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This article appeared in The Atlantic Monthly (February, 1990). It was subsequently expanded into an award winning book: Karen, R. (1994). Becoming attached: First relationships and how they shape our capacity to . New York: Oxford University Press.

BECOMING ATTACHED

BY ROBERT KAREN

The struggle to understand the - new combinations, and with debates r aging about bond ranks as one of the great quests of modern psy- the emotional needs of schoolchildren and the ad- chology-one that touches us deeply, because it holds vantages and disadvantages of day care, understand- so many clues to how we became who we are. I ing all this seems more urgent than ever. One group have a friend who does not want to be a father, be- of researchers and clinicians, known as attachment cause he fears he will be as emotionally stingy with theorists, claim that they've discovered some an- his child as his mother was with him. This dread, swers and are on the road to finding the rest. But that our character mirrors one of our ', is very although they've dazzled many of their peers, alter- common, and the terrible certainty some of us have ing some of our most basic attitudes toward early that we will re-enact the worst aspects of our up- , their contributions have frequently met bringing with our own children is not only wide- with skepticism, opposition, or rebuke. spread but seems distressingly well founded. The In 1958 reported a study that abused child does indeed often become the every student now learns of in Introductory Psych. child-abuser, and evidence suggests that many other Inspired by the pioneering work of the psychoana- behavioral and emotional tendencies are passed lyst Rene Spitz, who had shown that raised down through the generations. in foundling homes without handling or loving at- Theories to explain this unwanted inheritance are tention withered away and often died, Harlow, an plentiful. But scientifically verifiable explanations animal-learning theorist, devised an experiment with have been elusive. Indeed, until the past two decades rhesus monkeys. He took infant monkeys from their nothing could be said with scientific authority about shortly after birth and raised them with two almost any dimension of the mother-child bond, let surrogate "mothers" one made of wire mesh, the alone how aspects of relatedness, good or bad, are other covered with terry cloth. Either "mother" could transmitted. The multitude of voices confuses not be equipped with a feeding nipple. Even when the only parents but also the judges and government wire "mother" was the only one providing food, the agencies that make decisions about young lives. infant monkeys became more attached to the ter- ry-cloth "mother," cuddling it, running to it when What do children need, at a minimum, in order frightened, and using it as a base (or explorations. to feel that the world of people is a positive place The experiment appeared to disprove the assump- and that they themselves have value? What experi- tion, common among both Freudian and social ences in infancy will enable them to feel confident learning theorists, that infant attachment to mother is enough to explore, to develop healthy peer relations, mainly a function of feeding. To rhesus infants at to rebound from adversity? What custody or fos- least, warm contact seemed more important. ter-care arrangements will best serve their emotional needs if the should dissolve, and at what As persuasive as Harlow's study was, experi- point do we decide that a neglectful or abusive ments with monkeys can tell us nothing definitive mother is worse than a kind stranger? Which of us about human attachment. And given the restrictions are at risk of being parents who will raise insecure on what a researcher can do with human subjects, a children, and what can be done to minimize that more conclusive statement on the infant-mother risk? These are all questions of huge theoretical and bond seemed unlikely. practical interest. But a decade after Harlow began putting infant Today, with mothers spending less time at home, monkeys through a variety of extreme deprivations with falling apart and being reshaped in in order to capture the essentials of mothering, Mary The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached

Ainsworth, with much the same goal, was conduct- anxiously attached children were inconsistent, unre- ing experimental observations of human babies in a sponsive, or rejecting. The three patterns seen in Baltimore lab. Using a technique called the Strange laboratory observation proved directly related to the Situation, Ainsworth embarked upon a longitudinal way the babies were being raised. study of attachment during the infants' first year. In The importance of the was an approach that was extremely unusual at the time, not immediately apparent when Ainsworth's article researchers closely observed mothers and children in describing her research was published, in 1969. But their homes, paying careful attention to each her findings marked the beginning of a critical shift mother's style of responding to her infant in a num- in about infancy and child rearing, set in ber of fundamental areas: feeding, crying, cuddling, motion a prolonged debate that divides infancy re- eye contact, and smiling. At twelve months the in- searchers to this day, and signaled a revolution in fant and his mother taken to the lab and the infant the field of developmental -the branch of was observed as the mother was separated from him. psychology that studies the processes by which we During two intervals a stranger was in the room; progress from infancy to adulthood. Before Ains- during another the baby was alone. worth, numerous methods had been devised to Ainsworth spotted three distinct patterns in the measure conceptual and . babies' reactions. One group of infants protested or Many of them had been introduced by the Swiss cried on separation, but when the mother returned, , who showed the steps by they greeted her with pleasure, frequently stretching which a child's mind grasps the complexity of his out their arms to be picked up and molding to her world. But almost no procedures were available for body. They were relatively easy to console. Ains- assessing or measuring an infant's social and emo- worth labeled this group "securely attached." tional development - certainly none at this level of complexity. Although real-life experiences were She labeled the other two groups "insecurely" or widely assumed to shape personality, no one had "anxiously" attached. One group of anxious babies, been able to demonstrate exactly which experiences called "ambivalent," tended to be clingy from the mattered. Ainsworth, at a stroke, changed all that, beginning and afraid to explore the room on their and in subsequent research she and her followers own. They became terribly anxious and agitated laid siege to much of the received wisdom of the upon separation, often crying profusely. An ambiva- field, offering new explanations of how our inner lent baby typically sought contact with his mother world is developed and organized and what all this when she returned, but simultaneously arched away means in terms of security, personality, and future from her angrily, resisting all efforts to be soothed. relationships. The second group, called "avoidant," gave the In succeeding studies attachment researchers impression of independence. They explored the new found that without intervention or changes in family environment without using their mothers as a base, circumstances, attachment patterns (armed in in- and they didn't turn around to be certain of their fancy persist. At age two, insecurely attached chil- mothers' presence, as those labeled securely attached dren tend to lack self reliance and show little enthu- did. When the mother left, the avoidant infant didn't siasm for problem solving. At three and a half to seem affected. And on her return he snubbed or five years, according to their teachers, they are often avoided her. problem kids, with poor peer relations and little re- Without the painstaking observation that had silience. At six, they tend to display hopelessness in come before, Ainsworth's findings would have been response m imagined separations. Reliable, statisti- relatively insignificant, no more than a demonstra- cally verifiable information like this-about what in- tion chat babies reacted differently when separated fants need in order to feel secure and how they are from and reunited with their mothers. But because likely to feel and behave in later years if they don't Ainsworth's team had observed each of these get it-had never before been available. mother-child pairs for seventy-two hours over the Parents, too, were examined. , a for- prior year, they were able to make specific associa- mer student of Ainsworth's and now a professor at tions between the babies' attachment styles and the the University of California, Berkeley, found ;hut mothers' styles of . Mothers of securely the way parents remember and organize their own attached children were found to be more responsive childhood experiences is a powerful predictor of to the feeding signals and the crying of their infants, which attachment group their children will fall into. and to readily return the infant's smiles. Mothers of This was the first research bolt to show intergenera-

