Chapter 16 • the Administration of Justice During States of Emergency
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COVID-19 and Human Rights: We Are All in This Together
COVID-19 and Human Rights We are all in this together APRIL 2020 Human rights are critical – for the response and the recovery They put people at the centre and produce better outcomes Human rights are key in shaping the pandemic response, both for the public health emergency and the broader impact on people’s lives and livelihoods. Human rights put people centre-stage. Responses that are shaped by and respect human rights result in better outcomes in beating the pandemic, ensuring healthcare for everyone and preserving human dignity. But they also focus our attention on who is suffering most, why, and what can be done about it. They prepare the ground now for emerging from this crisis with more equitable and sustainable societies, development and peace. Why are human rights equip States and whole societies to respond to so important to the threats and crises in a way that puts people at the centre. Observing the crisis and its impact COVID-19 response? through a human rights lens puts a focus on how it is affecting people on the ground, partic- The world is facing an unprecedented crisis. ularly the most vulnerable among us, and what At its core is a global public health emer- can be done about it now, and in the long term. gency on a scale not seen for a century, Although this paper presents recommenda- requiring a global response with far-reaching tions, it is worth underlining that human rights consequences for our economic, social and are obligations which States must abide by. political lives. -
L&RS Note | an Overview of the Impact of Emergency Powers On
Oireachtas Library & Research Service | Bill Digest L&RS Note An Overview of the Impact of Emergency Powers on Rights and Freedoms Ivan Farmer, Senior Parliamentary Researcher, Law 27 March 2020 Abstract The spread of COVID-19 has placed renewed focus on the use of special powers to address national emergencies. This Note provides a general overview of the powers available with a specific focus on the current pandemic and the possible impact on individual rights. It examines existing powers under the Health Act, 1947, amendments made under the 2020 emergency legislation, as well as powers that provide for use of the broadcast media. Early legislation providing for emergencies which is still force is also referenced. Finally, a summary of constitutional provisions for emergencies and the abridgement of the consideration of Bills by the Seanad is also included. Oireachtas Library & Research Service | L&RS Note Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Legislative Provisions ..................................................................................................................... 2 General Duty to Take Precautions ............................................................................................. 2 Detention of Individuals ............................................................................................................. 3 Restrictions on Movement ........................................................................................................ -
Resolutions to Censure the President: Procedure and History
Resolutions to Censure the President: Procedure and History Updated February 1, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45087 Resolutions to Censure the President: Procedure and History Summary Censure is a reprimand adopted by one or both chambers of Congress against a Member of Congress, President, federal judge, or other government official. While Member censure is a disciplinary measure that is sanctioned by the Constitution (Article 1, Section 5), non-Member censure is not. Rather, it is a formal expression or “sense of” one or both houses of Congress. Censure resolutions targeting non-Members have utilized a range of statements to highlight conduct deemed by the resolutions’ sponsors to be inappropriate or unauthorized. Before the Nixon Administration, such resolutions included variations of the words or phrases unconstitutional, usurpation, reproof, and abuse of power. Beginning in 1972, the most clearly “censorious” resolutions have contained the word censure in the text. Resolutions attempting to censure the President are usually simple resolutions. These resolutions are not privileged for consideration in the House or Senate. They are, instead, considered under the regular parliamentary mechanisms used to process “sense of” legislation. Since 1800, Members of the House and Senate have introduced resolutions of censure against at least 12 sitting Presidents. Two additional Presidents received criticism via alternative means (a House committee report and an amendment to a resolution). The clearest instance of a successful presidential censure is Andrew Jackson. The Senate approved a resolution of censure in 1834. On three other occasions, critical resolutions were adopted, but their final language, as amended, obscured the original intention to censure the President. -
The Constitutionality of Censuring the President
