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Home , Cambodian art, Devaraja, Greater India, Modern Cambodia

ISSN 0975-6035 Volume 13, No.2, July-December 2019, pp.11-40 © Centre for Southeast Asian and Pacifichttp://cseaps.edu.in/areastudies/index.html Studies, Visit: cseaps.edu.in

© Centre for Southeast Asian and Pacific Studies, Visit: cseaps.edu.in

Enhancing Shared Civilizations Links in - Relations: A Cambodian Perspective on Soft Power in Foreign Policy

Khath Bunthorn *

Abstract

Cambodia is one of the Indianized states in Southeast . The arrival of Indian culture in Cambodia can be traced back to the empire, the first kingdom in Cambodia’s earliest history predating the empire. Prior to contact with Indian culture, local inhabitants had their own indigenous culture and customs. The interaction between both cultures allowed local inhabitants to freely absorb or choose what Indian cultural elements that would appeal to their thinking. At the same time, those elements were localised and modified. Indian epics, , for instance, were considerably changed from their original form. Against this backdrop, the article examines the process of Indianization in Cambodia and shows how the local people formed their distinctive variations of the Indian cultural elements to reflect their ideas. It also provides an overview of India’s soft power promotion in Cambodia through architectural ------* Khath Bunthorn, Ph.D. Research Scholar, Centre for Indo-Pacific Studies, School of International Studies, University, Email: [email protected] Enhancing Shared Civilizations Links in India-Cambodia Relations

conservation, capacity building, cultural event organisations and Buddhist tourism. It concludes that India appears to have a comparative advantage in its soft power in Cambodia and has the potential to transform relations between the two states in the long run. The Indo-Khmer cultural and historical linkages create a conducive atmosphere for fostering bilateral relations between the two countries.

Keywords: Cultural Adaptation, Historical Linkage, Indianization, India’s Soft Power, Bilateral relations.

Introduction

While talking about the Indian cultural expansion in , interestingly Cambodia is occupying a unique position. It is noteworthy to look at three aspects of Cambodia’s Indian historical linkages. First, the of Cambodia or Kampuchea in Khmer1 is an Indian name. It derives from Sanskrit Kambuja desa or Land of Kambuja. According to the legend recorded in the 10th century Baksei Chamkrong inscription, Kambuja derives from Kambu Svayambhuva, a legendary Indian hermit who arrived in Indochina and married the celestial nymph Mera, thus uniting the Indian and local races (Coedes 1968: 66). In this legend, Kambuja derives from Kambu+ja, meaning ‘descendants of Kambu’. Secondly, Cambodia is located in (Golden Land), a toponym that appears in ancient Indian literary sources and .2 Finally, Cambodia is geographically located in Indochina, a term denoting the influences of the world’s two largest and oldest civilizations of India and China.

These three terminologies quickly show how Indian influences and connections in ancient Cambodia are relevant even today.

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However, archaeological works and studies on inscriptions reveal the depth Indian characters and influence on ancient Cambodia. Indeed, Cambodian culture and society were deeply influenced by Indian culture. It was the centuries-long phenomena known as Indianization in which elements of Indian culture were absorbed or chosen by the Cambodian people (Chandler 2008: 15).

However, scholars are of different views on Indian influences in Southeast Asia in general and Cambodia in particular. Sometimes, Indian cultural expansion has been misconstrued as political expansion as well. Some Indian historians regard it as ‘colonisation,’ or further India. For instance, Indian historian Majumdar (1944a: 66) argues that the manifestation of the dominance of Indian influence in the development of culture and civilization in Cambodia in epigraphic evidence and chronicles could show that Cambodia was ‘colonised by the Indians.’ In contrast, Western scholars call it ‘Indianization,’ a term first used by George Coedes, a leading archaeologist and historian of Southeast Asia. He explains that:

Indianization must be understood essentially as the expansion of an organised culture that was founded upon the Indian conception of royalty, was characterised by Hinduist Buddhist cults, the mythology of the Purana, and the observance of the Dharmasastras, and expressed itself in the Sanskrit Language. (Coedes 1968: 15–16)

Therefore, Indian culture was considered superior to the local culture in terms of religion, epic, religious law and language. And because of such a language, the Indian cultural expansion is sometimes called ‘Sanskritization’. Similarly, some anthropologists have regarded the interactions between the

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new and the existing cultures as ‘the Great and others or the Little traditions’. The former concerned India, Sanskrit, the courts, and , and the latter was the local Cambodian, Khmer, villages, and folk religion (Chandler 2008: 16). The spread of Indian ideas in Southeast Asia as well as in Cambodia was “a process in which selective borrowing, shaped by pre-existing understandings and cultural frameworks, had a decisive role” (Acharya 2013: 56–57). The people of Southeast Asia, however, did not borrow Indian culture exclusively, nor did they replace their civilization with it entirely. British historian D. G. E. Hall (1964: 4) points out that the great mass of the people of the ‘Hinduized’ states of Southeast Asia “was for long either untouched by Indian culture or in absorbing it changed it by bringing it in line with indigenous ideas and practice.”