2 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached tional transmission of secure and insecure attach- The day-care issue has been the most explosive ment and to attempt to distinguish between (see "Babes in Day Care," by Ellen Ruppel Shell, who have retained the negative legacy of their child- August, 1988, Atlantic). Attachment-theory propo- hood and those who have worked through it. nents tend to see full-time day care in the first year as a risk, and Jay Belsky, an attachment researcher Questions about child-rearing that had only been at Pennsylvania State University, has voiced the speculated about could now be answered with concern that if you put your baby in substitute care greater authority. For years mothers had been for more than twenty hours a week, you are running warned against picking up their babies when they a serious risk of his becoming anxiously at- cried. It seemed contrary m nature and intuition, but tached-which could skew his subsequent efforts to behavioral theory asserted that picking up the child relate to the outside world. Such assertions, needless reinforced the crying, and if you did it enough you'd to say, have drawn heavy fire, and bristle with politi- have a monstrous crybaby on your hand. Attachment cal implications. research seems to have disproved this, at least as a general principle. In twenty years of Strange Situation research, stable middle-class American homes have consis- Ainsworth's central premise was that the respon- tently produced babies of whom about two thirds are sive mother provides a secure base. The infant needs securely attached and one third are insecurely at- to know that his primary caregiver is steady, de- tached. As these numbers suggest, being securely pendable, there for him. (Throughout this article, for attached hardly ensures that babies will grow up free simplicity's sake, I'll refer to the primary caregiver of neuroses or even of insecurities. It means only as the mother-though fathers and nonrelated adults that they have been given confidence that someone can also be primary caregivers-and I'll use the male will be there for them and that they are thus at least pronoun for the infant.) Fortified with the knowl- minimally capable of forming satisfying relation- edge of his mother's availability, the child is able to ships and of passing on that ability to their children. go forth and explore the world. Lacking it, he is in- But in unstable homes, where parents, often single, secure, and his exploratory behavior is stunted. This are under great stress, and where neglect or abuse is was an astonishing assertion in the behavior- more common, this minimal bulwark is often miss- ist-dominated atmosphere of the late 1960s, when ing and the numbers of insecure children swell. most experts warned against spoiling children with Larry Aber, the director of the Barnard Center for too much responsiveness. Toddler Development, at Columbia University, esti- Warm, sensitive care, Ainsworth insisted, does mates that of the 100,000 four-year-olds in New not create dependency; it liberates, and enables York City today, as many as half may be insecurely autonomy. "It's a good thing to give a baby and a attached. He believes that we need "dramatic pre- young child physical contact," she says, "especially ventive measures" to help these children and expects when they want it and seek it. It doesn't spoil them. that attachment research will make its most impor- It doesn't make them clingy. It doesn't make them tant clinical contribution in the search for such addicted to being held." measures. Other experts would reject both ends of this assertion. To many mothers, Ainsworth's prescriptions seem as natural as maternity itself. (Of course you The controversy adds urgency to the question of pick up your baby when he cries!) But as pleasing as whether attachment principles can be justly claimed it is to discover that psychology is catching up to to have scientific validity. Resistance has certainly intuition-finding that little children do indeed need been vigorous among classical analysts, behavior- nurturing and consistency, that the way you are with ists, and those who favor a genetic view. Jerome Ka- your baby will profoundly affect his personality de- gan, a developmental psychologist at Harvard, be- velopment, that what happens to him when he's little lieves that the Strange Situation is not a reliable will influence what he becomes later-it is equally measure, and thus that much of attachment thinking displeasing to encounter a body of evidence suggest- is flawed. "Ainsworth had a very small sample," Ka- ing that you yourself havens been or aren't or won't gan says; "it was restricted in variety; it's certainly be doing it right. , which seems not enough to build a theory on." Besides, he asks, implicitly to advocate a stay-at-home role for the can we really expect six minutes of reunion behavior mother, has thus provoked both rage and enchant- in an unfamiliar room to reveal an emotional history ment. between and child "comprising over a half-million minutes in the home"?

3 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached

Friendlier critics are concerned about a reduc- worth's Strange Situation put attachment theory on tionist tendency to assume that quality of attachment the map, by providing empirical evidence far a num- is all-important. They argue that other aspects of ber of conclusions that until then had only been intu- parenting, such as teaching, playing, and having fun, ited. She made the bridge from Piaget to Proud may go well even if attachment goes poorly. Others sturdy enough far half the field of developmental believe that in focusing so much on the primary psychology to traverse. "Our whole developmental caregiver, which usually means the mother, attach- approach was cognitive until she came along," ment theory has not paid adequate attention to the Brazelton says, referring to the pre-Ainsworth em- father's role. phasis on such functions as , memory, and abstraction. "She enabled psychology to look at the Nevertheless, leading psychoanalytically ori- emotional development of children in a reliable, ented infancy researchers, such as Daniel Stern and quantifiable way." Says Bowlby, "Her work has Stanley Greenspan, acknowledge that attachment been indispensable. It's difficult to know what might theory has filled in a piece of the puzzle. "Its too have happened otherwise." early to say how big a piece," Stern says, "but it's certainly a piece, and it's a nice piece." Psychothera- Ainsworth, now seventy-six, lives in semi-retire- pists are finding that familiarity with attachment ment in a suburban home near the University of Vir- concepts is helping them in their work with patients. ginia in Charlottesville, where she taught for many "My training in the attachment interview," says Ari- years. "The fact that the Strange Situation was not in ette Slade, of New York's City University, "has dra- the home environment, that it was in the lab, really matically changed the way I listen to how patients helped," she says with a laugh. "I only did it as an talk." And attachment concepts have increasingly adjunct to my naturalistic research, but it was the influenced the advice that baby doctors give both thing that everyone could accept somehow. It was so parents and lawmakers. T. Berry Brazelton, a famed demonstrable." Boston pediatrician who has popularized his own A bright - eyed whose short brown hair, brand of attachment theory, says, "My whole think- is streaked with white and blond, Ainsworth has a ing has been based on it." face that changes gently from intellectual delight to Attachment theory was itself born of three feisty engagement to shy vulnerability. In discussing unlikely parents: ethology, developmental psychol- her work she reveals bath pride and modesty, and an ogy, and psychoanalysis-disciplines that have not uncommon willingness to credit others. The pene- traditionally troubled themselves with on, another's trating gaze she trains en an interviewer is sugges- findings. But in 1951 the biologist Sir Julian Huxley tive of her years as a teacher and a clinician. began talking ethology to the British Although she never had children of her own, psychoanalyst who originated attachment theory. Ainsworth is the matriarch o( a far - flung but close - Huxley urged Bowlby to read , con- knit family of attachment researchers and theorists, sidered tire father of modern ethology particularly many of whom have been intellectually nurtured by Lorenz's work on imprinting in newborn goslings, a her since their graduate-school days and still sec her phenomenon by which the infant birds attach them- as a guiding force in their work. They, in turn, have selves to the first moving object they see. Bowlby helped make her one of the biggest names in devel- did so and became imprinted himself. opmental psychology since Piaget. Ainsworth is all Captivated by ethological ideas, Bowlby now but unknown to the public (and to many psychoana- had a biological basis for his belief that a child lysts and psychiatrists, who tend to be unfamiliar needs a reliable ongoing attachment to a primary with trends in ), and yet caregiver and that he suffers grievously, even irrepa- her fame in the world of infant development exceeds rably, if that attachment is interrupted or lost. He that of John Bowlby himself. developed the concept of "internal working models" "I've always said that if there were a Nobel Prize to describe how the infant's sense of self and other for this kind of thing, she would get it," says Alan unfolds through interactions with that primary care- Sroufe, of the Institute of at the giver. A brilliant synthesizer, Bowlby was the first University of Minnesota. "When I went to school, I theorist to exhaustively combine cognitive and emo- was taught that only behaviors were real, not rela- tional development, to build a bridge between tionships - they didn't exist. Ainsworth demonstrated Mahler and Freud. Having written the three-volume that there can be a psychology of relationships and work Attachment and Loss, he is the uncontested that relationships can be measured. That's why you father of the movement. But Mary Salter Ains-

4 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached get Nobel Prizes, isn't it?" sonnel selection during the Second World War. In 1946 she returned to the University of Toronto, The Search for a Theory of Relatedness where she and Blatz co-directed a team studying se- By 1950, when Ainsworth and Bowlby first met, curity in various aspects of life. She also began many researchers had grown dissatisfied with the training as a diagnostician during those years, and lack of attention paid by classical analysis to the in- later co-authored a volume on ink-blot technique fluences of relationships, especially in early life. If with Bruno Klopfer, the leading Rorschach inter- wasn't that Freud ignored relationships or failed to preter of the day. see that the way one was raised would influence Blessed with a quick mind and a keen eye, the one's emotional well-being. But after discarding his young psychologist was a brilliant and eager re- trauma (or "seduction") theory about the origin of searcher. But she had neither the hunger nor the dis- neurosis, he came to place more and more emphasis position of a scientist on the make. Although intel- on the unconscious workings of the individual psy- lectually tough, interpersonally she was often softer. che and the instincts or "drives" that motivate it. In 1950, when she married Len Ainsworth, who was Classical analysts retained this tight focus-often ig- younger than she and had recently completed his noring Freud's speculative thoughts in other direc- masters degree in psychology, she readily dropped tions-and in their writings the nature of the patient's her work in favor of his education. "It didn't seem relationships, past or present, often seemed inciden- like a good idea for Len to remain at the U of T for tal. his Ph.D. so we went to England. He got admitted to But Freud wasn't even in his grave before new University College, London, and I went along." schools of thought were generating new questions If Ainsworth did not have destiny writ large in about our first relationships and their lasting impact her features, the man who placed the help-wanted ad on us. Soon interpersonal and social theorists, that she answered in the London Times did. Bowlby family-systems theorists, and object-relations theo- had opinions, determination, and presence. Ains- rists (in psychoanalysis the unfortunate word object worth's four years with him and his small team usually means "person") were all struggling over the would alter the course of her career. She was taken relational ground left uncharted by the classical nor only with his ideas but also with his formidable Freudian model. and secure personality. "Hr. Made no bones about When, at sixteen, Ainsworth (then Mary Salter) the fact that he was single-handedly fighting the entered the University of Toronto, in 1929, she analytic establishment, that it pained him some, but quickly found that her first mentor, William Blatz, that he was convinced he was on the right track. It had his own ideas about relatedness. The subject was a long time before I felt any sense of getting matter of Blatz’s abnormal-psychology class con- close to him or being a friend. But I had no diffi- sisted almost entirely of his "security theory," and, culty whatsoever making him into a surrogate father troubled by insecurity herself, she was drawn to it. "I figure-even though he's not much older than I." was impressed with his idea that the child derives During that first interview Ainsworth and security from being near his parents," Ainsworth Bowlby discovered that their interests coincided to a says. "That security enables film to move out to ex- remarkable degree. It was the beginning of a profes- plore his world, to learn about it, and to acquire the sional that would prove as fruitful and en- skills to master what he encounters out there. I don't during as any in the . remember if he called that 'using the parent as a se- cure base from which to explore the world, but that Bowlby is how I finally came to phrase it." Seven years her senior, John Bowlby had already Ainsworth recalls Toronto's psychology depart- made a name for himself with the publication of ment as being imbued with a messianic feeling, one Forty - four Juvenile Thieves which noted the high that she quickly came to share, and retains to this proportion of delinquent boys who had suffered day: that the science of psychology could be used to early maternal separations. He was now at work on a improve the quality of human life fundamentally. report to the World Health Organization on the men- She became a psychology major, did her doctoral tal health of homeless children, who were a big dissertation on Blatz's security theory, and in 1939 problem in the postwar years. Published in 1951, became a lecturer at the university, before doing a Maternal Care and warned against three-year stint as an army major in charge of per- separating children front their mothers-even mothers

