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Plutarch, Machiavelli and Shakespeare's Coriolanus Patrick
The Changing Faces of Virtue: Plutarch, Machiavelli and Shakespeare’s Coriolanus Patrick Ashby University of Bristol [email protected] Introduction: The hinges of virtue ‘Let it be virtuous to be obstinate’, says Caius Martius Coriolanus, shortly before the catastrophe of Shakespeare’s tragedy (Coriolanus, 5.3.26).1 In uttering these words, he articulates a moral hypothesis which is of central importance to Coriolanus: the supposition that steadfastness of principle is a fundamental good. This is a theory which the play puts to the test. The idea of ‘virtue’ — in a variety of guises — is a key focus of this essay, which identifies as crucial those moments at which definitions of virtue are unsettled, transformed, or confronted with a range of alternatives. Several commentators have connected Shakespeare’s Coriolanus with the political ideas of Niccolò Machiavelli, the Florentine theorist whose notoriety rests upon his recommendation of moral flexibility for political leaders. For Anne Barton, who reads the play in the context of Machiavelli’s Discourses on Livy’s history of early Rome, Coriolanus dramatises the futile persistence of obsolescent virtues (the valorisation of battlefield heroics) in an environment of subtler needs and growing political sophistication.2 In Shakespeare and the Popular Voice, Annabel Patterson hints at Shakespeare’s sympathy with the idea of popular political representation, proposing that ‘there is nothing in the play to challenge that famous interpretation of the tribunate which [. .] Machiavelli made a premise of Renaissance political theory’.3 John Plotz 1 William Shakespeare, Coriolanus, The Norton Shakespeare, ed. by Stephen Greenblatt, Katherine Eisaman Maus, Jean E. -
4. Shakespeare Authorship Doubt in 1593
54 4. Shakespeare Authorship Doubt in 1593 Around the time of Marlowe’s apparent death, the name William Shakespeare appeared in print for the first time, attached to a new work, Venus and Adonis, described by its author as ‘the first heir of my invention’. The poem was registered anonymously on 18 April 1593, and though we do not know exactly when it was published, and it may have been available earlier, the first recorded sale was 12 June. Scholars have long noted significant similarities between this poem and Marlowe’s Hero and Leander; Katherine Duncan-Jones and H.R. Woudhuysen describe ‘compelling links between the two poems’ (Duncan-Jones and Woudhuysen, 2007: 21), though they admit it is difficult to know how Shakespeare would have seen Marlowe’s poem in manuscript, if it was, as is widely believed, being written at Thomas Walsingham’s Scadbury estate in Kent in the same month that Venus was registered in London. The poem is preceded by two lines from Ovid’s Amores, which at the time of publication was available only in Latin. The earliest surviving English translation was Marlowe’s, and it was not published much before 1599. Duncan-Jones and Woudhuysen admit, ‘We don’t know how Shakespeare encountered Amores’ and again speculate that he could have seen Marlowe’s translations in manuscript. Barber, R, (2010), Writing Marlowe As Writing Shakespeare: Exploring Biographical Fictions DPhil Thesis, University of Sussex. Downloaded from www. rosbarber.com/research. 55 Ovid’s poem is addressed Ad Invidos: ‘to those who hate him’. If the title of the epigram poem is relevant, it is more relevant to Marlowe than to Shakespeare: personal attacks on Marlowe in 1593 are legion, and include the allegations in Richard Baines’ ‘Note’ and Thomas Drury’s ‘Remembrances’, Kyd’s letters to Sir John Puckering, and allusions to Marlowe’s works in the Dutch Church Libel. -
The Relationship of the Dramatic Works of John Lyly to Later Elizabethan Comedies
Durham E-Theses The relationship of the dramatic works of John Lyly to later Elizabethan comedies Gilbert, Christopher G. How to cite: Gilbert, Christopher G. (1965) The relationship of the dramatic works of John Lyly to later Elizabethan comedies, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9816/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 THE RELATIONSHIP OP THE DRAMATIC WORKS OP JOHN LYLY TO LATER ELIZABETHAN COMEDIES A Thesis Submitted in candidature for the degree of Master of Arts of the University of Durham by Christopher G. Gilbert 1965 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. DECLARATION I declare this work is the result of my independent investigation. -
Representations of Spain in Early Modern English Drama