The magnificent structure of Angkor and in Angkor Thom complex manifest the greatness of the culture and civilisation evolution of the Khmers during the ninth to fifteenth centuries, under the Angkor kingdom. Therefore, it can be said that Cambodian culture and civilisation is the offspring of Indian influences, which are seen in nearly all aspects of Cambodian society and history. Against this backdrop, this paper provides an overview of the Indian cultural influences in ancient Cambodia during the Funan period. It shows how Cambodian culture and civilisation developed out of Indian influence and highlights Cambodian adaptations of Indian epics such as Ramayana and . Lastly, it examines the cultural implication of India’s soft power promotion in contemporary Cambodia.

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The Mythical Legend of Cambodia’s Evolution:

Cambodian civilization is one of the oldest in Southeast Asia. Unfortunately, there is no official record or document that can trace its origins or ancestors. However, Cambodian people believe that the first kingdom of Cambodia was founded after the marriage between an Indian prince and a Cambodian woman based on various versions of legendary stories, one of which is Preah Thong-Neang Neak.

The different versions of the legend are available in separate sources such as the Chinese official records, an inscription found in (central ) dated to 657 CE, Cambodian annals and similar myths popular among the Pallava kings, who ruled over in the early centuries CE. They provided considerable value in sharing the origins of Cambodia’s evolution. The historical significance of these legends cannot be left out while studying the influence of Indian culture over Cambodia. The story is commonly called Preah Thong–Neang Neak or Prince Thong–Princess Neak (Chantrabot1998: 29–38; Chatterjee 1928: 3–4).

The legend revolves around the central figure of one of the sons of the king of Indraprastha, named Adityavamsa. He was displeased with one of his sons, Preah Thong, and drove him out of the kingdom. The prince travelled to the country of Kok Thlok (the land of the Thlok tree) along with thousands of his followers. Kok Thlok was ruled by a Cham prince who was soon dethroned by Preah Thong. One evening, he was trapped by the tide on the seashore. So he was obliged to spend the night there. The prince saw a magnificent Neang Neak (Nagi princess) who came from the underworld to play on the beach. He fell in love with and was married to her. The Neakareach

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(Nagaraja), the father of the Neang Neak, enlarged the kingdom of his son-in-law by drinking up the water, which covered the country. The Neakareach also built for him a capital including many castles in it. Moreover, he changed the name of the country into Kambuja.

Although the legend mentioned above is merely a legendary story, which cannot be regarded as the authentic proof of history, it is of great value in the absence or lack of any precise document or record. In the myth, Cambodians see themselves as the offspring of the marriage between culture and nature. This idea would have been familiar to Cambodians, and that remained in practise to a large extent in . A prospective bridegroom often has to gain his in-law’s approval by living with them before his marriage. While living with the groom’s family members, the bridegroom will have to act and behave appropriately up to the satisfaction of her family, so that he will be accepted to marry her or otherwise he will be rejected. More important, in the traditional wedding ceremony, the story of Preah Thong is reconstructed again and again beginning with a symbolic ‘snake skin’ given to the groom by his bride. Doing so is to commemorate Preah Thong’s visit to the underworld (Gaudes 1993: 353). On the other hand, the myth accounts that the local people (i.e. the dragons) respected the and his honour. So they agreed to change the kingdom from Kok Thlok (which is more often in the mind of Cambodian people in general) to an Kambuja (which first appears in the 10th century Baksei Chamkrong inscription). It is from this mythical story that many Cambodian kings had often referred to while talking about the origin of the kingdom and their earliest ancestors. This links Cambodia’s origins to ancient India, paving the mythological link between the two.

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Indian Cultural Expansion in Ancient Cambodia: Funan

Scholars of ancient Indian history are well aware of the fact that in the early centuries of the Common Era, Indian culture spread its wing over several countries in Southeast Asia, including Cambodia. Funan or Nokor Phnom was the first known state of Cambodia and the first Indianized state of Southeast Asia. Through the process of Indianization during the first five centuries, Cambodia evolved to become a powerful state in the . The Angkor empire which evolved from this remained at its height from the 9th to the 15th centuries, reflecting the influences from India.