5 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached who were untidy and neglectful. It asserted that chil- the man in the moon who was bringing this boy. So dren suffering maternal deprivation are at increased this horrified me, to be quite frank. And from that risk for physical and mental illness, and that even a point onwards, my mission in life was to demon- clean, well-, and well-run institution-unless strate that real-lift experiences have a very important it somehow provided a true maternal substitute-was effect or, development." unlikely to save a small child from being irreversi- When a goose or a duck is born, it attaches itself bly damaged by the age of three. to the first moving object it sees. Almost invariably During the late thirties Bowlby was supervised that will be its mother; although if a human scientist in child treatment by , a brilliant and elbows his way inn) view first, the gosling or duck- original Vienna-born analyst and the inventor of ling will become hopelessly attached to him and fol- psychoanalytic therapy, who had won a large low him everywhere. Other instincts can similarly following in England after arriving there in 1926. be distorted, or fail to develop at all, depending tin One of the first avowed object-relations theorists what the young animal encounters or fails to en- and a giant in the field to this day, Klein is also re- counter in its environment. We know this and many membered by some for being eccentric, devious, and other facts about the bonding behavior of birds and nasty. mammals, thanks to the work of ethologists like Konrad Lorenz and Niko Tinbergen. While Ains- "I trained with the Kleinians," says Bowlby, worth was in London, Bowlby became, as he puts it, eighty-three, a soft-featured man with bushy white "addicted" to the work of these men. He immedi- eyebrows, thinning white hair, and a proper, some- ately sensed that human beings, too, must have such what detached upper-class bearing. "But I parted bonding behaviors and intergenerational cues, that company with them, because I held that real-life they, too, must be predisposed toward some sort of events-the way parents treat a child-are of key im- relational experience, and that with them, too, na- portance in determining development, and Melanie ture's intentions could go awry-as they obviously Klein would have none of it. The object relations had with that hyperactive boy-if the environment that she was talking about were entirely internal re- failed them. lationships"-that is, fantasy. "The notion that internal relationships reflect external relationships was to- "I mean, talk about eureka," he says. "They were tally missing from her thinking." brilliant, first-class scientists, brilliant observers, and studying family relationships in other species-rela- The very first case in which Klein supervised tionships which were obviously analogous with Bowlby, in the spring of 1938, set the tone. "I was those of human beings-and doing it so frightfully seeing a small hyperactive boy five days a week. He well. We were fumbling around in the dark; they was anxious, in and out of the room, all over the were already in brilliant sunshine." place. His mother used to bring him, and her job was to sit in the waiting room and take hum home again. In addition to suggesting improved strategies of She was an extremely anxious, distressed woman, investigation, ethology gave Bowlby an explanation: who was wringing her hands, in a very tense, un- separations from the mother are disastrous develop- happy state. But I was forbidden by Melanie Klein mentally because they thwart an instinctual need. to talk to this poor woman." Bowlby soon declared that clinging, sucking, and following are all part of the child's instinctual reper- In Bowlby's earlier work at the London Child toire, and that the goal of these behaviors is pre- Guidance Clinic, he says, "we were seeing parents cisely to keep the mother close by. He saw the as much as children and dealing, so far as we could, child's smile as a "social releaser" that elicits mater- with parents' emotional problems, an approach that nal care. And he abandoned the Freudian notion of has become widespread today. But Klein was a pur- drives, arising out of hidden forces like libido and ist and insisted that he see only the child. aggression, which accumulate within us and crave "Well, I found this a rather painful situation, discharge. Instead, Bowlby saw an array of innate really. After three months the news reached me that behavior patterns-relationship-seeking patterns like the mother had been taken to a mental hospital, smiling, babbling, looking, and listening-that are which didn't surprise me. And when I came to report enriched and developed by the responses they call this to Melanie Klein, her attitude was "What a nui- forth from the environment. sance-we shall have to find another case." The fact Bowlby proceeded to define a series of develop- that this poor woman had a breakdown was of no mental stages based on the maternal bond. During clinical interest to her whatever; it might have been

6 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached the first year the child is gradually able to display a to do so by studying separations in and disruptions complete range of "attachment behaviors," protest- of the parent-child relationship in the fire five years ing his mother's departure, greeting her return, cling- of life, "because I thought that was researchable." ing when frightened, following when able. Such ac- Such investigations became the focus of his little tions are instinctual and roared in the biological fact unit in the Tavistock Clinic. that proximity to one's mother is satisfying, because Ainsworth's responsibility in Bowlby's unit was it is essential to survival. The establishment, mainte- to analyze and make sense of an enormous quantity nance, and renewal of that proximity begets feelings of data that his people had collected, and to deter- of love, security, and joy. A lasting or untimely dis- mine the direction for future research. One of chose ruption brings on anxiety, grief, and depression. whose material she reviewed was James Robertson, Both Melanie Klein and Anna Freud, the rival a social worker who died recently, m the age of sev- doyennes of British psychoanalysis, found the ana- enty-seven. Robertson had been making detailed lytic-ethological concoction Bowlby was brewing observations of young children who were being sent distasteful, and they let their followers know it. Ana- m the hospital, where, in the early 1950s, parents lytic critics charged him with, among other things, were allowed only very limited visits. Robertson's gross simplification of psychological theory; assum- skillful observations captured the inconsolable ag- ing that all pathology results from disturbances of ony and despair these separations created. When the infant-mother bond (when it was well known psychiatric experts insisted that no such trauma that early medical and environmental traumas could could have occurred, Robertson was infuriated. Fie equally be at fault), and overlooking the infant's decided to buy a camera and film the thing. His har- ability to develop a negative concept of his mother rowing documentary, A Two Year Old Goes to Hos- on wholly irrational grounds-such as a failure to re- pital, about little Laura’s eight-day separation from lieve his suffering despite her best efforts, or the ar- her parents, was influential in changing hospital rival of a new sibling, which can bring forth intoler- practice to allow parents to make routine visits and able feelings of abandonment, rage, and guilt. The to stay the night with their hospitalized children. debate was bitter, even though the participants were "It was Jimmy's work I most admired," says largely in the same camp, all of them psychoanalysts Ainsworth, who spent many hours wrestling Robert- who accepted basic analytic principles. Even Rene son raw data into theory. "In studying separation he Spitz, whose work on institutionalized children got acquainted with the families before the child was Bowlby respectfully cited, joined the public scold- separated; he did observations of their behavior dur- ing. ing the separation, and followed them when they Bowlby did find some fellow analysts at least came home. And I made up my mind that whenever cordial to his views. Most closely kindred was D. I went elsewhere and could start a project, it would W. Winnicott, a pediatrician turned psychoanalyst be a study of this sort-direct observation in the natu- who had attained great stature as a theorist and was ral environment – that is what I did in Uganda.” also the British equivalent of Dr. Spock. Winnicott Ainsworth’s Home Studies too, had taken strong positions, some of them pre-dating Bowlby's on both the centrality of the In 1954 Ainsworth followed her husband to infant-mother bond and the critical importance of Uganda, where she launched one of the pioneering the quality of mothering. His ideological proximity, studies in modern infant research. With no lab, with although expressed in different language, gave meager institutional support, with no help in collect- Bowlby some comfort during this time. ing or analyzing the data, accompanied only by her interpreter, she rounded up twenty-eight unweaned But regardless of whether Bowlby's radical re- babies from several villages near Kampala and be- structuring of psychoanalytic concepts was correct, gan observing them in their homes, using the care- he had plainly found a hole in analytic theory. For ful, naturalistic techniques that Lorenz and Tinber- however closely attuned psychoanalysts had become gen had applied to goslings and stickleback fish. It in their practices to the impact of real life events and was a happy time for her. She loved doing research, the ways in which affect personal- and she loved the contact with babies, which her ity, their theories did not reflect it. In their writings own marriage had failed to produce. psychoanalyses still focused mainly on the individ- ual psyche and the workings of the unconscious in Ainsworth immediately felt that Bowlby had the average expectable environment. That was a big been right. A baby is not a passive-recipient creature gap, and Bowlby was determined to fill it. He chose