Legal Sidebari The Constitutionality of Censuring the President March 12, 2018 House Democrats have introduced a resolution that, if approved by the House, would formally “censure and condemn” President Trump for disparaging comments on immigration issues he allegedly made during a meeting with Members of Congress. This is the second presidential “censure” resolution introduced in the House this Congress. While each house of Congress has authority to discipline its own Members through censure, congressional censure of the President is rare. For that reason, there seems to be a recurring question as to whether Congress has the constitutional authority to adopt such a measure at all. As discussed below, it would appear that Congress may censure the President through a simple (one chamber) or concurrent (two chamber) resolution, or other non-binding measure, so long as the censure does not carry with it any legal consequence. This Sidebar will discuss examples of congressional censure of the President before addressing its constitutional validity. While Black’s Law Dictionary defines censure as “an official reprimand or condemnation…,” in practice, there is no clear rule for determining the legislative actions that may qualify as a “censure” of the President. Viewed broadly, censure of the President could include any legislative measure formally adopted by the House or Senate that expresses that body’s disagreement with specific presidential conduct. Using this definition, the first congressional censure of the President seemingly occurred in 1834 after President Andrew Jackson removed his Treasury Secretary for refusing to withdraw government deposits from the Bank of the United States. The approved Senate resolution stated that President Jackson had “assumed upon himself authority and power not conferred by the constitution and laws, but in derogation of both.” The Jackson resolution was subject to some debate, and three years later—once the President’s supporters regained control of the Senate—the resolution was officially expunged from the Senate Journal. -
Case 4:21-Cv-00416 Document 1 Filed 01/15/21 Page 1 of 34
Case 4:21-cv-00416 Document 1 Filed 01/15/21 Page 1 of 34 1 Abigail P. Barnes (Bar No. 313809) Scarlet Kim* COVINGTON & BURLING LLP Dror Ladin* 2 Salesforce Tower Hina Shamsi* 415 Mission Street, Suite 5400 AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION 3 San Francisco, California 94105-2533 FOUNDATION Telephone: +1 (415) 591-6000 125 Broad Street, 18th Floor 4 Facsimile: +1 (415) 591-6091 New York, NY 10004 Email: [email protected] Telephone: +1 (212) 549-2660 5 Email: [email protected], [email protected], Trisha B. Anderson* [email protected] 6 David M. Zionts* Alexander N. Ely* *Application for admission pro hac vice 7 Diana Lee* forthcoming COVINGTON & BURLING LLP 8 One CityCenter Attorneys for Plaintiffs 850 Tenth Street, NW 9 Washington, DC 20001-4956 Telephone: +1 (202) 662-6000 10 Facsimile: +1 (202) 662-6291 Email: [email protected], [email protected], 11 [email protected], [email protected] 12 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE NORTHERN DISTRICT OF CALIFORNIA 13 14 LEILA N. SADAT; K. ALEXA KOENIG; NAOMI Civil Case No.: ROHT-ARRIAZA; and STEVEN M. WATT, 15 COMPLAINT FOR DECLARATORY AND Plaintiffs, INJUNCTIVE RELIEF 16 v. 17 DONALD J. TRUMP, in his official capacity as 18 President of the United States; U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE; MICHAEL R. 19 POMPEO, in his official capacity as Secretary of State; U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY; 20 STEVEN T. MNUCHIN, in his official capacity as Secretary of the Treasury; U.S. DEPARTMENT 21 OF JUSTICE; JEFFREY A. ROSEN, in his official capacity as Acting Attorney General; OFFICE OF 22 FOREIGN ASSETS CONTROL; and ANDREA M. -
Human Rights Watch (HRW)
Human Rights Watch Submission to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Resolution 43/1 Report on the Promotion and Protection of the Human Rights of Africans/People of African Descent against Excessive Use of Force March 9, 2021 Human Rights Watch is pleased to offer this submission to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) as background information for the preparation of OHCHR’s report on the Promotion and Protection of the Human Rights of Africans/People of African Descent against Excessive Use of Force. We have compiled published reports of our investigations and legal analysis, congressional testimony, and related materials in the United States and France beneath each of the relevant headings from the OHCHR’s request for information. OHCHR has requested information on, “measures taken to identify, address, reform and remedy systems, institutions, structures, mechanisms, legislation, policies and/or practices that give rise to, perpetuate, entrench and/or reinforce systemic racism, racial discrimination and associated human rights violations against Africans and people of African descent, including those resulting from historical legacies, as relevant.” Human Rights Watch would like to draw OHCHR’s attention to current efforts to provide reparations to people of African descent within the United States. Human Rights Watch, alongside several local and national activists and groups, has been a part of efforts to call for reparative justice for racial discrimination and human rights violations against people of African descent, including those resulting from historical events, such as the Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921 and from the legacy of slavery in the United States. -