According to the Chinese official record, Funan, (Nokor Phnom in modern Khmer), literally mountain city, was the earliest known state of Cambodia among the Indianized states of Southeast Asia founded by King Kaudinya during the 1st or 2nd century CE. Funan used to be one of the main ports for maritime trade with China, India, Persian and . The empire extended to almost all of including the Delta (South Vietnam), Cambodia, central , northern , and southern Burma. Funan was the first political centre established in Southeast Asia (Hall 1982: 90). The capital city was located at Vyadhapura (in present-day Ba Phnom) in the Cambodian province of Prey Veng. The earliest maritime link with India was through the port of Oc-Eo which is today in South Vietnam.

Funan was a Hindu-Buddhist Kingdom that lasted for about five centuries. During this period, Indian culture came into contact with existing local cultures. Indian influences expanded in the region through traders and immigrants, and slowly influenced the socio-political developments of the

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kingdom too. There is evidence to suggest that Funan had a political structure that was based on indigenous social and cultural forms. However, following Funan’s conquest of the trade centres at the Kra Isthmus, Funan began to experience the influences from India, leading to the adaptation of Indian cultural and political forms during the 5th century CE in to maximise agrarian income in compensation for lost commercial revenue (Bentley 1986: 279).

The interaction between the Indian settlers and the local population led to an intermingling which was evident in the locals assuming Hindu and embracing both Sanskrit and languages; Hindu religion and manners and customs. Indian settlers too adopted to the local customs and social habits assimilating into the local communities (Majumdar 1944b: 7). The influence of the Indian settlers is reflected in the manner in which the capital cities began to adorn and architectural influences from India, as the Indian influence emerged within statecraft.

For the first few centuries, Funan history was almost entirely dependent on Chinese sources, which showed its strong Indian influence. A Chinese envoy, Kang Tai, who visited, and left valuable information about, the Kingdom in the 3rd century CE, recorded that “Funan possessed walled cities, palaces, and houses, that its citizens paid their taxes in pearls, gold, and perfumes, that they worshipped Hindu gods, and that they wrote using an Indic script” (Bentley 1986: 278–79). In the 5th century CE, “ also flourished” in Funan, as there were two famous Funanese Buddhist monks, Sanghapala and Mandrasena, travelling to China to translate Buddhist canon (Tripitaka) from Sanskrit to Chinese as they both knew Sanskrit quite well (Coedes 1968: 58, 285; Chandler

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2008: 23). However, Hindu Shivaism was the dominant religion in Funan (Coedes 1968: 58). On the other hand, according to SarDesai (1994), the adoption of Sanskrit as the court language, Hinduism and Buddhism helped the process of Indianization of Funan as a whole. In this period, India had powerful political entities such as the Guptas, which shaped “coherent models of political, social and religious organisation” (Smith 1999: 1). This development made India attractive to Funan and countries in Southeast Asia. This raises the question as to why Funan’s leaders did not see neighbouring China in the same way that they viewed India? Smith (1999) points out that “apprehension about Chinese expansion led the rulers of emergent chiefdoms in Southeast Asia to prefer the adoption of Indian political and religious iconography.”

Indian influence was to dominate Funan and for centuries afterwards to play a vital role in moulding Khmer civilization (Audric 1972: 29). Funan reached the peak of its power by the end of the 5th century CE. The chief vassal state of Funan was , to the north on the Mekong River. In the mid-6th century CE, Chenla gained control over Funan; first making it a vassal, then annexing it. Chenla was the seat of the of Kambuja, but Indian influence was less pronounced here (ibid.: 30). It appears that, for over five centuries, the Khmers of Funan had selectively absorbed the Indian ideas adequate for them to form an empire by themselves in the next few centuries. It was the rise of Angkor Empire that started from the ninth to the fifteenth centuries in the reign of King Jayavarman II who was crowned king in 802 CE and united the Khmers of the dived water and lands of Chenlas. During this golden period of Cambodian history in the reign of King Jayavarman VII, thousands of were

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built, and the magnificent was one of them. Most temples were dedicated to and , and later some of them were modified and dedicated to Buddha. Many other temples of the Angkor era are now in , Thailand and South Vietnam.