7 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached who becomes attached to his mother because she "Just take feeding. In the home environment I satisfies his needs. "These were very active babies. could see how a mother responded to infant signals The, went after what they wanted. I began to see when she had a lot of other demands on her time, certain behaviors that indicated that the baby was with the telephone and housekeeping and other kids. becoming attached, and I was able to list them in I saw one mother who was working very hard to put chronological order of appearance. There was, for her six-week-old baby on three meals a day-and she instance, the differential stopping of crying. The was breast-feeding at that! She would say, ‘I don't mother picked up the baby, the baby would stop cry- know wiry the baby's crying. He was fed ac seven ing, but if somebody else cried to pick him up at that o'clock this morning'-it now being after twelve. She point, he would continue m cry. Differential smiling. would pick it up and play with it very nicely for a Differential vocalizations. I began to see different while and then put it down, and it would cry again. situation, where attachment to the mother could be She would dangle a rattle, she would do this, do that, spotted; and you could differentiate an attachment she even gave it a bath one day to fill up the time till figure from some other person, even a familiar per- one o'clock, with the baby off and on screaming. son." You would never observe that type of thing in the lab." Ainsworth classified the twenty-eight Ganda ba- bies she saw as secure, insecure, or nonattached (a Ainsworth and her colleagues acted like friends, category she would later discard), and created some not furniture-talking, helping, holding the babies, crude scales to rate the degree of sensitivity and re- becoming part of the family-in order to encourage sponsiveness in the mother. These classifications the mothers to act naturally. "To have somebody and ratings would become much more refined in her there for an extended period of time just watching next project. and taking notes could be very tension - producing. Besides, I wanted m see whether the baby would For a third time Ainsworth changed countries to smile at us, whether he would cuddle when we follow her husband-this time to Baltimore, where, picked him up, and how the baby would behave with within a few weeks, a teaching and clinical job was us in comparison with the mother." She was excited patched together for her at Johns Hopkins Univer- to find that the behaviors she'd identified as attach- sity. Seven years passed before she managed to start ment behaviors in the Kampala infants were also her next longitudinal study, during which Lime she abundantly evident in Baltimore, suggesting that divorced her husband and began her own analysis. babies every, where speak the same attachment lan- The connection with Bowlby had grown thin, but guage. when he visited her in 1960, just as her marriage was dissolving, she presented him with the findings If Ainsworth had stopped there, she would have that she eventually published as Infancy in Uganda. produced another valuable pioneering study. But she This was the only major study done outside his own had a problem in making a certain critical compari- unit offering empirical support for his theory. In son between Ugandan and middle-class American terms of their relationship, Ainsworth says, "that babies. "I all along had this idea about a secure base. made all the difference." Once his most capable ad- It was so conspicuous with the Ganda babies. If the herent, she had become an equal colleague. In a few mother was there, the kid would roam all around the years she would be a partner. roam and explore things, looking back at her and maybe giving her a smile, but focusing most of his "What I hoped to do in the Baltimore study was attention on the environment. And just as soon as to replicate the Uganda research and make it more the mother got up to leave the room, the chances systematic. But now that 1'd done one study, there were the baby would shriek and absolutely stop any were specific things I was curious to observe; I was- kind of exploratory behavior. n't just letting the moving finger write on the blank slate anymore." "Now, the Ganda babies are used to having their mother with them all the rime. Whereas the Balti- Backed by a solid research grant, Ainsworth got more babies come and go, come and go, and they together a team of four observers to make 18 were much less likely to cry when their mother left four-hour home visits to each of twenty-six families. the room. So when they were happily exploring, it Other researchers had observed infant-mother inter- wasn't clear if it was because the mother was there action in the lab - in one case, a lab that was fitted or not." out to look just like a home. But to Ainsworth, a home in a lab was not the same as a real home.

8 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached

For Ainsworth, these questions brought to mind Ainsworth noticed that in the Strange Situation a paper she had read in 1943 called "Young Children these avoidant one-year-olds behaved like the older in an Insecure Situation," by Jean Arsenian, who had child who has had a long depriving separation and put babies into a playroom, some with their mothers comes home and ignores his mother. "Here were and others by themselves. "Arsenian didn't talk these kids who had never had a serious separation about exploratory behavior, but she made it quite behaving just that way." The avoidant response sug- clear that the ones brought in with their mothers gested that the infant and the older child were using could take a constructive interest in the environ- the same coping defense. Further, it implied that ment - while the others spent most of their time cry- Ainsworth had hit upon the thing that Bowlby had ing. I always remembered that only dreamed of-a procedure to assess the effects not of drastic separations and loss but of the every- "So I thought, all right, if you door see the secure day details of parenting. base phenomenon very clearly at home, that doesn't necessarily mean it doesn't exist. It could very well "I did not intend this as a way of assessing at- be different in a strange environment, such as Ar- tachment," she says, "but it certainly wound up as senian used. If I could bring the children into the that. We began to realize that it fit in with our im- university with their mothers, maybe I could see pressions after seventy-two hours of observation in how they used the mother to explore." Thus the an amazing way. But instead of seventy-two hours Strange Situation was born. New research by Harry of observation we could do a Strange Situation in Harlow, in which rhesus monkeys were able to ex- twenty minutes." plore a frightening new environment only when ac- In the history of psychology a great many proce- companied by their cloth "mothers," further con- dures had beer, devised for assessing individuals, firmed her thinking. and new ways of diagnosing, describing, and catego- "I thought, "We'll have the mother and baby to- rizing them were repeatedly being developed-but no gether in a strange environment with a lot of toys to one before had come up with a method of assessing invite exploration." Then we'll introduce a stranger relatedness. And no one before had found a way to when the mother's still there, and see how the baby assess haw styles of parenting contributed to indi- responds. Then we'll have a separation situation vidual differences. Through this ingenious project, where the mother leaves the baby with the stranger. capping years of research, Ainsworth had begun her How does the baby respond to the departure? And revolution. when the mother returns, how does the baby respond For the next twenty years Ainsworth would be to tire reunion? But since the stranger was in the occupied with the fallout from this work. Because room during the first departure, maybe we'd better she had made such a painstaking description of each have an episode in which the mother leaves the baby infant-mother pair, the statistical analyses took years entirely alone. Then we could see whether the return to work through. Meanwhile, she would be training of the stranger lessens whatever distress has oc- others to use the Strange Situation technique, super- curred. Finally, we'll have another reunion with the vising new research, writing, teaching, and serving mother. We devised this thing in half an hour." as the leader of a growing attachment community. Ainsworth divided the twenty-three babies who Of the Baltimore study Ainsworth now says, "It went through the first Strange Situation into three turned out to be everything that I hoped it would be, main groups and eight subgroups, and, to her amaze- and it has drawn together all the threads of my pro- ment, these categories have held up for twenty years fessional career. Each piece of data analysis we did, and through studies of thousands of children. with very few exceptions, had some sort of bang to it. It was always such a pleasure to find things work- "The thing that blew my mind was the avoidant ing out, and we had an awful lot of things work out." response." The avoidant children, who seemed indif- The constantly appearing evidence, meanwhile, con- ferent to their mothers' comings and goings, even to stituted more raw material for Bowlby's grand syn- the point of snubbing them on reunion-who looked thesizing machine. It was fed into the three volumes so extraordinarily independent-had appeared quite of his Attachment and Loss, which made their way insecure in the home. They had cried and .showed into publication from 1969 to 1982. more separation distress than the secure babies. And they turned out to have mothers whom the observers Years passed, however, before the importance of had rated as interfering, rejecting, or neglectful. what Ainsworth had done became apparent. The Baltimore study had been conducted from 1963