Subsumption, Derogation, and Noncontradiction in "Legal Science" Stanley L
Subsumption, Derogation, and Noncontradiction in "Legal Science" Stanley L. Paulsonf Law and Legal Science. J.W. HARRIS. The Clarendon Press; Oxford University Press, New York, 1979. Pp. x, 174. $22.00. Until recently, only a few of the leading academic lawyers in England had looked with favor on Hans Kelsen's Pure Theory of Law.1 Sir Hersch Lauterpacht, writing that Kelsen's work was "a powerful contribution to legal thought, 2 was one of the few, and H.L.A. Hart, who described Kelsen as "the most stimulating writer on analytical jurisprudence of our day,"$ was another. Neither, however, was typical. The international lawyer Lauterpacht had been Kelsen's student in Vienna and was a convinced proponent of Kelsen's "monistic" view of the relation between international and domestic law,4 while Hart was-then as now-the leading legal theorist in the English-speaking world and a philosopher in his own right. Most English jurists, like their counterparts in America, followed C.K. Allen's suggestion that Kelsen's aim to reduce the law "to a scheme of purely intellectual conceptions," was a "barren task" offering little understanding of how "[i]aw touches actual life."5 Judging by recent work in legal philosophy in England, partic- ularly at Oxford, the scene has changed a bit. The opinions of Al- len and others on the Pure Theory are nowhere evident in the t Alexander von Humboldt Foundation Fellow, Faculty of Law, Free University of Berlin; Associate Professor of Philosophy, Washington University (St. Louis). I The leading work on the Pure Theory is H. -
Agreement on Provisional Arrangements in Afghanistan Pending the Re-Establishment of Permanent Government Institutions
AGREEMENT ON PROVISIONAL ARRANGEMENTS IN AFGHANISTAN PENDING THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF PERMANENT GOVERNMENT INSTITUTIONS The participants in the UN Talks on Afghanistan, In the presence of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Afghanistan, Determined to end the tragic conflict in Afghanistan and promote national reconciliation, lasting peace, stability and respect for human rights in the country, Reaffirming the independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Afghanistan, Acknowledging the right of the people of Afghanistan to freely determine their own political future in accordance with the principles of Islam, democracy, pluralism and social justice, Expressing their appreciation to the Afghan mujahidin who, over the years, have defended the independence, territorial integrity and national unity of the country and have played a major role in the struggle against terrorism and oppression, and whose sacrifice has now made them both heroes of jihad and champions of peace, stability and reconstruction of their beloved homeland, Afghanistan, Aware that the unstable situation in Afghanistan requires the implementation of emergency interim arrangements and expressing their deep appreciation to His Excellency Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani for his readiness to transfer power to an interim authority which is to be established pursuant to this agreement, Recognizing the need to ensure broad representation in these interim arrangements of all segments of the Afghan population, including groups that have not been -
The Right of the People of the Whole of Ireland to Self-Determination, Unity, Sovereignty and Independence
NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law Volume 11 Number 1 IRELAND: RECENT DEVELOPMENTS Article 3 1990 THE RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE OF THE WHOLE OF IRELAND TO SELF-DETERMINATION, UNITY, SOVEREIGNTY AND INDEPENDENCE Richard J. Harvey Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/ journal_of_international_and_comparative_law Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Harvey, Richard J. (1990) "THE RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE OF THE WHOLE OF IRELAND TO SELF- DETERMINATION, UNITY, SOVEREIGNTY AND INDEPENDENCE," NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law: Vol. 11 : No. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/journal_of_international_and_comparative_law/vol11/iss1/ 3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. THE RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE OF THE WHOLE OF IRELAND TO SELF-DETERMINATION, UNITY, SOVEREIGNTY AND INDEPENDENCE * RICHARD J. HARVEY ** I. INTRODUCTION The British army has been actively engaged in the Six Counties of Northern Ireland' for twenty-one years. This engagement, officially called "military aid to the civil power,"2 has lasted longer than any war * This Article was addressed to the 13th Congress of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers, Barcelona, Mar. 19-24, 1990. It is dedicated to the memories of SeAn MacBride and Pat Finucane, both of whom devoted their lives to the protection of the human rights of others. They reviewed earlier drafts of this work and each offered his unequivocal support for its aims. In my last conversation with Sedn MacBride, he agreed to sponsor this project to secure United Nations consideration for Ireland's right to self- determination. -