However, Indo-Khmer historical interactions had disappeared following the fall of the in the early 15th century CE. Following this inroads from both Siamese (Thai) and Annamese kingdoms further reduced the Angkor kingdoms expanse as its decline began. This circumstance coincided with the foundation of the Delhi Sultanate in the early 13th century CE and the emergence of the Mughal Empire in the in the early 16th century CE. As the colonial expansion took place bringing India under the British empire, the expansion of the French colonial presence took place in Indochina, and in the 19th century Cambodia became a French protectorate in 1863.As a result of the colonial period, the connection between the two states fundamentally changed and it was not until the 20th century CE when both countries gained independence from colonial rulers that their relations were re-established. Nevertheless, India left a strong cultural and civilizational footprint in Cambodia though it had been localised to suit the local ideas and practices, and became Cambodian. In turn, Cambodia’s civilization that absorbed influences from India had been transferred to other Southeast Asian civilizations, including Thailand and Laos.

Nevertheless, it is important to note that the transmission and assimilation of culture were not imposed by colonisation or by force. Indian troops never invaded Cambodia. Unlike Chinese colonisation and cultural in Vietnam, Indian

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culture never came into conflict with Cambodian culture. Cambodia never resisted India. But unlike Vietnam vis-a-vis Han China, Cambodia never looked to India – after the CE – for ideas, approval or advice (Chandler 2008: 17). Therefore, during Indian cultural penetration, Cambodians were free to choose and adapt some selective elements for their comforts, or they would reject those elements that were contrary to their pre-existing culture and traditions. Simultaneously, Indian settlers assimilated themselves to the culture and habits of the local community. Hence, Indo-Khmer culture was flourishing peacefully. This mutual influence suggested that “such indigenisation or localization [of Indian influences] would produce a convergence of culture” rather than conflict with one another (Acharya 2013: 42).

Cambodia’s Adaptations and Modifications of Indian Culture

Cambodian culture and social pattern today is derived from the mixture of indigenous and foreign influences, like those from China and India in particular. However, some elements of Indian culture were not there in their original forms. It is argued, “Indian culture was very influential, but always the Cambodians have modified that which they borrowed and have selected those ideas or forms consistent with their own thinking” (Steinberg 1959: 9). India’s influential epics like Ramayana, Mahabharata and other cultural elements such as system, the status of women, had been profoundly modified to fit the local culture.

Before the arrival of Indian civilization, Cambodian culture was not so advanced. So when the more advanced Indian cultural influences arrived, the indigenous people were keen

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to follow it and to absorb it. Indian culture also “fitted easily with the existing cultural patterns and religious belief” (Osborne 1979: 24–25). Those who arrived from India introduced their culture to local people such as worshipping of Indian deities such as the Shivalinga – and the reigning Cambodian kings, influenced by this, began the practises related to Hinduism. Increasingly, the influence was became visible in the societal structure, and in the use of scripts and various art forms that evolved. Due to a loose form of control the cultural influences did not clash and neither were they enforced, allowing the indigenous community the choice to follow it. The use of Sanskrit occurred among the upper classes and in the religious orders, while the indigenous languages and local traditions remained intact. While Khmer remained intact, it was also influenced by Sanskrit where several aspects of the lexicon took on Sankrit words and later the introduction of Pali, more words were added to Khmer.

Prior to the arrival of Indian religion, the indigenous people practised animism. According to the record of Zhou Daguan (a Chinese traveller who visited Angkor in 1296–97 CE), even as late as the 13th century CE, the Angkorean system of justice was based entirely on animistic beliefs – Nak Ta, the spirit of ancestors or localised governors. He recorded that ‘right and wrong are assessed and decided on’ by the judgment of ‘the spiritual power of the local gods’ (Daguan 2007: 65). However, the introduction of Hinduism and Buddhism from India complimented the local animistic beliefs. The adoption of Hinduism gave the Cambodian king the divine authority as (god-king) over his subject. In contrast, Buddhism provided him with the moral authority over his subject by maintaining Rajdharma (duty of rulers). Indian emperor was indeed a role model for Buddhist kings in

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Cambodia and other Southeast Asian countries. It is noted that the transition from Hinduism to Buddhism based on the faith of the Cambodian ruling king was peaceful and smooth.

Although the Little tradition came into contact with the Great one for the first five hundred years or so, the basic structure of the society in Cambodia never underwent a complete change or transformation. This process may be called the localization of Indian culture in which the local people customised, adapted and selected the foreign culture to suit their pre- existing one, as evidenced by five examples. First, the Indian caste or varna system. The Hindu caste system, had little impact and considerable differences existed between caste positions in Cambodia and India. Caste was institutionalised in Angkor, but it was practised differently. The Indian caste system did not affect Cambodian society as a whole, but took roots in the ritual practises of the courts and this is indicated in the inscriptions where the four find a mention. While the Brahmanas and are repeatedly mentioned, the and Sudras hardly find a separate mention (Kishore 1965: 568). Thus, it shows that the Indian caste was ‘a general division of the population,’ while Angkorean caste was referred to ‘the divisions of elite groups at the royal court’ (Acharya 2013: 23).