9 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached through 1967, but its findings did not begin to ap- support. Behavioral critics, as Bowlby puts it, were pear in published form until 1969, and Ainsworth's "clobbering her," much as conservative analysts had book, Patterns of Attachment, was not completed clobbered him. until 1978. The Strange Situation procedure could Staunch opponents of psychoanalysis and any not easily be learned from a manual; developmental- other theory that posits the existence of unconscious ists had to go through training to master it. The lon- processes or structures of the mind, behaviorists be- gitudinal studies that Ainsworth's students con- lieve that human actions are best understood in ducted, which supported and extended her work, did terms of environmental conditioning. Their studies not start seeing print until the late seventies. And had shown that if rewarded, a behavior increases in beyond all that, scientists are cautious, new ideas are frequency; if punished, it diminishes. Surely, if slow to catch on, and the attachment ideas turned Ainsworth's babies were crying or sitting quietly, out to be especially problematic for some, offending those behaviors must have been reinforced in similar reigning theorists and threatening others by calling circumstances, the children must have been respond- specific parenting styles into question. Even Bowlby ing to familiar cues from their mothers, and Ains- took Ainsworth's work in stride at first. As he him- worth must have misread her data. That infants may self eventually said, "I hadn't yet seen the payoff." have built-in needs for certain kinds of relatedness, The Payoff that they develop unconscious working models of self and other, which reflect in part how well their I got interested in the field because I went to her mothers tend to meet those needs, and that their be- lectures,” says Inge Bretherton who was havior reflects such internal considerations were A thirty-Four-year-old undergraduate, returning heresy in the American university of that time. to college after her children started elementary But the Strange Situation's value did not escape a school, when she first heard Ainsworth speak, at handful of infancy researchers, who saw that they Johns Hopkins, in 1969. "I thought, oh, here is had been given an extraordinary tool, a Rosetta somebody who's studying real children in real envi- stone of sorts, with which they could decipher the ronments. Almost nobody else was doing that at the traces of an infant's experience with his parents. time. Back then everybody was a behaviorist. You Once they could do that, all sorts of questions previ- couldn't talk about the inner life, so to speak, or the ously confined to theoretical speculation were sud- internal world. Not in developmental psychology. I denly accessible to empirical study. In the coming had gone to lectures in Cambridge where every time years would use the Strange Situa- the person talked about consciousness he made quo- tion - sporadically at first, then with greater fre- tation marks in the air. That was the sort of climate quency, and finally in a flood of empirical excite- in which all this developed." ment-to correlate attachment style with self-esteem, Bretherton, now a leading attachment scholar with cognitive abilities, with persistence in solving who teaches psychology at the University of Wis- problems, with peer relations, with romantic love, consin, was just one of many bright students Ains- with maternal depression, and with just about every- worth began attracting at that time, people who thing else that seemed relevant. The results would would carry attachment work with them to other range from inconclusive to contradictory to stun- universities throughout the seventies and eighties. ningly consistent. No one would be more prolific in applying Ainsworth's techniques than Sroufe. Everett Waters was an undergraduate chemistry major at Johns Hopkins when he met Ainsworth, in Sroufe, at forty-eight, is a soft-spoken and delib- 1971, and volunteered to help in her research. Wa- erate man with a commanding presence and a cru- ters, who now teaches at the State University of sading ardor for the principles he believes in. Articu- New York at Stony Brook, soon abandoned chemis- late, both in person and in print, he broke the ice for try and in 1972 entered the University of Minnesota. many developmentalists with his influential and There he met Alan Sroufe, a young assistant profes- widely reprinted 1977 article "Attachment as an or- sor. Sroufe was intrigued by what Waters told him ganizational construct," which was co-authored by about Ainsworth's work, and before long the univer- Waters. Sroufe's passion for Ainsworth's work de- sity was buzzing will attachment research. That rives partly from his own history of difficulties with Minnesota's Institute of Child Development, prestig- the research methods that preceded hers. ious and centrist, had gotten into attachment was "In the past," Sroufe explains, "developmental enormously helpful to Ainsworth, who needed the psychology thought there were two ways of doing

10 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached things you either counted discrete behaviors or you curely attached children were more sympathetic to did global ratings. The problem with discrete behav- the distress of their peers. More assertive about what iors is it takes a tremendous amount of observation they wanted, and more likely to be leaders. Similar to get anything that's worthwhile, and it's hard to findings persisted through elementary school age. know what they mean. To know that one mother Some of the most intriguing Minnesota material, picks up her kid more than another mother does, or much of it since confirmed by other studies, con- that one child talks to other children more than a cerned avoidant kids. They have proved far less able second child does-that may tell you something, but it to engage in fantasy play than securely attached probably doesn't." children, and when they have engaged in such play, Global ratings, on the other hand, allow an ob- it has more often been characterized by irresolvable server to use his own judgment: How sensitive is conflict. Children with histories of secure attach- this mother? How sociable is that child? "But," ment rend to be neither victims nor exploiters when Sroufe says, "global ratings have always had the placed in pairs, but avoidant kids often victimize reparation of being subjective and unreliable. People ocher insecurely attached children. Critics had can't agree. Well, Ainsworth's methodology is nei- claimed that infants labeled "avoidant" were simply ther of those. more independent, bur the fact that they grew up to be four-year-olds who sought contact with their "She has one scale called Cooperation and Inter- teachers at a greater rate than securely attached chil- ference. On the cooperative end the parents fit what dren suggested otherwise. That they were frequently they do to the child. They do things in a timely man- sullen or oppositional and not inclined to seek help ner, they do things when the child is open to them, when injured or disappointed, however, spoke they don't do things at cross-purposes to the child. poignantly of their avoidant patterns. On the other end, interfering, the parent is coming in doing things when the child isn't ready. Ainsworth According to Sroufe many teachers react with showed that mothers of babies who later are tragic consistency when dealing with the three types avoidant hold their babies as much as mothers of of children. They tend to treat securely attached chil- babies who later are secure. So if you just measure dren in matter-of-fact, age appropriate ways; to ex- frequency of holding you get no difference. But cuse and infantilize the clingier ambivalent children; there's one circumstance in which mothers of babies and to be controlling and angry with avoidant ones. who are later avoidant do not hold them, and that's "Whenever I see a teacher who looks as if she wants when the baby signals that it wanes m be held. So to pick a kid up by the shoulders and stuff him in the you could have counted a lot of holding and you trash," Sroufe says, "I know that kid had an avoidant would have gotten nothing." attachment history." Blessed with sophisticated facilities, a steady In following a sample of 180 children from poor flow of cash from funding agencies, their own nurs- homes, Sroufe and his colleague Byron Egeland ery on campus staffed by teachers trained to do their have found that nurses' ratings of the mothers' inter- ratings, fleets of observers when needed, and sum- est in their new babies accurately predicted future mer camps equipped with remote cameras, the Min- quality of attachment. They have also discovered nesota researchers have been able to follow various that a child's attachment classification can change, samples of children from different socioeconomic usually as a result of a major alteration in the strata, taking the initial attachment patterns de- mother's circumstances: for instance, a single scribed by Ainsworth and extending their implica- mother's forming a stable partnership with a new tions to later and later periods of life. man. That the first year's effects, though still as- sumed to be profound, are not necessarily indelible They have found that two-year-olds assessed as is a hopeful sign. secure at eighteen months were enthusiastic and per- sistent in solving easy tasks and effective in using The 180 Minnesota children are now heading mammal assistance when the casks became more into . "You couldn't name a federal pri- difficult. In contrast, their anxiously attached coun- ority that we can't access with the data coming Lip!" terparts tended to be frustrated and whiny. They Strafe says. "Drug abuse, delinquency, AIDS, teen- found that preschoolers who had been judged se- age mothers-we’ll be able to tell what their histories curely attached as infants were significantly more were and who was in the risk group." Needless to flexible, curious, socially competent, and self-reliant say, he expects security of attachment to be a princi- than their anxiously attached counterparts. The se- pal factor in predicting healthy functioning in the