Saugata Bhaduri Polycolonial Angst: Representations of Spain in Early Modern English Drama One of the important questions that this conference1 requires us to explore is how Spain was represented in early modern English theatre, and to examine such representation especially against the backdrop of the emergence of these two nations as arguably the most important players in the unfolding game of global imperialism. This is precisely what this article proposes to do: to take up representative English plays of the period belonging to the Anglo-Spanish War (1585–1604) which do mention Spain, analyse what the nature of their treat- ment of Spain is and hypothesise as to what may have been the reasons behind such a treatment.2 Given that England and Spain were at bitter war during these twenty years, and given furthermore that these two nations were the most prominent rivals in the global carving of the colonial pie that had already begun during this period, the commonsensical expectation from such plays, about the way Spain would be represented in them, should be of unambiguous Hispanophobia. There were several contextual reasons to occasion widespread Hispanophobia in the period. While Henry VIII’s marriage to Catherine of Aragon (1509) and its subsequent annulment (1533) had already sufficiently complicated Anglo-Hispanic relations, and their daughter Queen Mary I’s marriage to Philip II of Spain (1554) and his subsequent becoming the King of England and Ireland further aggravated the 1 The conference referred to here is the International Conference on Theatre Cultures within Globalizing Empires: Looking at Early Modern England and Spain, organised by the ERC Project “Early Modern European Drama and the Cultural Net (DramaNet),” at the Freie Universität, Ber- lin, November 15–16, 2012, where the preliminary version of this article was presented. -
Three Eras, Two Men, One Value: Fides in Modern Performances of Shakespeare’S
Three Eras, Two Men, One Value: Fides in Modern Performances of Shakespeare’s Antony and Cleopatra Depictions of Marc Antony and Caesar Augustus have changed dramatically between the first and twenty-first centuries, partially because of William Shakespeare’s seventeenth-century play Antony and Cleopatra. In 2006 and 2010, England’s Royal Shakespeare Company staged vastly different interpretations of this classically influenced Shakespearean text. How do the modern performances rework ancient views of Antony and Augustus, particularly in light of the ancient Roman value fides (loyalty or good faith)? This paper answers that question by examining the intersections between Greco-Roman literary-historic narratives – as received in Shakespeare’s early modern play – and the two modern performances. The contemporary versions of Shakespeare’s Antony and Cleopatra create contrasting constructions of Antony and Augustus by modernizing the characters and/or their worlds. The 2006 rendition (directed by Gregory Doran) presents an explosive but weak-willed Antony (Sir Patrick Stewart) and a prudish yet petulant Augustus (John Hopkins). On the other hand, the 2010 adaptation (directed by Michael Boyd) shows a hotheaded and frank Antony (Darrell D’Silva) who struggles against a cold and manipulative Augustus (John Mackay). Both performances reveal the complexity of these ancient figures as the men engage with and evaluate claims upon their familial, societal, and personal fides. Representations of Antony and Augustus necessarily involve fides, though classical accounts do not always feature this term. As military and political leaders, both men led lives filled with decisions about loyalty, specifically what deserved it and in what degree. The modern dramatizations further underscore fides in their portrayals of Antony and Augustus. -
Study Guide 2016-2017
Study Guide 2016-2017 by William Shakespeare Standards Theatre English Language Arts Social Studies TH.68.C.2.4: Defend personal responses. LAFS.68.RH.1.2: Determine central ideas. SS.912.H.1.5: Examine social issues. TH.68.C.3.1: Discuss design elements. LAFS.910.L.3.4: Determine unknown words. TH.68.H.1.5: Describe personal responses. LAFS.910.L.3.5: Demonstrate figurative language. TH.912.S.1.8: Use research to extract clues. LAFS.1112.SL.1.1: Initiate collaborative discussions. TH.912.S.2.9: Research artistic choices. TH.912.H.1.4: Interpret through historical lenses. Content Advisory: Antony and Cleopatra is a political drama fueled by intimate relationships. There are battle scenes. If it were a movie, Antony and Cleopatra would be rated “PG-13.” !1 Antony and Cleopatra Table of Contents Introduction p. 3 Enjoying Live Theater p. 3 About the Play p. 6 Plot Summary p. 6 Meet the Characters p. 7 Meet the Playwright p. 8 Historical Context p. 11 Elizabethan Theater p. 11 Activities p. 12 Themes and Discussion p. 17 Bibliography p. 17 !2 Antony and Cleopatra An Introduction Educators: Thank you for taking the time out of your very busy schedule to bring the joy of theatre arts to your classroom. We at Orlando Shakes are well aware of the demands on your time and it is our goal to offer you supplemental information to compliment your curriculum with ease and expediency. What’s New? Lots! First, let me take a moment to introduce our new Children’s Series Coordinator, Brandon Yagel. -