Second, another indication was the status of women in society. Before the coming of Indian culture, women were placed in the high position in Cambodian society, unlike in India, where women were found inferior to men in most walks of life. It might be possible that it was Buddhism that had modified Hinduism or Brahmanic code, so that women were placed considerably in a higher social status than they were under Brahmanic code. In Cambodian society, women are

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independent and given equal rights to property and succession. Chatterjee (1928) explains that:

The wife is not so much dependent on the husband. Not only has she an exclusive right to her ‘stri-dhana’ (her dowry or any property which she may have received from any member of her family before her marriage), but also she shares jointly with her husband in any legacy he may get after their marriage. As regards the right of succession, the daughter is placed on the same footing as the son. (pp. 281–82)

To that effect, many scholars claim that Khmer social organisation, in general, was matrilineal in some distant past. Currently, Cambodian society gives a high status to women and often they are in charge of the financial administration of the family.

Third, further, the great Indian epics mainly Ramayana and Mahabharata also known in Khmer as (also spelt Ramakerti) and Mahabharata Yudha respectively were modified to a considerable extent not only in Cambodia but almost all countries of Southeast Asia. These epics which were carved into the walls of the great Angkor Wat, and other temples were altered to integrate the customs and beliefs of local people. For instance, Reamker or Glory of differed from India’s Ramayana in the sense that the story is interpreted in Cambodia as those of mortals reflecting human behaviour, while in India, it is interpreted as that of God, where Rama is the of Vishnu. In Reamker, Preah Ream or Rama, the main character in the story, is a human being subject to committing mistakes. Yet, his quality of virtue and righteousness exceeds that of an ordinary human being. One Cambodian researcher on Khmer epigraphy points out

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that ‘The popularisation of the epic – the main implications of which are the lax ethics and a lesser literary concern – has left Ram, untouched and unblemished’ (Pou 1983: 257). She further says, “He remains the same virtuous and righteous hero, far above all the vagaries of human imagination. And that is the mark of Ramakertian heritage, as a true Khmer tradition.”

Moreover, there is another notable edition in Khmer’s version, which is different from that of India. One episode, which is a favourite of Cambodian audiences, shows that Hanuman, the monkey general, encountered Sovanna Maccha, the mermaid. She was Tossakan’s (Ravan’s) daughter who conspired to spoil Hanuman plan, by Preah Ream request, to build a bridge connecting Lanka island where was kept captive, but she fell in love with him instead. This particular scene became very popular in Cambodian classical dance called Robam Hanuman.

The glorious Reamker is very popular among Cambodians and deeply influential on Cambodian society. Unlike Reamker, Mahabharata Yudha is apparently low in fame. According to some account, this is probably due to the disappearance of its original manuscript. While Mahabharata is exceptionally popular in , Reamker enjoys a comparable status in Cambodia. Apart from its scenes depicted in the intricate carvings on the walls of Angkor Wat, Reamker is also played in the shadow theatre, Lakhon Khol (drama) and puppet dance. In short, Reamker appears in many aspects of Cambodian culture, literature, architecture, art, iconography and astrology.

Fourth, the cult of Devaraja also shows the unique practice of Cambodian kings. Cambodia’s King Jayavarman II’s inauguration in 802 CE marked the foundation of this cult in

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which the king was identified with the Hindu god Shiva. The Devaraja cult that identified the kings with Indian divine figures “led to heightened self•perceptions among the chieftain class and prepared the ground for overlords’ claims to universal sovereignty, based on Siva’s divine authority” (Wolters 1982: 52). In this sense, the kings were respected and worshipped as a living god, i.e. the king of gods. With the divine power, a king was perceived as Chakravartiraja or universal king whose sovereignty extended to the entire earth. Srivastava (1987: 53) argues that some historians believed that ‘the idea of the cult Devaraja was borrowed from India,’ but he says that there is ‘hardly any basis to accept that the concept was wholly Indian, because not a single evidence, either epigraphical or archaeological, has been brought to light in India, (south India in particular) to uphold the view.’ Plausibly, this custom was already present in Cambodia before the advent of Indian culture. With the coming of Indian culture, this cult of Devaraja developed and flourished to be an important institution in the history of ancient Cambodia (Srivastava 1987).