Public Security and Individual Freedom: the Dilemma of Northern Ireland
Public Security and Individual Freedom: The Dilemma of Northern Ireland Thomas P. Foleyt Northern Ireland has been the scene of recurring and often horrify- ing violence since 1969, as terrorist groups have clashed with each other, with the British Army, and with the Royal Ulster Constabulary (R.U.C.). The situation has been a difficult one for both the people and the legal system of Northern Ireland: faced with the problem of highly dedicated terrorists, the British government has had to confront di- rectly the tension between its duty to protect public security and its concomitant obligation to safeguard individual freedom. This Article focuses on the British government's most recent legislative response to this tension, the Emergency Provisions Act (EPA),' and appraises its success in accommodating the competing demands of public safety and private liberty. The EPA cannot be assessed without some understanding of the his- torical background of the current situation and of the different sources of the violence wracking Northern Ireland. Section I of the Article is intended to provide this information in capsule form. Section II ex- plains the operation of the EPA, with particular attention to its breadth and to its potentially counterproductive effects. The standards for the admissibility of confessions to crimes covered, by the EPA and the lack of procedures for the independent investigation and evaluation of com- plaints against the security forces are analyzed in detail in Sections III and IV, respectively. In Section V, the Article concludes with recom- mendations for legal reform that would establish a better balance be- tween the need for public security and the need for legal protection against excessive or unnecessary intrusions on individual freedom. -
Chapter IX — Report of the International: Sixty-Eighth Session
A/71/10 Chapter IX Jus cogens A. Introduction 97. At its sixty-seventh session (2015), the Commission decided to include the topic “Jus cogens” in its programme of work and appointed Mr. Dire Tladi as Special Rapporteur for the topic.1288 The General Assembly subsequently, in its resolution 70/236 of 23 December 2015, took note of the decision of the Commission to include the topic in its programme of work. B. Consideration of the topic at the present session 98. At the present session, the Commission had before it the first report of the Special Rapporteur (A/CN.4/693), which sought to set out the Special Rapporteur’s general approach to the topic and, on that basis, to obtain the views of the Commission on its preferred approach, and to provide a general overview of conceptual issues relating to jus cogens (peremptory norms of international law). 99. The Commission considered the first report at its 3314th to 3317th, and 3322nd and 3323rd meetings, from 4 to 8, and 18 and 19 July 2016. 100. At its 3323rd meeting, on 19 July 2016, the Commission referred draft conclusions 1 and 3, as contained in the Special Rapporteur’s first report, to the Drafting Committee. 101. At its 3342nd meeting, on 9 August 2016, the Chairperson of the Drafting Committee presented an interim report of the Drafting Committee on “Jus cogens”, containing the draft conclusions it provisionally adopted at the sixty-eighth session. The report was presented for information only, and is available on the Commission’s website.1289 1. -
Geographic Profile of Healthcare Needs and Non-Acute Healthcare Supply in Ireland
RESEARCH SERIES NUMBER 90 GEOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF HEALTHCARE July 2019 NEEDS AND NON-ACUTE HEALTHCARE SUPPLY IN IRELAND SAMANTHA SMITH, BRENDAN WALSH, MAEV-ANN WREN, STEVE BARRON, EDGAR MORGENROTH, JAMES EIGHAN AND SEÁN LYONS FO NCE R PO DE LI VI C E Y GEOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF HEALTHCARE NEEDS AND NON-ACUTE HEALTHCARE SUPPLY IN IRELAND Samantha Smith Brendan Walsh Maev-Ann Wren Steve Barron Edgar Morgenroth James Eighan Seán Lyons July 2019 RESEARCH SERIES NUMBER 90 Available to download from www.esri.ie The Economic and Social Research Institute Whitaker Square, Sir John Rogerson’s Quay, Dublin 2 ISBN 978-0-7070-0498-3 DOI: https://doi.org/10.26504/rs90 First report of the project entitled: ‘An inter-sectoral analysis by geographic area of the need for and the supply and utilisation of health services in Ireland’ HRB Project HRA-HSR-2014-659 This Open Access work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly credited. | iii ABOUT THE ESRI The mission of the Economic and Social Research Institute is to advance evidence- based policymaking that supports economic sustainability and social progress in Ireland. ESRI researchers apply the highest standards of academic excellence to challenges facing policymakers, focusing on 12 areas of critical importance to 21st Century Ireland. The Institute was founded in 1960 by a group of senior civil servants led by Dr T.K. Whitaker, who identified the need for independent and in-depth research analysis to provide a robust evidence base for policymaking in Ireland.