11 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached teenage years. Insecurely attached children are believed to be relatively amenable to change throughout their early They Are Leaning Out for Love years. Avoidant children, for example, will seek at- If attachment theory is correct, the insecurely tachments with teachers and other adults, and if they attached child has developed a strategy for dealing are lucky, they will find a special person who will with his mother's unavailability or inconsistency. provide them with an alternative model of related- The ambivalent child (ambivalent children represent ness. Recent research has shown that if a child is about 10 percent of children from middle-class U.S. securely attached to his father (or to another secon- homes) is desperately trying to influence her. He is dary caregiver), that will be the greatest help in hooked by the fact that she does indeed come overcoming an insecure attachment to his mother. through on occasion. He picks up chat she will re- Even if it's only an aunt the child sees occasionally, spond sometimes perhaps out of guilt-if he pleads the knowledge that she cares will keep a different and makes a big enough fuss. And so he is con- quality of relatedness alive in him. Studies of resil- stantly trying to hold on to her or to punish her for iency indicate that a child's having had such a person being unavailable. He is wildly addicted to her and in his life can make an enormous difference in his to his efforts to make her change. ability to believe in himself and overcome adversity. The avoidant child (20 to 25 percent) takes the But the insecurely attached youngster often has opposite tack. He becomes angry and distant (even difficulty finding such an alternate attachment fig- though I: remains no less attached). His pleas for ure, because the strategies he has adopted for getting attention have been painfully rejected, and reaching along in the world tend to alienate him from the very out stems impossible. The child seems to say, "Who people who might otherwise be able to help. The needs you-I can do it on my own!" Indeed, some behavior of the insecurely attached child-whether parents unwittingly promote such grandiosity in the aggressive or cloying, all puffed up or easily deflat- child. If the mother can convince herself that her ed-often tries tire patience of peers and adults alike. child is vastly superior to other children, she has an It elicits reactions that repeatedly reconfirm the excuse for her lack of nurturing attention: This kid is child's distorted view of the world. People will never special, he barely needs me, he's been doing his own love me, they treat me like an irritation- they don't thing practically since he was born. trust me, and so on. In such cases the mother's lack of nurturance Even a mother who has sought therapy, who has likely has its own tragic reasons, often originating in found a stable mate, who has overcome distracting the neglect that she experience) when she herself financial problems-who is now able to be more nur- was young. Needs and longings that she has long turant-may have a hard time reaching the child who repressed make her angry, depressed, or disgusted has adopted such survival strategies. She may find it when she sees them in her child. hard, for example, to persuade him to give up his angry estrangement and be open to receiving love Meanwhile, if she, too, is somewhat grandiose, from her again; or to let go of the clinginess, the the idea of a superior kid, who has no needs, will guilt, and the power struggles, and trust that she has reinforce her own sense of superiority. This style of changed, that she will not neglect him this time, that nonrelatedness can thus pass down through the gen- he can let her be a separate person and she will still erations, along with values that conveniently support be there for his needs. Getting such a message it (“Our family believes in independence; we're not across requires the patience and consistency to per- namby-pambies”). sist until the child builds up a new set of expecta- Some of these patterns of anxious attachment tions, or, if you will, a revised internal working may he responsible for certain well-known maladap- model. tive syndromes. Bowlby believes dear avoidant at- Roger Kobak, a psychologist at the University of tachment lies u the heart of narcissistic personality Delaware, believes that distorted attachment patterns train, one of the predominant psychiatric concerns of grow out of the way the child learns to deal with our time, h may also he at work in the legions of negative feelings. A secure child is able to commu- people who achieve a rigid independence from their nicate negative feelings like anger, hurt, jealousy, families by becoming emotionally cut off, a pattern and resentment in a meaningful way. He can cry or first identified by the family theorist Murray Bowen. shout, fall silent, or say "I hate you," confident of a Other correlations are sure to emerge. sensitive response. The insecure child does not have this confidence. His mother, unable to handle her

12 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached own negative feelings, either becomes dismissive or middle of a movement, or sit for a time and stare off overreacts. As a result, his negative feelings are ei- into space. His reactions, unlike the strategies of ther walled off from his consciousness or revved up avoidant and ambivalent babies, seem to suggest the to the point where they overwhelm him. His ability collapse of strategy. to communicate his pain is gradually shrunken and When parents hear about all this, they may won- disoriented until it virtually demands misinterpreta- der, could I get a Strange Situation done on my kid? tion. And yet that by itself would be pointless. The as- Indeed, parents of insecurely attached children sessment was devised as a research tool, and its consistently misinterpret their behavior. "Parents power is based on percentages. Some infants who often think these anxiously attached kids don't love receive sensitive care look anxiously attached, and them," Sroufe says. "They think the kid's rejecting some who have neglectful parents look secure. them. The mothers of ambivalent kids think, "He Sroufe has been asked by courts to help settle cus- doesn't like me; he's just ornery", and so forth. Are tody cases by putting the child through a Strange you kidding? He doesn't like you? You are the cen- Situation with each of his parents, but he has stead- ter of the universe!" fastly refused, because a certain percentage of chil- dren will either be mislabeled or reveal patterns that Ideally, insecurely attached children need to be do not result from the predictable parenting styles. reached by adolescence, because it is in childhood that change is most easily accomplished without Structures of the Mind therapeutic intervention, when a steadfast parent or The attention given to the interpersonal strategies an available reach, can turn a child around. Sroufe and outlooks of young children inevitably raises the cites the example, from his work with preschoolers, question of how these mental constructs show up in of a child whose devious and hostile behavior, com- adults. In what form do early attachment patterns bined with a swaggering false confidence, alienated persist in our lives? If we can't watch adults' reunion his teachers. But when the teachers were instructed behavior, if we can't put adults in a lab and see them to confound his feelings of low self-esteem by refus- crying, crawling to their mothers, or allowing them- ing to reject him, and to seek out opportunities to be selves to be comforted, can we in some other way close to him, he gradually changed his behavior and access their internal working models? That is the formed a close bond with one of them. question that has occupied Mary Main, and she has For abused children, the problem of repair is come up with some ingenious answers. even thornier, because the messages they get and the Main began by examining the parents of securely working models of relatedness they develop are and anxiously attached children to see what correla- more confused. Pat Crittenden, a former student of tions she could find. She used a sample of mothers Ainsworth's and a psychologist at the University of and fathers of six-year-olds whose attachments had Miami who works with families under severe stress, been assessed ac twelve or eighteen months. In the says, "An abusing mother tends to be fairly coercive course of a cleverly devised and very demanding and demanding, even hostile, but to come across as sixty to ninety minute interview, which seems to almost sickly sweet. She is unlikely to scream and evoke in adults some of the .same feelings that the yell at her child. She is far more likely to paste a Strange Situation evokes in infants, she asked the smile on her face and with gritted teeth demand that parents to describe their childhoods and their impor- her child do something. The child then learns to as- tant relationships. She later analyzed the interview sociate a positive expression of feeling with a really transcripts (or variations in the ways they responded. negative experience. And so when he goes off to Four patterns emerged. school, or meets other members of his family, or maybe later meets a pact or a potential lover, he will One group, which Main labeled "autonomous," misinterpret positive expressions of feeling. He will easily remembered early experiences with their par- assume that people who appear to be nice are being ents and clearly saw them as telling. They seemed coercive." self-reliant, objective, and able to incorporate pain- ful memories into their discussion. Main was confi- Abused children have typically been found to dent drat these adults either had had secure attach- fall within a fourth attachment category, called ments as children or had somehow been able to re- "disorganized." A child in this category seeks prox- work insecurely models in order to achieve a more imity with his mother in distorted ways. He may ap- balanced and realistic view of what it means to re- proach her backwards, or freeze suddenly in the

13 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached late to others. To the extent that their childhood ex- it is one thing to talk about internal structures of the perience was bad. They were able to acknowledge it mind-especially the mind of an infant, who has fen' and had insights about its effects. In some cases they or no words-and quite another to investigate them could understand and forgive then parents. Their empirically. This difference represents a second as- children were for the most part securely attached. pect of the attachment revolution. A second group, which Main described as The Temperament Debate "dismissive of early attachments," tended to be in- To many developmentalists and to many others different to their deepest feelings about relation- who have heard about attachment principles through ships. They remembered little of their childhood popular authors, one of the attractions of the mate- bonds and offered idealized portraits of their par- riel has been how commonsensical it is. It seems ents. "'hen probed, however, dray recalled incidents only right that our curliest relationships became a that contradicted this perfection, with details chat part of us, and that something like an internal work- suggested parental neglect or rejection. These de- ing model accounts for the types of relationships we tached adults typically presented themselves as develop later in life. strong and independent, but they were in many ways reminiscent of avoidant children, still unable to (ace "It's intuitively pleasing, that's what's getting in the reality of their early disappointments and hurt. the way," says Jerome Kagan, one of Ainsworth's The majority of their children showed an avoidant most consistent antagonists. "Because it makes in- attachment pattern. tuitive sense, people are assuming its right. But most of the time intuition is wrong. I mean, intuitively the The third group, which Main labeled sun goes around the earth, right? Intuitively the earth "preoccupied with early attachments," came across is flat, right? Why is psychology the least advanced as somewhat confused and incoherent about their science? Because our intuitions aren't very good." relational past. During the interview they tended to became flooded with intense negative memories, Kagan, an influential psychologist at Harvard which brought forth feelings of anger and depend- University who eschews ideological labels ("I'm part ency chat they could not easily manage. The child- of the reasonable school"), is the author of The Na- hood struggle with their parents, and their ongoing ture of the Child, which casts a critical eye on such efforts to please them, seemed palpably present. popular assumptions as "a mother's love for her in- Their children tended to display an ambivalent at- fant is necessary for the child's future mental health" tachment pattern. or "the events of infancy seriously influence the fu- ture mood .d and behavior of the adolescent." His A fourth group of adults corresponds fairly con- position on attachment is complicated, because he sistently with the fourth "disorganized"-group of attacks it from several directions, and his objections children. Adults in the fourth category are typically are not always compatible, though he argues them found to be suffering from unresolved childhood all with great verve and authority. traumas, such as physical abuse or the loss of a par- ent. Kagan first of all believes that too much atten- tion is paid to early experience. Children, he argues, Main has found that her assessment of adults even after suffering extreme loss, are far more resil- corresponds to the attachment classification of their ient than we tend to think. He cites studies of teen- children 76 percent of the time. Another study has agers who experienced deprivation when very young found a match-up of 85 percent. The work of Main and rebounded handsomely in adolescence. and her students on the transmission of attachment patterns may bring us closer to understanding the According to Kagan, the commotion about at- process by which our parents become a part of us- It tachment is mainly a sign of contemporary mores. helps explain why we seem to go though life mad- "In the forties and fifties the children now called se- deningly constrained to one of four roles mother, curely attached were called overprotected, and that father, self with mother, self with father-in our rela- was a bad thing. My view is, if you're attached, you tionships with others. are motivated to adopt the values of your parents. If your parent values autonomy, you'll be autonomous; Psychoanalysis has a rich body of concepts con- if your parent values dependency, you'll be depend- cerning just this process, and attachment theorists ent. Because most American parents in this histori- sometimes seem to be reinventing this psychoana- cal moment value autonomy, their attached children lytic wheel. If so, it is a wheel with a difference. For are autonomous."