Finally, another important aspect of Cambodia’s adoptions and modifications of Indian influences can be found in art and architectural styles, which are visibly different from those of India. French archaeologist Marchal (1994: 95) mentions that Indian influences were found in the early period of in the ancient Khmer temples which is often called the pre-Angkorean art dated from the sixth to the ninth centuries CE. This period was before Angkor which was part of the classical period, from the ninth to the thirteenth centuries CE. After this period, he says, the Khmers had crafted their own art, and they rejected or at least modified motifs or forms that came from India. He adds that is

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the reason why it is difficult to identify in Indian architecture any temple that reminiscent of Cambodia’s Angkor Wat temple. He contends that the Khmers introduced new forms of art and architecture that had never been seen in India. Individual characters such as Buddha images, Devas, in Cambodian architecture varied from those of Indian. The localised Devas, Apsaras and the like are so varied in their expressions, poses and attire. In particular, Apsaras, beautiful, supernatural female beings, are found in both ancient Indian and Cambodian texts and architecture. But the Cambodian Apsaras is different from that of Indian. Apsaras represent an important motif in Angkorean temples’ stone bas-reliefs. They also became an important element of Khmer culture prominently featured in the , painting, literature and dance. Dance is particularly popular.

These factors make it abundantly clear that the Cambodians were not a lay follower of the Indians who visited the country (Srivastava 1987: 42–43).They, of course, learnt certain things from the Indians but developed the same on their own lines. In other words, the Cambodians “borrowed only those Indian…cultural traits that complemented and could be adapted to the indigenous system” (McCloud 1995: 69). Scholars seem to have been impressed by the Cambodian ability “to amalgamate the cultural influences [of India] and blend these with local cultures which have remained resilient, thereby enriching both” (Sundararaman2012; Sastri 1949).

India’s Soft Power towards Cambodia The 21st century is often dubbed with ‘’ witnessing the rising powers in Asia – China and India. To gain acceptance in the international hierarchy, they need to have a soft power strategy. According to Nye (2004: 5), soft

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power is “the ability to shape the preferences of others” through appeal and attraction, which is non-coercive. Culture is one of the soft power tools, other being political values and foreign policies. Being the world’s largest democracy and one of the world’s oldest civilisations, India recently began to exercise active efforts in investing its soft power resources to extend its interactions with Southeast Asia and beyond.

India’s foreign policy includes soft power mechanism in international communication, realising the usefulness of the country’s long cultural heritage and ancient civilisation. One Indian scholar asserts that ‘India’s soft power…is second to none’ in Southeast Asia (Chaudhury 2017). India, thus, uses this benign approach of soft power to strengthen its ties with countries in the region and Cambodia is no exception. The deep cultural and historical ties between Cambodia and India have bound both countries together. For India, this has apparently transformed into its soft power, which can be used to attract Cambodians to think positively about India. Indeed, India does not create a feeling of “an imperialist past among Cambodians’ and instead, India ‘can claim credit for shaping the Cambodian psyche through Indic philosophy, political ideas, religion, and language over a period of two millennia” (Bhati and Murg 2018: 293). As far as the Cambodian nationalism is concerned, the by-product of Indianization in Cambodia has not been viewed as ‘the produce of a struggle against foreign invaders and advice,’ and the borrowed cultural elements from India were merely components of Cambodian social arrangements (Chandler 2008: 17–18). Hence, there is no reason for alarm though it is true that they came from India. In fact, Cambodian people and their leaders perceived India’s soft power projection in the kingdom positively.

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After India and Cambodia gained independence from British in 1947 and from France in 1953 respectively, both countries officially established diplomatic relations in March 1955, during the visit of Cambodian Head of State Prince , (Nasarenko 1977: 183). It is interesting to recall that Prince Sihanouk had solemnly acknowledged Indian role in the evolution of Cambodian culture and civilisation. During his visit, he said India and Cambodia were ‘cousins’ of the same culture, and added that ‘Khmer civilisation is the child of India’s civilisation, and we are proud of it’ (Patnaik2012). Again, at the inauguration ceremony of the Jawaharlal Nehru Boulevard in in May 1965, he stated:

When we refer to 2000 year old ties which unite us with India, it is not at all a hyperbole. In fact, it was about 2000 years ago that the first navigators, Indian merchants, and brought to our ancestors their Gods, their techniques, their organisation. Briefly, India was for us what Greece was to the Latin Occident. (Singhal 1969: 131–32)