University Wits
A brief study of UNIVERSITY WITS Presented for The students of Degree 1 English Hons. By Dr. Mohammad Shaukat Ansari Department of English M.L.S.M. College, Darbhanga, Bihar (L.N. Mithila University) UNIVERSITY WITS A Creative Group of Pioneer English dramatists (1585 – 1600) Elizabethan Age – The Golden age of Drama. The Pre-Shakespearean dramatists – John Lyly, Robert Greene, George Peele, Thomas Kyde, Christopher Marlowe – are known as University Wits. Marlowe has been justly called “the father of English drama”, “the Morning Star of the English Drama”. • The University Wits is a phrase used to name a group of late 16th century English playwrights who were educated at the universities. • Christopher Marlowe, 1564 - 93, Robert Greene, 1560 - 92 and Thomas Kyd, 1558 - 94 (graduates from Cambridge University) • Thomas Lodge, 1558 - 1625 and George Peele, 1558 - 98 (graduates from Oxford University) • The University Wits were professional writers in English, and prepared the way for the writings of William Shakespeare, who was born just two months after Christopher Marlowe. • Shakespeare was indebted to each of them. • The drama was truly national that time. • A true expression of national genius in England despite various foreign influences • Dramas became food for mind as well as eyes. • Even, performances were given every night, and as such dramas became source of income. • The University Wits drew materials from old plays, mythology, legend and history, and even revised them appropriately. • The University Wits were aware of demands of stage and audience too. • The University Wits made significant contributions to the development of English drama. • Their dramas were full of actions, thrills, sensations, supernaturalism and refinement. -
Introduction
introduction Romance is a twilight zone in studies of late sixteenth-century literary genres in England. Half-way between the nostalgia of medieval chivalry and the enterprising spirit of early modern exploration, piracy and com- merce as preludes to a future empire, it is both very old-fashioned and innovatively modern. Appearing in narrative as well as in dramatic forms, romance lays simultaneous claims to history and imagination, which were not necessarily in opposition in the period, and caters for a readership of servants and citizens while equally fi nding its way into Spenserian epic, Sidneyan pastoral or even late Shakespearian tragicomedy and Miltonian poetry. The three plays grouped in this volume are early modern attempts at conquering that twilight zone in a context of expanding contacts with Muslim lands around the Mediterranean. romance and conquest in early modern england ‘The structural core of all fi ction’ for Northrop Frye, who sees it as a means to translate mythical archetypes into human experience, 1 romance is also ‘a notoriously slippery category’, as Barbara Fuchs warns. 2 The basic defi nition with which Helen Cooper starts her authoritative study of the genre is a primarily narrative fi ction in the vernacular which appears from the twelfth century onward, characterised by exotic settings, distant in time and/or place, concerned with love and/or chivalry, and involving high-ranking individuals engaged in some ideal quest. It may include such recurrent patterns as encounters with the supernatural, obscured identities or miraculous conversions. 3 Patricia Parker’s earlier deconstructionist approach complicates this defi nition by insisting on the proliferating digressions which form the structure of romance and defer its closure and collective coherence. -
CYMBELINE" in the Fllii^Slhi TI CENTURY
"CYMBELINE" IN THE fllii^SLHi TI CENTURY Bennett Jackson Submitted in partial fulfilment for the de ree of uaster of Arts in the University of Birmingham. October 1971. University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. SYNOPSIS This thesis consists of an Introduction, followed by Part I (chapters 1-2) in which nineteenth- century criticism of the play is discussed, particular attention being paid to Helen Faucit's essay on Imogen, and its relationship to her playing of the role. In Part II the stags-history of Oymbcline in London is traced from 1785 to Irving's Lyceum production of 1896. Directions from promptbooks used by G-.P. Cooke, W.C. Macready, Helen Eaucit, and Samuel ±helps are transcribed and discussed, and in the last chapter the influence of Bernard Shaw on Ellen Terry's Imogen is considered in the light of their correspondence and the actress's rehearsal copies of the play. There are three appendices: a list of performances; transcriptions of two newspaper reviews (from 1843 and 1864) and one private diary (Gordon Crosse's notes on the Lyceum Gymbeline); and discussion of one of the promptbooks prepared for Charles Kean's projected production. -
Petr Osolsobě Sir Thomas More