14 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached

Kagan argues that some of the children whom been raised separately-seems to have convincingly Ainsworth has labeled securely attached become established that a great many of what we think of as upset when left alone in the Strange Situation not personality traits are inherited. There seems to be a because they're securely attached but because they're genetic predisposition toward shyness or sociability, unable to deal with uncertainty. They've been toward thrill-seeking or placidity, toward easygoing- trained for dependency, and are showing the ill ef- ness or irritability. But whether you trust others or fects of this training. not, whether you anticipate love or rejection, whether you feel good about yourself as a per- Similarly, Kagan believes that many children son-are these things inherited? No, Ainsworth says. who have been classified as avoidant in the Strange These are not inherited traits, they are learned; and Situation have simply been trained to control their although subject to change, they are initially deter- fearful responses. They learn such control not be- mined by the sensitivity and reliability of the care cause they've been ill treated but because control is you received in your first years. Although Sroufe something their parents value. He further charges goes so far as to contest that any baby is inherently that attachment theorists have placed too much em- difficult, some attachment theorists will now ac- phasis on security-that is something they value-and knowledge that at the extreme fringes of tempera- are not attentive enough to the advantages that our ment, which are what Kagan tends to study, anxious society confers on those able to handle adversity. attachment may indeed have some genetic basis. But Thus a parent rated as insensitive on Ainsworth's generally they believe it is far more likely that tem- scales might actually be giving a child superior perament alters the style of a secure or insecure pat- training for the modern world. tern, not the pattern itself. Needless to say, such interpretations challenge In a study by Jay Belsky, mothers' evalua- the very core of attachment theory that consistent tions of their infants' temperament at three months availability and warmth yields autonomous children. and nine months bore no correlation to the infants' They also run counter to many of Sroufe's empirical attachment patterns at twelve months. Sroufe, in an- findings. other study, identified new mothers who were de- A researcher who investigates inborn tempera- pressed and unresponsive, and evaluated their ba- ment, Kagan in any case plays down the long-term bies. "We could show-really clearly-deterioration in impact of parenting, for he strongly believes that those kids. They looked pretty good at three months, genes contribute to much of what we become. He but at six months they didn't look so good. About cites studies that indicate that children who are as- half of them were anxiously attached at twelve sessed as irritable shortly alter birth are likely to be months, and all of them were at eighteen months. classified as anxious a year later. He insists that We're talking a serious downhill slide. What are you many children classified as avoidant appear indiffer- going to say? The baby was born a downhill slider?" ent to their mothers' comings and goings not because One of the charged issues tucked into the tem- they they've given up hope of getting anything from perament debate is the blaming and defending of their mothers but because they are better able to han- mothers. Attachment theorists are careful to point dle stress. Compared with their counterparts who out that attachment isn't everything-an insensitive have been labeled secure or ambivalent (with equal caregiver is not the only road to psychopathology. injustice, according to Kagan), the so-called Nevertheless, the emphasis placed on attachment avoidant children are simply constitutionally less classifications, and the assumption that those classi- fearful. He remains unmoved by Minnesota studies fications reflect maternal sensitivity exclusively, can showing that the heart rate of an avoidant child goes give the impression that all psychiatric sorrows ema- way up when the mother leaves the room and way nate from bad mothering. At this point in its evolu- up again when she returns, even as the child's behav- tion attachment theory does not seem to account ior remains calm, data that seem to suggest that the adequately for the poor mother-infant fit; the mother avoidant child is indeed angrily estranged. Kagan who has a hard time relating to the infant hot does argues that heart-rate acceleration in such situations come alive to the toddler; or the baby who, because may be a function of temperament and says he has he is extremely irritable or aggressive, because he is unpublished data to suggest just that. not as smiley and responsive as some, or because he Other developmentalists similarly favor a genetic is constitutionally unable to take much pleasure in approach, and in recent years an eruption of new the attachment relationship, may require an unusual research-much of it on identical twins who have degree of sensitivity and patience. A mother who

15 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached might be fine with the average baby may not have the National Institute of Child Health and Human the emotional wherewithal to handle a baby closer to Development, pointed out in a controversial 1984 the temperamental fringe. Studies of mothers with critique, Ainsworth was not able to get perfect reli- children in more than one attachment category seem ability checks on all observers in the home situations to support this idea in certain cases. The mother's (were they definitely measuring the same thing?). difficulty with a particular child may also owe much No videotapes were available for review. Also, ex- to her life circumstances, such as receiving inade- cept for research in Germany by Klaus and Karin quate emotional support from either her husband or Grossmann, Ainsworth's study has rarely been repli- society as a whole. And it may be complicated by cated, which is quite surprising when one considers unnecessary self-blame. In all such cases, attributing the skyscraper of research and theoretical conclu- anxious attachment simply to maternal insensitivity sions that is balancing on this small base. In every would be both unscientific and unfair. study that begins by assessing infants in a Strange Situation at twelve or eighteen months and continues Stephen Suomi, Harlow's successor at the Uni- to evaluate those children for years afterward, as- versity of Wisconsin, now at the National Institute sumptions are being made about the style of the par- of Child Health and Human Development, has been enting each child has received, and conclusions are working on the interaction between temperament being drawn about the effect that style has had on and attachment in rhesus monkeys (he's actually every aspect of the child's life. But the parenting it- done modified Strange Situations on them). Suomi self is almost never assessed. It is only inferred from has found that heredity seems to determine whether the infant's Strange Situation classification. That in- a rhesus monkey will be socially forward or retiring, ference is possible mainly because of Ainsworth's and that excessive timidity in and of itself can lead twenty-three Baltimore families. If her study is to problems in relationships. But these are only ten- flawed and the correlations it demonstrated arc open dencies, he says. A nurturant mother-in some cases to question, the whole attachment edifice begins to it may have to be an exceptionally nurturant wobble. mother-can erase temperamental deficits. Ainsworth is not insensitive to this and would Some of the temperament findings are being like to see more replications. But longitudinal stud- slowly absorbed into attachment thinking. But ge- ies of that magnitude take time, money, and im- netic determinism continues to irk Ainsworth. mense effort. Young workers prefer breaking new "Those who claim that it's all in the genes say that ground to tilling the old. Although Ainsworth be- the way the baby is handled in the first years of life lieves that much has been established in partial rep- doesn't really matter a damn. That's a trend I de- lication, the question lingers. plore. You just have to observe abusing mothers with their children over time, as my friend Pat Crit- Attachment and Modern Living tenden does, and you'll see-it sure has an effect. It Meanwhile the field has been transformed. In the doesn't necessarily mean the child is going to abuse past twenty years infants and mothers have been ob- his own children, although a lot of them do, but it served as never before, with some researchers using certainly makes it very difficult for them to have film and doing frame-by-frame analyses. Such work normal, satisfactory interpersonal relationships." has tended both to bolster and to spread attachment Even at this level the temperament debate may ideas, partly because it has demonstrated a level of never be completely settled. For it can always be attunement and communication between mother and said, no matter how abysmal the mother's parenting infant that was not perceived before. style or how dysfunctional the child, drat a miser- The groundbreaking work bribe psychoanalyst able mother has simply passed on her miserable Margaret Mahler on the process of separation and genes. And as Ainsworth says, "There's no way of individuation in infancy has also stimulated new winning that argument." At the current stage of re- thinking about the early bond. Like Ainsworth, search a lot depends on whose statistics and judg- Mahler made pioneering observations of mothers ment you trust and what makes the most sense. A lot and children, but, probably because she was more a also depends on how much faith you have in Ains- wise observer than true scientist - neither employing worth's seminal study of a quarter century ago. a rigorous methodology nor generating testable hy- Ainsworth's study was not unimpeachable. As potheses - her impact has been more limited. Very her former student Michael Lamb, now the chief of influential in psychoanalysis, which has always re- the Section on Social and Emotional Development at lied on informed speculation, her concepts have