Prince Sihanouk learnt from India lessons for his freedom struggle without fighting a war with the colonial power. Mahatma Gandhi’s non-violence and civil disobedience strategies against the British were followed by the Prince. Moreover, Prince Sihanouk regarded Nehru as ‘my greatest friend’ (Patnaik2012). He took the lessons of non-aligned policy from Nehru, and he formulated his own ‘neutral’ foreign policy during the Cold War through which he had kept his country in peace for about sixteen years. For this, it appeared that he regarded Nehru as his political guru (master). At the reception party held in his honour in Delhi in 1963, Prince Sihanouk, in his own words, stated that:

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For it was by studying his [Nehru’s] methods and teachings, and by following his sage counsels that I was able to decide upon a course of action which has assured our independence, and national unity, together with peaceful internal conditions and the respect of our sovereignty. (Foreign Affairs Record 1963)

More importantly, there was no political animosity in the and India relations. In fact, India, under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, was the first non-communist country that recognised and established diplomatic relations with, Heng Samrin regime when it was intentionally isolated in the 1980s following Vietnam’s invasion and subsequent occupation of Cambodia. On many occasions, Cambodian leaders, including the incumbent Prime Minister , have never forgotten to recall this friendly gesture India had made to Cambodia in time of its international legitimacy crisis (First Post 2018). Moreover, India’s association in the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements that brought about a political settlement is critical.

India’s Soft Power Promotion: Four Key Areas

The aforesaid positive perceptions of Indian cultural influences are, in turn, conducive for India’s soft power arrangement in Cambodia. Indeed, culture is one of the 3 Cs pillars in India’s Act East Policy (others being Connectivity and Commerce) aiming at developing better relations with countries in Southeast Asia. In general, India’s soft power promotion in Cambodia may be observed in four key areas which are as follows.

Firstly, by acknowledging the importance of cultural affinity,

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in the 1980s, the Indian government initiated the restoration project of the temples in . Currently, Indian government archaeologists have been working on a joint restoration project at Ta Prohm temple. In 2018, India signed an agreement with Cambodia to restore Preah Vihear temple, the 11th-century Hindu temple dedicated to god Shiva, at Preah Vihear province bordering Thailand. Most restoration projects are/were carried out by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI). India’s commitment to preserving cultural heritage in Cambodia is part of the broader cultural cooperation with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) including intensifying ‘efforts to preserving, protect and restore cultural and historical symbols and structures which are of mutual interest in reflecting the ASEAN-India cultural and historical connection’ (ASEAN Secretariat 2018). In this way, soft power can be promoted through archaeology.

Secondly, as a developing country, Cambodia needs human resource development and capacity building assistance. In this context, the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) plays an active role in enhancing cultural cooperation between Cambodia and India. Notably, it sent one full-time professor to chair the Buddhist and Sanskrit Studies at Preah Sihanouk Buddhist University (SBU) in Phnom Penh with the three- year renewable agreement and provided numerous scholarships and training to Cambodian students and officials to study in India. Annually, India offered more than twenty scholarships to Cambodian students under various programmes. India’s engagement in human resource development is also a part of its regional cooperation with ASEAN aiming at reducing the development gap in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam (CLMV) (Ministry of External Affairs 2012). Besides that, under Indian Technical

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and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) programmes, India also provides various training to Cambodian government officials and since 1981 about 1,500 Cambodian nationals have benefited from it (Embassy of India 2020).

Thirdly, India organised many cultural events to expose its soft power in Cambodia especially International Day of Yoga (IDY). Ancient India’s health and wellness method of Yoga is seen as part of cultural diplomacy with growing popularity in Southeast Asia in general and in Cambodia in particular. Further, India also invited classical troupes from Cambodia as well as other Southeast Asian countries to perform in New Delhi. To deepen the cultural and historical relationship, Cambodia and India again renewed the 2000 Executive Programme of Cultural Exchange for 2018-2022 (Ministry of External Affairs 2018).

Finally, Buddhist tourism is another factor in India’s soft power promotion. A promising sign for India’s soft power and cultural cooperation with Cambodia is that, as Cambodia is predominantly Buddhist, India is seen as the sacred land of Shakyamuni Buddha, the founder of Buddhism. India has already recognised this as a potential for religious tourism. To this end, India mulled easing visa for Cambodians to boost Buddhist tourism by providing up to the six-month duration of tourist visa with multiple entries. Consequently, the increasing number of Cambodian Buddhists goes on pilgrimages to various historical Buddhist sites in India every year. According to Indian Ambassador Manika Jain, estimated 15,000 Cambodian tourists visited India in 2016, including those who were on Buddhist pilgrimages, medical treatments and health check-ups (Vannak 2018). On the other hand, Angkor Archaeological Park being the world largest Hindu

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temple complex attracts a remarkable number of tourists from India every year. In 2017, according to the Cambodian Ministry of Tourism, 60,000 Indians visited Cambodia, a thirty per cent year-on-year increase (ibid.). Hence, it is a positive development for the tourism industry of both countries. At the same time, it bridges the gap between the two countries and people-to-people contacts increased. Through the closer people-to-people connectivity, India can also be further viewed positively by Cambodians, creating a consensus for better trade and political relations.