PETR OSOLSOBĚ SIR THOMAS MORE: LESS COLLABORATIVE, MORE SHAKESPEAREAN Is Sir Thomas More, in all its fortuitous dramatic unity, the subtle symmetries of its characters, and its network of cross-references a collaborative work? As far as modern editors are concerned, there is a measure of agreement that the original play was the work of Anthony Munday and Henry Chettle, and was completed around 1592-94. Its manuscript contains a number of rewritten and additional passages, attributed to Chettle, Heywood, Dekker and Shakespeare. Gabrieli and Melchiori, in their admirable 1990 Revels edition of Sir Thomas More, support the assumption: playwriting at the time, at least for the public stage, was a collaborative practice between men of letters and actors and the men of the theatre, frequently on the basis of a ‘plot’ devised by a single author[. Besides,] all the extant or lost plays connected with Munday’s name [...] are written in collaboration. (Gabrieli and Melchiori 1990: 13) Munday’s claim to authorship is, furthermore, supported by his access to Harpsfield’s Life of More as well as to other rare recusant literature used in the play; Munday was the right-hand man of Richard Topcliffe, a notorious priest-catcher under Queen Elizabeth, and his close ‘collaborator’ in arresting and executing Roman Catholic priests Edmund Campion, Ralph Sherwin and Alexander Briant in 1581 (Gabrieli and Melchiori 1990: 8). Moreover, Munday was familiar with Latin tags and quotations which are abundant in the original text, always correct in spelling, grammar and syntax, owing to his daily usage of Latin during the months he spent as a spy in the Catholic English College in Rome from February to May 1579. -
The First Quarto of King Henry V Edited by Andrew Gurr Excerpt More Information
Cambridge University Press 0521623367 - The First Quarto of King Henry V Edited by Andrew Gurr Excerpt More information 1 Introduction INTRODUCTION The significance of the quarto text of Henry V The character of the text of Henry V printed in the First Folio of 1623 (f) is not seriously in doubt. As the NCS edition and others argue, it was set from an authorial manuscript that had not been through the developmental process of emendation for performance. The version printed in 1600 (q), however, tells a different story. It contains several features that show radical corrections made to the f text either in the course of preparing the play for performance or during its first run on stage. It cuts the total number of lines by a half, eliminating entire scenes and transposing others, and shortens or cuts all the longer speeches. The speed with which it came to the press only a year after its first staging is a mark both of its proximity to the text performed by the company that owned it and of its authority as an official version. Between 1598 and 1600 ten plays owned by Shakespeare’s company came into print, seven of them Shakespeare’s own. With the sole exception of the Henry V quarto, and Jonson’s Every Man Out of his Humour, which Jonson gave to the press himself, all of them were at least three years old. In the speed of its delivery to the press, q Henry V is unique even among the so-called ‘bad’ quartos. What its text can tell us about its origins and its intended function is uniquely valuable for an understanding of what Shakespeare’s company did to adapt the play-manuscripts he sold to them for staging. -
Hamlet and the Invention of Tragedy1
Hamlet and the invention of Tragedy1 Helen Cooper UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, OXFORD The first thing that should be said about Hamlet is that he is a serial killer. He kills off a higher proportion of the speaking cast list, either directly with his own hand or indirectly, than any other Shakespearean character, including Richard III and Macbeth. To begin with, his victims include the entire Polonius family. He kills Polonius deliberately, though it is true that he believes him to be someone else at the time; but such an instance of mistaken identity, of killing B when one had set out with the intention of killing A, is not acceptable as an excuse for murder in a court of law. Laertes he kills with his own hand, though inadvertently; the text leaves open the opportunity, taken up in many productions, to have Hamlet engineer the change of swords deliberately as result of realizing that Laertes’ is unbated, but he cannot know that it is poisoned. Ophelia’s death he causes indirectly, but there can be no question but that he carries total moral responsibility for it, first tendering her affection, then proceeding through public humiliation to private violent abuse, and finally murdering her father. The First Quarto has Laertes make the double accusation of responsibility for the catastrophes to both Polonius and Ophelia explicit: Griefe upon griefe, my father murdered, My sister thus distracted: Cursed be his soule that wrought this wicked act.2 At no point, however, does Hamlet acknowledge his own role in bringing about her death, nor does he show any compunction over it.