEVELOPMENTAL AND CULTURAL There may also be important pre-migration differences across PRINCIPLES INTO ACCULTURATION migrant individuals, and these pre-migration differences may RESEARCH elicit specific culture–psyche interactions and person↔context relations. For example, Turkish migrants in The Netherlands Given the inherently developmental operationalization of may have lived in different parts of Turkey, may have interacted acculturation, longitudinal studies are necessary to identify differently with Turkish social institutions, or may have left the specific patterns of, and challenges to, acculturation and behind more versus fewer social ties in Turkey. Indeed, adaptation within and across the migrant types enumerated incorporation of pre-migration timepoints into longitudinal in the previous section. It is also essential to conduct such studies of acculturation is an important future direction studies with sufficient statistical power and nuanced measures (Tartakovsky, 2009; Salas-Wright and Schwartz, 2019). A de facto to facilitate differentiation between legal and undocumented assumption in much migration research is that all migrants from migrants, differentiation between refugees and asylum seekers, a given group are equivalent upon arrival, or that experiences and identifying and separating crisis migrants from other occurring prior to migration are not important. However, migrant types. Thus far, the confluence between cultural and Tartakovsky’s work, conducted with Russian and Ukrainian developmental science perspectives on acculturation has been Jewish adolescents and young adults planning to move to limited largely to cross-sectional and experimental studies, which Israel, indicates that pre-migration ethnic identity predicts post- do not permit examination of how acculturative processes change migration perceived discrimination. That is, youth who were over time in response to interactions between migrants and more attached to Russia or Ukraine prior to moving to Israel were destination-society individuals, and in response to the social- most likely to perceive themselves as being discriminated against ecological factors that are related to (and may be a function of) once they were living in Israel. So pre-migration experiences may these interactions. contribute to equifinality and multifinality in acculturation (and It is essential for such longitudinal work on acculturation other migration-related experiences) following migration. Pre- to incorporate developmental principles such as equifinality, migration experiences may also be part of the person↔context multifinality, and person↔context relations (Meca et al., 2019). relations that direct developmental processes. The cultural principle of mutual constitution appears to Assessment of pre-migration experiences may be of greatest be consistent with these developmental science themes. For importance vis-à-vis refugees and crisis migrants. By definition, example, two Turkish migrants in The Netherlands may start refugees and crisis migrants have experienced traumatic with the same levels of Turkish and Dutch practices, values, conditions that led them to leave their homelands suddenly and identifications, but these two individuals may deviate (or to be forcibly displaced). As an example, Scaramutti et al. considerably in their over-time trajectories of these acculturation (2019) surveyed a sample of adult Puerto Rican Hurricane Maria components. These individual differences may be rooted in the survivors – half of whom had relocated to Florida following two people’s families, in the communities where they settle, or in the storm and half of whom had remained on the island. These the environments where they find employment. authors found that more than 65% of individuals who had It is also essential for developmentally oriented work in migrated to Florida met clinical criteria for post-traumatic acculturation to incorporate cultural principles. Examining how stress disorder. Although Puerto Ricans are US citizens, their cultural realities, such as the prevailing value systems and experiences migrating to the US mainland are similar to those sets of acceptable behaviors and interaction styles, influence of other Hispanic migrants (Acosta-Belén and Santiago, 2018). person↔context relations among migrants is an important Studies tracking the acculturation of these hurricane migrants research direction. It is important to examine how the cultural- would have to consider these people’s traumatic exposure – developmental interplay may manifest differently for different experiencing a strong Category 4 hurricane with sustained

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winds of 155 miles per hour (248 km per hour), losing their CONCLUSION homes and many of their possessions, and making a hurried and unplanned move to the US mainland. It is likely that similar In this article, we have outlined both cultural and developmental statements could be made about Syrians and Venezuelans fleeing approaches to the study of international migrants, and have crumbling societies, Central Americans fleeing gang violence, focused on acculturation as a point of confluence between and individuals fleeing civil wars in various African nations. cultural and developmental perspectives. The cultural context Although it is logistically difficult to assess people before they for migrants’ developmental trajectories of acculturation (and migrate, doing so would help us understand the person↔context other cultural processes) is framed by the interplay between relations, equifinality, and multifinality that these migrants migrants and destination-society individuals – and this interplay experience following arrival in their destination societies. and the contexts that it creates are more versus less supportive for some migrant groups than for others. There are also important individual differences within migrant groups in terms Longitudinal Changes in Public Versus of cultural adjustment – differences that may be due, at least Private Acculturation in part, to experiences occurring prior to migration, as well as Yet another direction for future developmental research on different interactions with family members, peers, coworkers, migration involves the ways in which migrants express their neighbors, et cetera. heritage and destination cultural “selves” in private versus It is also essential to capitalize on the information synthesized public settings. That is, are trajectories of acculturative processes here to design interventions to promote successful acculturation different in terms of how migrants interact with family members among migrants as well as to increase destination-society and close friends versus how they operate in public settings such individuals’ receptivity to migrants. To be most effective, such as work and school? Arends-Tóth and van de Vijver’s (2007) interventions should involve both cultural and developmental demarcation of public versus private acculturation focused on principles. For example, facilitating contact between migrants language use and other cultural practices, but do migrants also and destination-society individuals may help to bring migrants identify with their heritage and destination societies differently and destination society members closer together and change the when they are at home than when they are at work or school? person↔context relations for both groups. At the same time, it Do expressions of individualist and collectivist values differ is also essential to consider where individual migrants stand in across public versus private settings? Do the developmental terms of their pre-migration experiences, their interactions with trajectories of these public versus private types of acculturation social contexts within the destination society, and their specific predict psychosocial and health outcomes differently? How are acculturation profiles. Indeed, approaches have been developed such differences attributable to culture–psyche interactions and that allow for specific intervention components to be delivered to person↔context relations? individuals and subgroups who most need them (Collins et al., It is also important to examine the extent to which daily 2014). It is our hope that the present article will help to advance fluctuations in acculturative processes – which have been shown the study of international migration and to facilitate the design of to negatively predict mental health (Schwartz et al., 2019) – may interventions to help migrants to thrive within their destination be a consequence of discomfort with having to change one’s societies and communities. cultural self between public and private settings. Given Rudmin’s (2003) postulate that greater distance between heritage and destination cultural systems is more likely to lead to difficulties AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS with acculturation and biculturalism, can a similar statement be advanced regarding the cultural distance between one’s private SS drafted the initial manuscript. ÁS, AM, VB-M, and CW and public cultural contexts? How does such cultural distance reframed the cultural and developmental sections of the predict difficulties with acculturation, and does this predictive manuscript. CM, CC, JU, and NP made other substantive effect differ across migrant types? edits and comments.

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Frontiers in Psychology| www.frontiersin.org 11 May 2020| Volume 11| Article 887