Enhancing India’s Soft Power through People-to-People Contact and Buddhism

However, soft power alone cannot lead to a comprehensive strategic partnership between India and Cambodia. More efforts are required in order to effectively utilise soft power to develop better relations between the two countries. India’s medium and long-term interests in Cambodia, should be focused on track two diplomacy and non-state actors. Increased people- to-people contact and exchange at academic and research levels will be important.

It is also important to mention that Cambodia is a Buddhist country where Buddhist monks are revered and vested with an important role in society. They are the strong proponents of Indian culture and traditions in Cambodia, particularly in the face of soft power competition from China. So, Buddhist monks can play a significant role in strengthening cultural relations between Cambodia and India and enhance the latter’s positive image. Thus, efforts should be made to increase interaction and engagement with Buddhist or monasteries in Cambodia. Monks and Wats are the two

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important institutions in Cambodian Buddhism. One option would be for India to help promote Buddhist studies in Cambodia by providing special scholarships for Buddhist monks to study in this field.

Further, it should encourage or sponsor the establishment of Centre/Institute for Indian Studies as a part of the Buddhist universities in Cambodia such as SBU or an independent institution in Cambodia. This initiative may be part of Indian relations with CLMV countries, Mekong-Ganga Cooperation (MGC), or India-ASEAN cultural cooperation.

Last but not least, India needs to do more in promoting Buddhist tourism in India. Hospitality initiatives like Atithi Devo Bhava or ‘guest is god’ should not be rhetorical but translated into real action which is an area of challenge. Moreover, exchanges of tourists will be expand further if the long-awaited proposal for a direct flight connecting the two capitals, New Delhi and Phnom Penh, could be concretised.

Conclusion In the absence of any historical evidence, the mythological ancestry of Cambodia’s linkage to India has clearly been a point of interest to the local communities in Cambodia. Over centuries Indian cultural elements have been modified and assimilated into Cambodian culture. All these cultural and historical values can be a significant tool of India’s soft power in Cambodia. The modification and adaptation of Indian cultural elements have also allowed a more easier absorption of Indian culture and a localization of that culture to amalgamate with the pre-existing local tradition and

While modification and adaptation of Indian cultural elements

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in Cambodia could be seen in the great Indian epics, Mahabharata Yudha, Reamker as well as Ko Samut Teuk Dos, it is important to remember that this influence has created the template for furthering the India Cambodia relations along two important dimensions: first, Cambodian cultural affinity to India creates the space for moving closer in bilateral ties especially in areas relating to cultural diplomacy and strengthening the core areas of people to people contacts. Secondly, in promoting a closer association with oe of the CLMV countries and further bringing Cambodia into a ASEAN’s socio-cultural community pillar, thereby reiterating India’s endorsement of the ASEAN’s three pillars.

The two thousand years of Indo-Khmer cultural and historical intercourses created a positive, peaceful image for India, which could bring tangible positive effects and has the potential to transform relations with Cambodia in the long run. India’s soft power promotion has been well received in Cambodia. A focused and clear cut emphasis on this area of the bilateral relations will remain one of the important aspects of the ties to build on.

References

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Notes

1. ‘Khmer’ and ‘Cambodian’ are used interchangeably in this article and in the general sense. ‘Khmer’ is the name of Cambodian people and also Cambodian language.

2. There are controversial views among scholars of Southeast Asia about the location of Suvarnabhumi. Cambodia, Thailand and Myanmar are the claimants of this ancient sacred name originated in India. However, the recent discovery of the Sanskrit inscription in Kampong Speu, Cambodia, dating to 633 CE, indicates that Suvarnbhumi was ruled by the Khmer King Isanavarman of the Chenla Empire. ‘The great King Isanavarman is full of glory and bravery,’ the inscription reads, ‘He is the King of Kings, who rules over Suvarnabhumi until the sea, which is the border, while the kings in the neighbouring states honour his order to their heads.’ It is the first time that the term Suvarnabhumi appears in the inscription. (Taing 2018)

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