16 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached made few inroads in developmental psychology, interest if he just has a chance to explore. Stimula- which favors scientifically testable assumptions. tion is something you do to somebody else. Its ex- perience the child needs." The Strange Situation, in contrast, has proved to be the great enabler of further studies-indeed, the Where Ainsworth's message has been heard, it most widely employed assessment tool of its kind. has helped to refocus child-rearing debates away Today attachment research is, to use Ainsworth's from argue over specific techniques and toward the word, "zooming," each month, it seems, bringing more comprehensive issue of sensitivity. Questions fresh evidence of the importance of quality of at- like whether to breast-feed or bottle-feed or at what tachment in our lives. Both research psychologists age to introduce solid foods, though still important, (who work in academia) and clinicians (the social no longer carry the same urgency. Attachment the- workers, psychologists, and psychiatrists who treat ory suggests that babies thrive emotionally because patients) are drawn to the theory because attachment of the overall quality of the care they've experi- does something that is rare in psychology: it com- enced, not because of specific techniques. A bot- bines the pleasures of testable hypotheses with the tle-fed baby whose mother is sensitively attuned will prospect of changing the world do better than a breast-fed baby whose mother is mechanical and distant. “I really do think that this work has great rele- vance to the well-bring and happiness of mankind," Ainsworth has been accused by some feminists Ainsworth says. "It sounds corny, and I don't go of being out of couch with what they see as current around shouting it from the rooftops, but that's life-styles, because she is skeptical about the viabil- what's, behind the whole thing as far as I'm con- ity of working motherhood. But she contends that cerned." it's the children who are out of touch, by perhaps millions of years, for that is when our evolutionary There is something simple and life-affirming in adaptations were forming - including adaptations the attachment message-that the only thing your that may have made proximity to the primary care- child needs in order to thrive emotionally is your giver a cornerstone of secure development. "It's very emotional availability and responsiveness. You don't hard to become a sensitively responsive mother if need to be rich or smart or talented or funny; you you're away from your child ten hours a day," she just have to be there, in both senses of the phrase. To says. `It really is." your chill, none of the rest matters, except inasmuch as it enables you to give of yourself. What's more, But unlike Bowlby, who strongly believes in you don't have to be an outstanding mother, just-in full-time care giving, who contends that women are Winnicott's famous phrase-a "good enough" mother. best equipped biologically to play this role, and who would like to see a campaign equivalent to the At- The pressures on people to think otherwise, how- torney General's crusade against smoking to con- ever, arc relentless, especially in an urban environ- vince parents that day care a bad for their babies, ment where whether you get your child into the right Ainsworth admits the possibility that supplemental nursery school can seem more important than how mothering could be arranged without harm to the he experiences your love. The "superbaby" phe- child. "From the point of view of the child's general nomenon, which encourages parents to believe that welfare, the mother should be pretty consistently what kids really need is to have their IQs juiced up available. That doesn't mean she has to be there with a rigorous program of infant stimulation, is em- every moment, can never go out, never have any- blematic of those pressures. body else look after the child, or anything like that. "I done think it's healthy," Ainsworth says, "to But fairly consistently available. Women's - lib peo- be at the child too much, to have him taste this, and ple have been finding it comfortable to assume that smell that, and feel this, trying to enrich all aspects it doesn't matter what you do and that a woman of his life. It's too much, it's intrusive. The normal owes it to herself to work and do what fulfills her. kind of interaction that takes place in doe course of People who focus primarily on the welfare of chil- routines, where there is some conversation and smil- dren tend to ignore what suits the mother. But it's ing back and forth and perhaps a little play, or in really a matter of how do we adjust these two things. periods that are consciously devoted to play-I think Had I myself had the children I longed for, I like to that is what the infant needs in the way of stimula- believe I could have arrived at some satisfactory tion. That doesn't mean the child's interest in other combination of mothering and a career, but I do not things shouldn't be encouraged, but he'll have that believe that there is any universal, easy, ready-made solution."

17 The Atlantic Monthly Becoming Attached

As for currently available day care, the research have come around. "Fortunately," he says dryly, "I itself is still in its infancy, and Ainsworth prefers not come from a long-lived family." to comment. We don't know how the quality of day He was fortunate, too, to find a partner who was care affects attachment outcomes, how many kids able to put some of the central features of his theory are really at risk, how the risk differs at different to the test and then mobilize much of developmental ages, or whether (to state the case at its most ex- psychology to follow in her footsteps. He looks back treme) a mother who stays home bored and resentful now on his four decades of collaboration with Ains- is better than one who comes home happy and ful- worth with pleasure, gratitude, and perhaps a touch filled. of guilt about her long comparative obscurity. Important, too, are the larger societal trends of Despite her own prominence with many who which day care is only a part. Ainsworth sees the barely know Bowlby's work, to Ainsworth he re- pressures and penchants of modern life pushing us mains the senior partner. That they have not been toward anxious attachment, with the unhappy conse- riven by the jealousies and competitiveness that quences of psychological distress, discordant rela- have destroyed so many other scientific enterprises tionships, and weakening social ties. "People used to may have something to do with her supportive femi- have more leisure, more time for fun, for sociability. ninity, a trait that men like Bowlby thrive on. "I Now everybody's too busy to be sociable. It's sad." think that women on the whole are much readier to Economic and social conditions in many West- take the lead from a male mentor than the other way ern countries tend to force both parents to work, to around," she says. penalize those who put their careers on hold for sev- To her students, Ainsworth remains a formidable eral years, and to give little support to parents, work- and dominating presence, capable of a no-nonsense ing or not. Traditional societies, as Bowlby stresses, approach to the work and hardly self-effacing in her often enjoyed an abundance of secondary attach- views. But the relationship with Bowlby suggests a ment figures. Families were stationary, interdepend- more self-doubting side. "I was pretty insecure as a ent, and surrounded by relatives, from grandmothers child, and I suppose I never really let it go," Ains- to adolescent aunts, who all pitched in with baby worth says. "If a paper was turned back with a se- care. While this way of life may be irrevocably lost, vere criticism or a grant proposal was turned down compensations could be developed. We could make as having no value, I would immediately think, well, it easier for mothers and fathers to take time off maybe I'm just no good; maybe there isn't anything from work for infant care, train teachers to deal con- at all to this thing I value so much." It seems fitting structively with anxious attachment styles, put addi- that Bowlby, who appears blissfully unfamiliar with tional adults in classrooms to allow for the supple- the experience of self-doubt, did the grand synthesis. mental connections that seem to benefit kids who While Ainsworth was the one to clarify the origins are anxiously attached to their mothers, and provide of the more commonplace insecurities that haunt us. greater support to families. Needless to say, we are ages away from making such commitments. That she is entering the spotlight now – with ma- jor awards and guest lectureships-both pleases and The Partnership embarrasses her. Unlike Bowlby, who holds the You have to think decades,” says Bowlby, who light as if he were born to it, she doesn't seem at sees the struggle for a more child-centered society as home. "It sounds corny and modest," she says with a requiring a huge scientific and civic campaign akin touch of urgency. "But it's the ideas I've been so en- to the one that abolished polio. "We now have ample thusiastic about and so eager to put forward, not my- evidence that certain types of experience in child- self. You ask whether it took a lot of patience to do hood are risk factors. Plainly there is every reason to those longitudinal studies. Well, yeah, it takes pa- abolish those risk factors if we can." tience; I don't think there are any useful shortcuts. But it never felt that way to me, because I find the If Bowlby has not yet won a consensus on this firsthand details so awfully interesting. The data col- point, he has at least had the satisfaction of seeing lections for those longitudinal studies ware among many of his once heretical views widely accepted. the most interesting things I've ever been into in me His is now an indisputably major name in the field, life." and in the past few years he has received the honors and accolades accorded to significant innovators. III private conversations even some former detractors

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